Manchester, 30 July 69

That old Becker must have gone clean mad. How can he decree that the trades union is the true workers’ association and the foundation of all organisation, that the other leagues are to exist, only provisionally, alongside it, etc. All this in a country where proper trades unions do not even exist yet. And what a complicated “organisation”. On the one hand each trade centralises itself into a national apex, on the other hand the different trades of each locality centralise themselves once again into a local apex. If one wants to make the eternal brawling permanent, one must introduce this arrangement. But it is au fond nothing but the old German lout who wants to preserve his “hostel” in every town and takes this hostel to be the unity of the workers’ organisation. If more proposals of this kind come to light, the time will be nicely argued away at the Eisenach Congress.

The international plans have, of course, no other purpose than to secure the leadership for Becker wherever the German tongue is heard (he has already annexed Mulhouse in Alsace, see *Vorbote*, p. 109 under Basle). In itself this fine organisation, with Geneva as its apex, founders upon German law, since Becker, as usual, made his reckoning without the host. The fact that he generalises the thing with language central committees, i.e. he wants to place the Geneva workers under Paris, those of Antwerp under Amsterdam (unless Geneva is also to govern all France and Walloon Belgium, which, in free Geneva, they very probably did imagine, too), will probably only serve to reinforce his claim to the regency over the German tongue. It is, however, very good that the Eisenach Congress, and not the International Basle Congress, is to decide these matters.

By the way, I do not claim to have understood Becker’s plan correctly; with the German and the logic that prevail there, sense and reason simply cease.

That the fat Bakunin is behind it is quite clear. If this damned Russian really thinks to intrigue his way to the top of the workers’ movement, it is time that he was properly served and the question raised whether a Panslavist can be a member of an international workers’ association at all. The fellow can very easily be pinned down. He must not imagine that he can play the cosmopolitan communist vis-à-vis the workers and the fiercely national Panslavist vis-à-vis the Russians. A few hints to Borkheim, who has him just now in hand, would be quite apposite; Borkheim will understand the hint broad as a barn door.

You will have seen that the worthy Schweitzer, too, wants “direct legislation by the people” debated at the Congress. That will be a fine thing.

It is a disgrace indeed that after almost 40 years of political workers’ movement in England the only workers’ paper that exists can be bought up by a bourgeois like S. Morley. But unfortunately it appears to be a law of the proletarian movement that everywhere a section of the workers’ leaders necessarily turns into lumpen, although this does not occur anywhere else in the generality in which Lassalle developed it in Germany.

Tussy is now reading Firdausi in the very good adaptation by Schack; so far she likes it very much, but whether she will work her way right through the enormous volume is another matter.

Toward the end of next week I think I shall finally finish with the precious Gottfried and shall then have about a fortnight of freedom before me. So if you want to make a travel plan, make it and let me know; we can meet somewhere in Germany or also in Holland, if you like, or also depart from London together. Toward the end of August I must meet my mother in Ostend, around the 20th or 25th. Tussy can probably stay here in the meantime and keep Lizzie company? What do you think?

Yours,
F. E.

You shall get money as soon as I am straight with Gottfried Ermen, earlier if possible, *id est* if he forks out before. Send the enclosed to Tussy in a disguised hand; she will wonder where it comes from.