The Swiss Press

[“Neue Rheinische Zeitung”
No. 197 of 17 January 1849
#* Bern, 11 January. The political press of Switzerland unfolds a greater activity with every year. Besides some twenty literary periodicals, there are now 98 political newspapers in the 22 cantons. But one must not picture these papers as newspapers in large format, like the German or, still less, the French ones. They are little sheets—all, with the exception of a few Vaud papers, appearing only on a half-sheet and in quarto format—of which scarcely a dozen appear daily, some five times, most three times, and some only once a week, and which, with few exceptions, are wretchedly managed and written. Naturally, how can significant journalistic talents develop on the cramped soil of the local cantonal conditions and in the extremely pettifogging polemic that is alone possible here, and what genuine talent would allow itself to be restricted to these tiny conditions and to the space of a quarto sheet three times a week!

The best quality of the Swiss press is its insolence. In the public papers here, people say things to one another and quite unceremoniously make such brazen personal attacks that a Rhineland prosecutor, who holds Article 367¹ of the Code pénal² sacred, would not last three days in such a country.

But that is all there is. If one abstracts from this disregard, which is, moreover, exploited without any wit, there remains almost nothing but the most cringing servility towards the repulsive narrow-mindednesses of a small people, still fragmented in its smallness and boundlessly inflated—antediluvian Alpine herdsmen, pig-headed peasants, and filthy philistines. That a newspaper in large countries guides itself according to its party, that it admits nothing contrary to the party’s interest, is comprehensible; that does little harm to the freedom of discussion, because every tendency, even the most advanced, has its organs. But in the restricted conditions of Switzerland, the parties themselves are restricted, and the press is just as restricted as the parties. Hence the narrow-minded points of view from which everything proceeds, hence the lack of all organs for tendencies which, though advanced, have long been on the order of the day even in Germany, hence the fear, even of the most radical, of deviating by so much as a tittle from the narrow-minded party programme, which is directed only towards the very nearest things, and even of attacking the most narrow-minded of Swiss-national narrow-mindednesses. A patriarchal lynch justice would instantly punish the blasphemer against the national sanctuary. What else would the honest Swiss have his fists for?

This is the average state of the Swiss press. Above this average stand the better organs of French-speaking Switzerland and of Berne; below it, the great mass of the East Swiss journals.

Let us begin with the press of the Swiss capital. In Berne a certain centralisation of the Swiss press is already developing. The press of the canton is already centralised here and is beginning to draw a certain metropolitan influence to itself.

The reactionary, or, as it is called here, the aristocratic party has for its chief organ the “Schweizerischer Beobachter” [Swiss Observer]³, the Moniteur of the Swiss officers in foreign service, as the “Berner Zeitung” [Berne News]¹² rightly calls it. This cleanly little sheet (three times a week) praises the heroic deeds of the Swiss Croats in Italy, attacks the Radicals with the filthiest weapons, defends the military capitulations¹³, bootlicks the patricians, sings the praises of Radetzky and Windischgrätz, defends the murder of Robert Blum, slanders the revolution in all countries, and denounces the refugees to the government. The noble paper has, properly speaking, no editor at all; it is cobbled together from all kinds of submissions and marginal glosses by idle sons of patricians and hunters of seats on the municipal council. At its side worthily stands the “Intelligenzblatt”, an organ in which, in the front part, one finds only advertisements, and in the back, the commendation of pietism and of the patrician profiteering from the civic property. “Die Biene” [The Bee] is supposed to represent the “Charivari”¹⁵ of this party. But since, nowadays, the patrician gentlemen have more reason to weep than to laugh, the wit of this “Biene” turns out frightfully dull and lame.

The moderate or liberal party, the party of Ochsenbein, is served above all by the “Berner Verfassungs-Freund” [Berne Constitutional Friend]¹⁶ as its organ. This paper, edited by Dr and former Professor Karl Herzog, passes quite directly as Ochsenbein’s semi-official journal. Edited with a certain routine, but without any talent whatsoever, it restricts itself to the apologetics of the acts of the government and the Federal Council, insofar as these emanate from Ochsenbein’s party. In the eastern cantons, especially the original cantons, it is, naturally, frightfully liberal, and, on the occasion of foreign policy, it sometimes lets loose a resounding fanfare in order to smuggle through the most colourless neutrality under the tone of bellicosity. A more or less obscure “Bundeszeitung” navigates approximately the same waters, as does the French-language paper “La Suisse”, edited in bad French by the Piedmontese Bassi. Less directly linked to the government than the “Verfassungs-Freund”, it no less burns incense before the governing liberal majority and, with great persistence but little success, attacks the revolutionary press of French Switzerland, namely the “Nouvelliste Vaudois”¹⁷. It behaves more decently on the Italian question, in which its editor is directly involved. – These three papers appear daily.

The radical party has the most organs. At its head stands the “Berner Zeitung” under the general direction of the advocate, vice-president of the Great Council and member of the Council of States, Niggeler. It is the organ of the decidedly radical party of the German-speaking part of the canton, represented in the Government Council by the director of finance, Stämpfli. Implementation of democracy in the legislation and administration of the canton, where a great deal of old rubbish remains to be cleared away, the greatest possible centralisation of the whole of Switzerland, abandonment of the policy of neutrality at the next opportunity—these are the main principles according to which this paper is edited.

The notabilities of Berne radicalism collaborate on it, and it must therefore not astonish one that the “Berner Zeitung” is the best-edited paper in the canton, indeed in the whole of German Switzerland. If the editors and contributors could write quite freely, it would be considerably better still; the one and indivisible Helvetic Republic¹⁸, and that with a very reddish colouring, would come to light; but that simply will not do at present, the party does not yet tolerate it. Alongside the “Berner Zeitung”, likewise daily since 1 January, appears “L’Helvétie fédérale”²⁰, the continuation of the earlier “Helvétie”, which appeared in Pruntrut in the Jura, the organ of the Jurassic Radicals and their chief, Colonel and government councillor Stockmar. The old “Helvétie” came out decidedly red; the new one does as well, indeed more decidedly so.

The “Schweizer Zeitung” (formerly “Der Freie Schweizer” [The Free Swiss]) likewise represents radicalism, but the exclusively bourgeois kind, and therefore confines itself entirely to the demand for such economic reforms as are advantageous to the ruling, propertied class. In other respects, however, this paper, too, is beyond the usual Swiss cantonal narrow-mindednesses (neutrality, cantonal sovereignty, etc.). Besides these three daily papers, Berne radicalism also possesses a humorous paper, indeed the only good one in Switzerland, Jenni’s “Gukkasten”[*]²¹. The “Gukkasten” (once a week) restricts itself solely to Swiss, and especially Berne cantonal, interests, but precisely thereby has succeeded in becoming a power in the state, which contributed its fair share to the fall of the Neuhaus government and which is now again seeing to it that the Ochsenbein party does not remain at the helm too long. The unsparing wit with which Jenni strives to strip the nimbus of popularity from every ruling personality, down to Ochsenbein himself, drew upon him under Neuhaus countless lawsuits and chicaneries, and later threatening letters and brutalities, but all in vain; and still the high gentlemen of Berne look forward with great uneasiness to each new Saturday issue of the “Gukkasten”. When Blum was shot, the “Gukkasten” carried as its weekly drawing a block with an axe, surrounded by a mass of broken crowns, with the caption: “The only help.” When the solid citizens of Berne were horrified by this, there followed the next week a lamp-post with a crown hung upon it and the inscriptions: “Suaviter in modo, fortiter in re – to the shades of Messenhauser!”²²

The “Seeländer Anzeiger”, published by the National Councillor and Great Councillor J. A. Weingart, until the New Year was the sole representative of socialism. The “Seeländer Anzeiger” preaches a strange mixture of sentiment- and charity-socialism dissolving in tears, and red revolution. The former for the canton of Berne, the latter as soon as it speaks of foreign countries. As regards the form, this weekly appearing paper is one of the worst-edited in the canton. For the rest, Herr Weingart, in spite of his Christian, soft-hearted effusions of the soul, is in politics a supporter of the most decided radicalism.

Since the New Year the “Seeländer Anzeiger” has acquired a competitor in the likewise once-weekly appearing “Unabhängige” [Independent], which has set itself the admittedly somewhat thankless task of finding, in the conditions of the canton of Berne and Switzerland in general, starting-points for the propaganda of the first principles of socialism, and of proposing measures for the redress of at least the crudest evils. At any rate, this little paper is the only one in the whole of Switzerland that has taken the right path to gain ground for its tendency in this country; and if its chances of success stand in proportion to the fury it has already aroused in the high and highest authorities, its prospects are not so bad.

Of the papers appearing outside the city, I shall mention only one: the “Evolution”¹⁸, as the leader of the free corps, Becker, has now renamed his “Revolution”. This, the most decided of all the papers appearing in Switzerland, appeals solely and exclusively to a new European revolution and seeks to win fighters for it in its circle. In return, it is abhorred by the quiet citizens and, apart from the German refugees in Switzerland, Besançon, and Alsace, finds few readers.

In a forthcoming article I shall examine the non-Bernese press more closely¹⁹.

Written by Friedrich Engels.

Montesquieu LVI.

[“Neue Rheinische Zeitung”
No. 201 of 21 January 1849]

* Cologne, 20 January. The “honourable” Joseph Dumont causes an anonymous writer, who is not paid by him but pays him, and who works over the electors below the line, to direct the following apostrophe at the *Neue Rheinische Zeitung*:

The “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”, the organ of democracy, has taken pleasure in noticing the articles published in this paper under the title “To the Original Electors” and in describing them as borrowed from the “Neue Preußische Zeitung”.

To this lie simply the declaration that these articles are paid for as advertisements, that they, with the exception of the first, which is taken from the parliamentary correspondence, were written in Cologne, and that their author has to this day not even seen, let alone read, the “Neue Preußische Zeitung”.[1221]

We comprehend what importance it has for Montesquieu LVI. to establish his property. We equally comprehend how important for Herr Dumont is the declaration that he is “paid”, even for the leaflets and advertisements he has set, printed and distributed in the interest of his own class, the bourgeoisie.

As for the anonymous writer, he knows the French proverb: “Les beaux esprits se rencontrent.”¹ It is not his fault if his very own intellectual products resemble those of the “Neue Preußische Zeitung” and the “Preußenvereine” like one egg another to the point of confusion.

We have never read his advertisements in the “Kölnische Zeitung”, but only gave a fleeting glance to the leaflets emerging from Dumont’s printing-press, which were sent to us from left and right,

but now find by comparison that the same scraps of paper play their role simultaneously as advertisement and leaflet.

To atone for our offence against the anonymous Montesquieu LVI., we have imposed upon ourselves the harsh penance of reading through all his advertisements in the “Kölnische Zeitung” and exposing his intellectual private property as “common property” to the German public.

Here is wisdom!

Montesquieu LVI. occupies himself predominantly with the social question. He has found the “easiest, simplest way” to its solution and extols his Morrison’s pill² with the most unctuous, naively impudent quack pathos:

“The easiest, simplest way to this” (namely, to the solution of the social question) “is to accept the constitution octroyée of 5 December last year, to revise it, then to have it sworn to from all sides and thus to fix it. That is the only way leading to our salvation. – Therefore, whoever bears a heart in his bosom for the distress of his poor brothers, whoever wants to feed the hungry and clothe the naked, … whoever, in a word, wants to solve the social question … – let him elect no one who speaks out against the constitution.”[1222] (Montesquieu LVI.)

Vote for Brandenburg-Manteuffel-Ladenberg, and the social question is solved in the “simplest” and “easiest way”! Vote for Dumont, Camphausen, Wittgenstein, or even for the dii minorum gentium³ like Compes, Mevissen and the like – and the social question is solved. The “social question” for one vote! Whoever “wants to feed the hungry and clothe the naked”, let him vote for the Hansemanns and Stupps! For each vote one social question less! The acceptance of the constitution octroyée – voilà la solution du problème social!⁴

We do not doubt for a moment that not only Montesquieu LVI., but also his patrons in the citizens’ association will not wait for the acceptance, revision, swearing-in and fixing of the octroyed constitution before “feeding the hungry and clothing the naked”. Moreover, arrangements have already been made for this.

For some weeks circulars have been flying about here in which the master artisans, shopkeepers, etc., are informed by the capitalists that, in view of present circumstances and the reawakening of credit, for philanthropic reasons the interest rate is being raised from 4 to 5 per cent. First solution of the social question!

The local municipal council has, in the same spirit, drawn up the “labourer’s card” for the unfortunates who must starve – or sell their arms to the city (see No. 187 of the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”!). It will be remembered that in this charter octroyée to the workers, the worker who has become breadless is contractually obliged to place himself under police supervision. Second solution of the social question!

In Cologne, shortly after the March days, the municipal council endowed a soup kitchen at cost prices, well appointed, with splendid heated rooms, etc. After the granting of the octroyed constitution, this establishment was replaced by another, subordinate to the poor-relief administration, where there is no heating, the eating utensils are missing, where it is not allowed to consume the food on the spot, but a quart of a nameless broth is sold at 8 pfennigs. Third solution of the social question!

In Vienna, during their rule, the workers guarded the bank, the houses and the riches of the bourgeoisie who had fled. On their return, the same bourgeoisie denounced these “robbers” to Windischgrätz to be hanged. The unemployed who approached the municipal council were packed off into the army against Hungary. Fourth solution of the social question!

In Breslau, the municipal council and the government calmly threw the wretched, who had to seek refuge in the poorhouse, into the arms of cholera by depriving them of the most physically indispensable means of subsistence, and only took note of the victims of their cruel charity when the epidemic threatened themselves. Fifth solution of the social question!

In the Berlin association “with God for King and Fatherland”, a friend of the octroyed constitution declared it was vexing that one still had to pay compliments to the “proletariat” in order to push through one’s interests and intentions.

That is the solution of the “solution of the social question”.

“The Prussian spies are so dangerous precisely because they are never paid, but always hope to be paid,” says our friend Heine. And the Prussian bourgeoisie are so dangerous precisely because they never pay, but always promise to pay.

The English and French bourgeoisie let such an election day cost them heavy money. Their bribery manoeuvres are world-famous. The Prussian bourgeoisie, “they are the cleverest of folk”! Much too moral and solid to draw their purse, they pay with the “solution of the social question”. That costs nothing! Yet Montesquieu LVI. at least pays, as

Dumont officially assures us, the advertisement fees to the “Kölnische Zeitung” and throws in the solution of the “social questions” – gratis.

The practical part of the petits oeuvres⁵ of our Montesquieu thus consists in: Vote for Brandenburg-Manteuffel-Ladenberg! Elect Camphausen-Hansemann! Send us to Berlin, let our people first establish themselves there! That is the solution of the social question!

The immortal Hansemann has solved these questions. First, the restoration of order, in order to restore credit. Then, as in the year 1844, when “help should and had to be given to my dear Silesian weavers”, powder and lead to solve the “social question”!

Vote, therefore, for friends of the octroyed constitution!

But Montesquieu LVI. only accepts the octroyed constitution in order subsequently to be able to “revise” and “swear to” it.

Most excellent Montesquieu! Once you have accepted the constitution, you will only revise it on its own basis, i.e., revise it insofar as it pleases the king and the second chamber composed of cabbage-Junkers, financial barons, high officials and clergy. This sole possible revision is already prudently indicated in the octroyed constitution itself. It consists in the abandonment of the constitutional system and in the restoration of the old Christian-Germanic system of estates.

That is the revision which, after the acceptance of the octroyed constitution, is solely possible and solely permitted, something that cannot have escaped the acumen of a Montesquieu.

The practical part of the petits oeuvres of Montesquieu LVI. thus amounts to: Vote for Hansemann-Camphausen! Vote for Dumont-Stupp. Vote for Brandenburg-Manteuffel! Accept the octroyed constitution! Elect electors who accept the octroyed constitution – and all this under the pretext of solving “the social question”.

What the devil does the pretext matter to us, when it is a question of the octroyed constitution.

But our Montesquieu has naturally prefixed a theoretical part to his practical instruction for solving “the social question”, the real point of his gigantic work. Let us examine this theoretical part.

The profound thinker first explains what the “social questions” are.

“What, then, really is the social question? 

¹ “Fine wits meet.” –² Laxative. –³ The lesser gods. –⁴ That is the solution of the social question! –⁵ Minor works.