Engels to Eduard Bernstein

in Zurich

[London, 26 June 1882]

...In Ireland there are two currents in the movement. The first, and most original, is the agrarian one, which evolved gradually from the organised brigandage—supported by the peasants—of the clan chieftains and larger Catholic landowners who had been dispossessed by the English (in the 17th century these brigands were called Tories, and from them the present-day Tories derive their name in a direct line), into the spontaneous resistance of the peasants against the intruding English landlords, organised by localities and provinces. The names—Ribbonmen (band men), Whiteboys, Captain Rock, Captain Moonlight, etc.—have changed; the form of resistance—shooting not only hated landlords and agents (collectors of the landlords) but also those peasants who take a farm from which another has been forcibly evicted; boycotting, threatening letters, nocturnal raids with intimidation, etc.—all this is as old as the present English landed property in Ireland, that is, at the latest since the end of the 17th century. This form of resistance cannot be suppressed; force can do nothing against it, and it disappears only with its causes. But by its nature it is local, isolated, and can never become a general form of political struggle.

Soon after the Union (1800) the liberal-national opposition of the townspeople began, which, as in every peasant country with a sprinkling of small towns (e.g. Denmark), finds its born leaders in the lawyers. These lawyers also need the peasants; they therefore had to find catchwords that would go down with the peasants. Thus O’Connell first found such a catchword in Catholic emancipation, then in the repeal of the Union. This tendency has recently, compelled by the infamies of the landowners, taken a different path. While the Land League pursues more revolutionary (and here attainable) aims on the social terrain—total elimination of the intruding landlords—politically it appears rather tame and demands only home rule, i.e. an Irish local parliament, alongside and under the common imperial parliament. This, too, can certainly be achieved by constitutional means. The frightened landlords are already clamouring (the Tories themselves are proposing it) for the swiftest possible redemption of the peasants’ land, in order to save what is still to be saved. On the other hand, Gladstone declares a greater degree of self-government for Ireland to be quite permissible.

Between these two currents Fenianism thrust itself after the American Civil War. The hundreds of thousands of Irish soldiers and officers who had taken part in the war did so with the ulterior motive of preparing an army for the liberation of Ireland. The disputes between America and England after the war became the chief lever of the Fenians. If it came to war, Ireland would within a few months be a member of the United States, or at any rate a republic under their protection. The sum which England so readily assumed and paid in the Alabama affair with the Geneva arbitration award was the price by which American intervention in Ireland was bought off.

From that moment on the main danger was removed. The police sufficed to deal with the Fenians. The betrayal inevitable in every conspiracy helped, and yet it was only leaders who turned traitors and then became direct spies and false witnesses. The leaders who escaped to America carried on emigrant revolution there and for the most part went to the dogs, like O’Donovan Rossa. Anyone who saw the European emigration here in 1849–52 finds all this familiar—only, of course, on an exaggerated scale à l’américaine.

At present, beyond doubt, many Fenians have come over again and have revived the old armed organisation. They form an important element in the movement and compel the Liberals to take a more resolute stand. But apart from that they accomplish nothing, save to put the fear of God into John Bull. The latter is indeed growing visibly weaker at the periphery of his empire, but so close to home he is still in a position to suppress any Irish revolt with ease. In Ireland there are, first, 14,000 men of the “Constabulary”, a gendarmerie, armed with rifle and bayonet, militarily trained. Then some 30,000 troops of the line, who can easily be reinforced by the same number of line and English militia. In addition, the fleet. And in the suppression of insurrections John Bull is of a brutality without equal. Without war or the danger of war from outside, an Irish uprising has not the slightest prospects; and only two powers could become dangerous here: France and, far more, the United States. France is out of the question. In America the parties flirt with the Irish voting power, promise a good deal, but deliver nothing. They have no thought of embroiling themselves in a war over Ireland. They even have an interest in conditions prevailing in Ireland that produce a heavy Irish immigration to America. And it is understandable that a country which in 20 years will be the most populous, richest, and most powerful in the world has little desire to plunge into adventures that could and must disrupt its gigantic internal development. In 20 years’ time it will speak a very different language.

But if danger of war with America were to arise, England would grant the Irish everything they demand with open hands—except complete independence, which, given the geographical situation, is not at all to be desired.

After this, the only path remaining for the Irish is the constitutional way of gradually conquering one position after another; though the mysterious background of Fenian armed conspiracy can remain a very effective element here. But these Fenians themselves are being driven more and more into a kind of Bakuninism: the murder of Burke and Cavendish could only have had the purpose of making the compromise between the Land League and Gladstone impossible. This compromise, however, was the best that could have happened for Ireland under the circumstances. The landlords are evicting tenants by the tens of thousands from house and home for arrears of rent, and that under military protection. To check this systematic depopulation of Ireland (the evicted either starve or are forced to go to America) is the most pressing need of the moment. Gladstone is ready to introduce a Bill by which the arrears will be paid, as the redemption of feudal burdens was carried out in Austria in 1848: one third paid by the peasant, one third by the state, one third lost by the landlord. That is the proposal of the Land League itself. Thus the “heroic deed” in the Phoenix Park, if not as mere stupidity, yet as pure Bakuninist, swaggering, pointless “propagande par le fait”. If it did not have the same consequences as the similar stupidities of Hödel and Nobiling, that is because Ireland, after all, does not yet lie entirely in Prussia. One must therefore leave it to the Bakuninists and Mostians to put such childish pranks on a level with the execution of Alexander II, and to threaten an “Irish revolution” that never comes.

One more thing is well worth noting about Ireland: never unconditionally praise an Irishman—a politician—or express solidarity with him, until he is dead. Celtic blood and habitual peasant exploitation (and of this alone all the “educated” classes in Ireland live, especially the lawyers) make Irishmen of political standing very prone to corruption. O’Connell had himself paid a full £30,000 annually by the peasants for his agitation. At the time of the Union, which England bought with £1,000,000 in bribery money, one person who had been bribed was reproached: You have sold your country. Reply: Yes, indeed, and damned glad I was that I had a country to sell.

The infamies of the German governments, police, and judges against our people are gradually assuming a character that makes even the most vigorous language in their assessment seem tame. Since, however, the use of mere strong words does not necessarily strengthen the language, and the constant repetition of the same expressions—such as scoundrels, etc.—weakens the effect, so that one would have to resort to ever “stronger” expressions and thereby fall into a style akin to Most-Schneidt, another means is desirable by which the force of the expression can be secured even without violent words. And this means exists: it consists in the predominant use of irony, mockery, sarcasm, which has a more bitter effect on the opponents than the coarsest words of indignation. I believe the *Sozialdemokrat* would do well to employ, wherever possible, the old, predominantly derisive mode of writing, as has again been done in the last issue. If a bludgeon blow then comes along from time to time, it will be all the more effective. In this respect Bebel also entirely shares my view. And besides, your correspondents are already providing a sufficiently graphic description of events.

With regard to the translation in the *Égalité* of the passage from the *Sozialdemokrat* concerning the expulsion of their people from the Congrès du Centre, the *Proletaire* carries a hypocritical article about an *échange de lettres courtoises entre le Comité extérieur du parti ouvrier socialiste allemand et le Comité national français*. Can you tell me anything about this? I knew nothing of the existence of a *Comité extérieur*; is that supposed to be the much-vaunted Correspondence Bureau?

*La Bataille* is on its last legs—*c’est une défaite, et méritée*. Lissagaray is proving totally incapable as a journalist, and he and his collaborators Malon and Brousse appeal to the chauvinistic German-hatred of the Parisians against Guesde, etc., *Marxistes, nébulosités allemandes*, etc. All of which has not prevented Lissagaray from offering the owner of the *Citoyen* to join the editorial staff! The editorial staff, of course, immediately refused (this in private).

Marx is in Argenteuil with his daughter, hiding himself from Paris, and is using the sulphur springs of Enghien for chronic bronchitis and coughing; otherwise he is well and cheerful again, but must still take great care.

Has Adolf Beust given you Mirabeau’s *Secret History of the Court of Berlin*, which I gave him for you? The book is very useful for the *Sozialdemokrat*.

Yours,
F.E.