London, 19 February 1892 

Dear August, 

First of all, my heartfelt congratulations on your birthday and many 
HAPPY RETURNS OF THE Day, aS they say over here; likewise on your 25th 
anniversary in Parliament and/or your silver wedding with parlia- 
mentarianism, which falls due very shortly. Well, you could 
hardly have chosen a better time to show the chaps what an asset you 
are to them, and it gave us over here a great deal of pleasure. 

Things are really coming to a head in Germany, indeed must have 
gone pretty far if the National Liberals *'* repeatedly evince strong 
oppositional tendencies and Richter can dream of a German ‘great 
Liberal Party’.*!? A capitalist society which has not yet subordinated 
the state to itself formally which has left real government in the hands 
of an hereditary, monarchical-bureaucratic-Junker caste and must 
rest content if, by and large, its own interests nevertheless ultimately 
prevail — such a society, as situated in Germany, fluctuates between 
two tendencies — firstly the alliance of all official and propertied so- 
cial classes against the proletariat; this tendency ultimately leads to 
the formation of the ‘one reactionary mass’ °?? and, if things go 
smoothly, will ultimately retain the upper hand. Secondly there is 
a tendency which is for ever reviving the old conflict, cravenly left un- 
resolved, between the monarchy with its absolutist throw-backs, the 
landed aristocracy and the bureaucracy, which deems itself above all 
party, and, in opposition to all these, the industrial bourgeoisie whose 
material interests are impinged upon daily and hourly by the above 
outmoded elements. Which of these two tendencies will momentarily 
prevail will be determined by personal, local, etc., contingencies. Just 
now in Germany, the second would seem to be gaining the ascend- 
ancy, in which case the industrial magnates a /a Stumm and the share- 
holders of industrial concerns will, of course, mainly side with out- 
moded reaction. However, this pale reflection of the old conflict of 
1848, now resuscitated for the umpteenth time, can become serious 
only if the government and the landed aristocracy, presuming on 

their past successes, do something quite crazy. Not that I regard this 
as out of the question, since the curious personal aspirations up on 
high are lent support by the growing conviction of the Junkers that 
industry will not long be capable of sustaining the tariffs on raw mate- 
rials and foodstuffs. But the lengths to which this conflict will be taken 
depends, as I have said, on personal contingencies. 

One of its characteristic features is the time-honoured practice of 
belabouring the load in place of (or rather along with) the donkey. 
They belabour Social-Democracy but at the same time bring down 
a shower of blows on the bourgeoisie, politically at first, by attacking 
the liberal principles it has ostentatiously flaunted for the past 60 
years and its dzrect if negligeable share in the administration; and la- 
ter, if all goes well, also economically, by sacrificing its interests to 
those of landed property. 

So a strong swing to the Right would now appear to be in progress, 
having for pretext the necessity of keeping back our advance. In what 
way can it affect us? 

1. Anti-Socialist Law !!? We overcame that and to do so now, 
when we are morally 100° and materially at least 50% stronger 
than on | October 1890, would be child’s play. Nor would it be very 
likely to secure a majority. 

2. Reactionary amendments to the laws against the press, associa- 
tion and assembly? Would be unacceptable to the Centre and im- 
possible without it. To form a majority with 93 Conservatives of both 
factions and 42 National Liberals would require 66 men of the 
Centre. If they went over, that would be the end of the Centre—a 
not unsatisfactory result. That and the colossal fury such retrograde 
measures would evoke in the people would more than compensate for 
the coercion we should have to endure. 

3. Restriction of the suffrage and of the secret ballot? Completely 
out of the question so far as the Centre is concerned; the Clericals 
aren’t so stupid as to cut their own throats. And without the Centre 
they would again be short of some 60 or 70 votes. 

4. Coups d’état? No good because of the princes. Any infringement 
of the Constitution would threaten the Empire with dissolution, and 
release individual princes from all obligations thereto. And even if 
they could all be won over in such a case (which would never happen), 
the assent of their immediate heirs — most of them minors! — would 

 The Anti- Socialist Law was valid until 1 October 1890. 

be necessary to ensure the stability of the Empire. Out of the ques- 
tion, therefore. 

5. Thus the only remaining possibility would seem to lie in increas- 
ingly rigorous administrative, police and legal measures, as foresha- 
dowed in the outrageous sentence passed on Peus.*?° But we shall 
survive them and will soon learn to organise ourselves accordingly. 
They might even go one better and declare an ordinary state of emer- 
gency, but this would constitute a hazard only in the first few weeks; 
later on it would automatically fall into desuetude, quite apart from 
the fact that it could only be proclaimed for this or that part of the 
Empire; moreover the bourgeois would also tire of it, and thus per- 
haps be driven still further into opposition. 

So unless our Prussian masters hit on other inventions of quite 
a new and brilliant kind — as it were intellectual and moral machine 
guns and Maxims — they may be able to harass us, but will always do 
us more good than harm. A bit of undisguised Junker rule would do 
no harm! But I’m rather afraid our chaps may not have enough back- 
bone; ambitions and to spare but insufficient staying-power, for the 
spirit is willing but the flesh is weak. The sad thing about Germany is 
that both sides, Junkers no less than bourgeoisie, are so deplorably su- 
pine. 

Last night I read with real delight the anti-Stumm speech you 
made on Friday 12 February *?'; it was a splendid piece of improvi- 
sation and one can see how successful it was. I also look forward im- 
mensely to reading the military speech which came today.*?? 

We were very pleased by your announcement that you would be 
here round about the 10th or 11th of April— everything is ready for 
you and, should Schorlemmer turn up, we can accommodate him as 
well; that has been seen to. You are pretty sure to be given lobster 
mayonnaise again after the letter Louise got from you today; I had al- 
ready hatched a little plan of my own to that end, though this will 
presumably no longer be needed. But / shall assume responsibility for 
the oysters and likewise for the choice of drinks. Luckily Louise revels 
in these two delicacies just as much as you and I do and, on such 
a basis, agreement can always be reached. That she is a witch she is 
herself aware and is not a little proud of the fact for, or so she says, in 
Vienna all witches are attractive. And, between you and me, I don’t 
believe that, were she not a witch, you and I would get on so well 
with her. 

Now as regards Otto Wigand, I can only repeat that, until the 

completion of Volume III of Capital, I cannot take on anything that 
might involve me in work. As it is, I am held back quite enough by the 
letters that daily come pouring in from all over the world and by 
other current business, so I do beg you to let me get this load off my 
shoulders at long last, thereby regaining some liberty of action. And 
I have just got to a section which, if I am to finish it, demands that 
I have a few months completely free of interruptions. If Dietz cares to 
discuss the matter personally with Wigand,* w2thout in any way commit- 
ting me, then let him, if he thinks anything is to be gained thereby. He 
can say he has reason to believe that I think he, Dietz, has better sales 
facilities for a new edition than Wigand, and that I am inclined to en- 
trust publication to him, Dietz, provided he can come to an agree- 
ment with Wigand. Only I cannot 1. declare myself committed in ad- 
vance by anything Dietz may say to Wigand, nor can 1, 2. send him 
to Wigand as my representative. Semi-officially but not officially! He 
should sound him out and, if the terms suit ham (and are such as to 
leave me, i.e. for party purposes, a fee commensurate with the cir- 
cumstances), should go ahead, in which case I should certainly not 
leave him in the lurch. But I don’t want to find myself between two 
stools —i.e. an unwilling Wigand and a hamstrung Dietz! 

It’s a real joy to know that things are livening up again. Who can 
tell whether, with passions running so high, your Reichstag and the 
French Chamber won’t both be dissolved? And what could be better 
for us? What I fail to understand, however, is that now, when really 
decisive battles are being fought in the Reichstag, Liebknecht should 
remain squatting in his Dresden froggery.” I myself would be willing 
to sacrifice ten Saxon mandates for the right to say a word in the 
Reichstag just now. 

Anyway, who can tell whether we aren’t both being accused in 
more timorous party circles of having spoken out of turn and con- 
jured up the threat of reactionary measures? That my article in the 
Neue Zeit© found its mark is evident from the obstinate silence of the 
bourgeois and ministerial press which otherwise is so ready to attack 
anything like that. It has since appeared in Italian, Polish and Ro- 
manian and in Italy has involved me in a polemic with that benign 
old jackass Bovio.* 

Unfortunately I shall not be able to reply to Mrs Julie’s kind letter 

* See this volume, pp. 345-46.-° in the Saxon Landtag-° F. Engels, ‘Socialism in Ger- 
many’.-* See this volume, p. 354.-° Bebel 

today, having spent the whole of this morning in conference with Ave- 
ling, sorting out his translation of Entwicklung des Sozialismus* and, 
if this letter is to reach you on Monday, it will have to be sent off to- 
day, Saturday. However, I shall make good the omission at the first 
opportunity and in the meantime can only repeat how much we re- 
gret we shan’t be seeing her here also. Well, it’s something we can still 
look forward to. 
Warm regards, 

Your 
F.E.