ENGELS TO JOHANN PHILIPP BECKER !'% 

London, 10 February 1882 

Dear Old Man, 

We had absolutely no idea that you were so seriously ill; all we 
knew was that you had been suffering from erysipelas and that’s 
something that can be cleared up pretty easily. Had I had an inkling 
of how matters stood, I should have raised some money for you 
straight away, even though I myself was very short at the time and 
calls were being made on me from all sides. However, it’s still not too 
late and I’ve therefore taken out a money order for you for four 
pounds = 100 frs 80 cts. of which you will doubtless have already 
been advised; because of an irregularity that cropped up here 
I wasn’t able to write until today. 

Between ourselves, one might almost count it a blessing that Marx 
should have been so preoccupied with his own illness during his wife’s 
last days as to prevent him being unduly preoccupied with his loss, 
both when it was impending and when it actually happened. Even 
though we had known for 6 months or more how matters stood, the 
event itself still came as a terribly hard blow. Marx left yesterday for 
the South of France; where he will go from there won’t be defi- 
nitely decided until he gets to Paris. Under no circumstances will he 
make for Italy first; at the start of his convalescence even the possibil- 
ity of harassment by the police must be avoided. 

We have thought about your proposal 27° and take the view that 
the time has not yet come, though it soon will, to put it into effect. 
Firstly, a new, formally reorganised International in Germany, Au- 
stria, Hungary, Italy and Spain would only give rise to fresh persecu- 
tion and ultimately leave one with the choice either of giving the 
thing up, or of carrying on in secret. The latter option would be a ca- 
lamity on account of the inevitable passion for coups and conspiracies 
and the no less inevitable admittance of mouchards.* Even in France 
the renewed application of the law banning the International,? 

* informers 

a law which has not been repealed — far from it—— is by no means im- 
possible.—- Secondly, in view of the current wrangles between the 
Egalité and the Prolétaire, there’s absolutely no counting on the 
French; we would have to declare ourselves for one party or the other 
and that, too, has its disadvantages. As individuals we are on the side 
of the Egalité, but shall take good care not to support them publicly 
just now after the succession of tactical blunders they have made, de- 
spite our express warnings.— Thirdly, the English are proving more 
intractable than ever at present. For 5 whole months I tried, through 
The Labour Standard, for which I wrote leading articles, to pick up 
the threads of the old Chartist movement and disseminate our ideas 
so as to see whether this might evoke some response. Absolutely noth- 
ing, and since the editor,* a well-meaning but feeble milksop, ended 
up by taking fright even at the Continental heresies I introduced into 
the paper, I called it a day. 

Thus, we should have been left with an International confined, 
apart from Belgium, exclusively to refugees, for with the possible ex- 
ception of Geneva and its environs we couldn’t even count on the 
Swiss —— vide the Arbeiterstimme and Biirkli.« It would, however, hardly 
be worth the trouble to set up a mere refugee association. For the 
Dutch, Portuguese and Danes wouldn’t really improve matters either 
and the less one has to do with Serbs and Romanians the better. 

On the other hand the International does indeed still exist. In so far 
as it can be effective, there zs liaison between the revolutionary work- 
ers of all countries. Every socialist journal is an international centre; 
from Geneva, Zurich, London, Paris, Brussels and Milan the threads 
run criss-cross in all directions and I honestly don’t see how at this 
juncture the grouping of these small centres round a large main cen- 
tre could give added strength to the movement — it would probably 
only lead to greater friction. But once the moment comes for us to 
concentrate our forces, it will, for that very reason, be the work of 
a moment, nor will any lengthy preparation be called for. The names 
of the pioneers in one country are known in all the others and a mani- 
festo signed and supported by them all would make a tremendous im- 
pact——something altogether different from the largely unknown 
names of the old General Council. But that is precisely why such a man- 
ifesto should be saved up for the moment when it can really strike 
home, i.e. when events in Europe provoke it. Otherwise you will de- 

* George Shipton-° See this volume, pp. 119-20.-° Ibid., pp. 177-78. 

tract from its future effect and will simply have put yourselves out for 
nothing. But such events are already taking shape in Russia where 
the avant-garde of the revolution will be going into battle. You 
should — or so we think — wait for this and its inevitable repercus- 
sions on Germany, and then the moment will also have come for a big 
manifesto and the establishment of an official, formal International, 
which can, however, no longer be a propaganda association but sim- 
ply an association for action. For that reason we are firmly of the opin- 
ion that so splendid a weapon ought not to be dulled and blunted du- 
ring the comparatively peaceful days on the very eve of the revolu- 
tion, 

I believe that if you think the matter over again you will come 
round to our view. Meanwhile we both wish you a good and speedy 
recovery and hope to hear before long that you are quite all right 
again. 

Ever your old friend, 

BE.