London, 15 February 1886

Dear Bebel,

Your letter could not have arrived at a more opportune moment; I was in any case about to send you some further gladsome news today — of which more below.

Now as to the rumpus on the 8th inst. *

Despite publicity to the contrary, the Socta, Democratic FEDERATION is an exceedingly weak organisation which comprises some good elements but is led by literary and political adventurers who, by a stroke of genius, had brought it to the very verge of dissolution on the occasion of the November elections. # At the time, Hyndman (pronounc- ed Heindman), head of the society, had accepted money from the Tories (Conservatives) and used it to put up Social Democratic candidates in two London boroughs. Since they had not a single adher- ent in either constituency, the consequent débacle might have been foreseen (one of them got 27 and the other 32 votes, each out of

a possible 4-5,000!). But hardly had Hyndman touched the Tories’ money than his head began to swell inordinately, and he departed forthwith for Birmingham where he called on Chamberlain, now England, to barely 1,000 votes) if he, Chamberlain, would secure him, Hyndman, a constituency in Birmingham with the help of the Liberals, and also introduce an Eight Hours’ Bill. Chamberlain, being no fool, showed him the door. Despite all attempts to hush up the matter, there was a great rumpus about it in the Federation, and dissolution was imminent. So something had to be done to get things going again.

In the meantime unemployment was steadily rising. As a result of the collapse of Britain’s monopoly of the world market, a state of crisis has persisted uninterruptedly since 1878 and is growing worse rather than better. Poverty, particularly in London’s East End, is appalling. The winter which, since January, has been exceptionally severe, combined with the abysmal indifference of the propertied classes, has giv- en rise to great unrest among the mass of the unemployed. As always, political wire-pullers have sought to exploit that unrest for their own ends. The Conservatives, recently deprived of office, °*? blamed unemployment on foreign competition (rightly) and foreign protective tariffs (for the most part wrongly), and advocated ‘Fair TRADE’, i. €. retaliatory tariffs. There is also a labour organisation which is predominantly in favour of such tariffs. °+* This last called the meeting of the 8th inst. in Trafalgar Square. Meanwhile the Socrat Democratic Feperation had not been idle; having already demonstrated in a minor way, they now sought to take advantage of the aforementioned meeting. Thus two meetings took place, that of the reta- liatory tariffs men, round Nelson’s Column, the other addressed by the Sociat Democratic Feperation men from a street next to the Na. TIONAL GALLERY, some 25 feet above the north side of the square. Kautsky was present °°°; he left before the rampus began and told me that practically all the genuine working men attended the other meeting, while Hyndman & Co. had a mixed audience who were out for a lark, and in some cases were already half seas over. If this was evident to Kautsky who has been here barely a year, it must have been even more so to the gentlemen of the Federation. Nevertheless, when things seemed to be already subsiding, they put into practice an idea long cherished by Hyndman, namely a procession of ‘unemployed’ along Pall Mall, the street of the great political, aristocratic and

ultra-capitalist clubs which are the hubs of political intrigue in Britain. The unemployed who followed them to another meeting in Hyde Park were mostly of the kind who do not wish to work — barrow-boys, idlers, police spies and rogues. Jeered at by the aristocrats from the club windows, they smashed the latter, likewise shop windows, and looted wineshops, the better to set up an impromptu consumers’ club in the street so that, once in Hyde Park, Hyndman and Co. had hastily to swallow their bloodthirsty slogans and preach moderation. But by now the thing had gathered momentum. During the procession and this further little meeting as well as after it, most of the lumpen proletariat Hyndman had taken for unemployed poured along several of the grander streets nearby, looting jewellers’ and other shops, and using the loaves of bread and legs of mutton thus looted solely for the purpose of smashing windows until eventually they scattered without encountering any resistance. Only a few stragglers were dispersed in Oxford Street by four (sic!) policemen.

Otherwise the police were nowhere to be seen, and so conspicuous were they by their absence that it was not only we who believed it to have been intentional. Evidently the chiefs of police are Conservatives and not averse to seeing a bit of a rumpus in these days of Liberal rule. However, the government immediately set up a Committee of Inquiry and this may cost more than one of these gentry his position.

In addition, very half-hearted proceedings have been instituted against Hyndman & Co. which, to all appearances, will be allowed to peter out, although English law provides for very stiff sentences the moment inflammatory speeches give way to overt acts. True, the gentlemen talked a lot of bunkum about social revolution which, having regard to their audience and in the absence of any organised support amongst the masses, was sheer lunacy, but I can hardly believe that the government would be so stupid as to make martyrs of them. These socialist gents are determined to conjure up overnight a movement which, here as elsewhere, necessarily calls for years of work,— though, once it has got going and has been imposed on the masses by historical events, it will admittedly advance far more rapidly here than on the Continent. But men of this type cannot wait— hence these childish pranks such as we are otherwise wont to see only among the anarchists.

The alarm of the philistines lasted four days and has now finally abated. One good thing about it is that the existence of poverty, which the Liberals simply denied and the Conservatives tried to ex-

ploit solely for their own ends, has now come to be recognised, and people see that something has got to be done, if only for appearances’ sake. But the subscription fund started by the Lorpv Mayor amounted, by Saturday, * to barely £ 20,000 °** and, given the number of unemployed, would barely last out 2 days! But of one thing at least we have again received proof: Until something happens to frighten them, the propertied classes are totally indifferent to the destitution of the masses and I’m not at all sure they don’t need rather more of a-fright.

‘Now for France. Last week saw an event of an epoch-making kind, namely the constitution of a workers’ party in the Chamber. It has only three members, and two Radicals besides, 42° but a start has been made and the split is definitive.

Basly (pronounced Bali), a miner and then a landlord (because disciplined) from Anzin, carried out an investigation on the spot of the killing of the infamous pit manager Watrin in Decazeville. #5 On his return, he first communicated his findings to a big meeting held on the 7th in Paris, in the course of which the Radicals from the Chamber came off very badly.” On Thursday in the Chamber he made a really splendid speech when he questioned the Ministry.° He was left in the lurch by the whole of the extreme Left. The only ones to speak in support of him were the two other working men, Boyer (of Marseilles, ex-anarchist) and Camélinat (ex-Proudhonist, Gommunard refugee), besides which he was applauded by Clovis Hugues and ‘Planteau, while the other extreme Radicals were as if thunderstruck by this first bold, independent move on the part of the French proletariat in the Chamber.

(Between ourselves, Basly is completely under the influence of our men, Lafargue, Guesde, etc., of whose theoretical advice he is greatly in need and which he gladly accepts.)

I am sending you the Crt du Peuple with a full account of this histor-

ic sitting which I suggest you study. It’s well worth the trouble. ‘The importance of the rupture has been confirmed by Longuet who has just been over here and who, as Clemenceau’s friend and felloweditor, spoke with some disapproval of this unparliamentary behav- iour on the part of the workers. * 13 February-> See E.J.Basly’s speech at a meeting in Thédatre du Chateau d’Eau on 7 February 1886 (Le Socialiste, No. 25, 13 February 1886). -° See Basly’s speech in the Chamber of Deputies on 1] February 1886 (Le Cri du Peuple, No. 837, 12 February 1886).

So in Paris, too, we now have our people in parliament, and of this I am glad, not only for the sake of the French to whose progress it will give a tremendous impetus, but also for the sake of our parliamentary group, some of whose members might yet learn much about boldness of approach from the above; for now we also have foreigners whom we can hold up as an example to the faint-hearts and weaklings.

The best part of it is that the Radicals proposed these chaps in the hope of being able to manipulate them, and now their trouble has been for nothing. I, too, felt very doubtful about Camélinat as a former Proudhonist, but a point in his favour was that, when he came here as a refugee, he immediately sought work in Birmingham (he is one of the best engravers) and had nothing to do with refugee politics.

Time for the post.

Your F.E.