{London, 2 December 1851] 

.. You know that Mr Kinkel is continuing his tour of the United 
States.4°” So far he has raised some 12,000 dollars, but has taken 
very good care not to give any inkling of the true party positions 
of the various émigré fractions, as you will realise if only from the 
fact that he even addresses himself to personal friends of mine 
and has even inveigled them into collaborating with him. He has 
sent the press the following fatuous manifesto: 

*‘To the friends of the People 

‘The shameful tyranny and injustice of the German despots have reached the 
highest point. Every free institution gained during the revolutionary struggle of 
1848, has been destroyed by the brutal power of the Monarchs. The time has 
arrived when it becomes a right as well as a duty of the oppressed people to draw 
their swords and fight for the most sacred rights which the supreme being has 
granted all men alike. The hatred against the despots who cowardly murder or 
imprison every man, whoever raised his arm or tongue for a republican reform 
and for the freedom of the downtrodden, is on the point of a tremendous 
outbreak, and it is most likely that next spring the sun will rise over the most 
desperate struggle ever waged by men against their oppressors. Italy will set the 
ball in motion, until tyranny is swept away and liberty proclaimed in every province 
of the Old World. America having set the noble example in 1776, Europe is ready 
to follow in the footsteps of her young and noble sister on Columbia’s shores. To 
bring about this much desired aim, more especially in Germany, the leading 
German republicans (?), now refugees in London, have united for the purpose of 
creating a national loan, with the promise to use every effort, after the 
establishment of the republic, to liquidate the same with full interest. All friends of 
liberty in this country are now called upon to lend their willing aid for this 
purpose. Without moriey nothing can be accomplished. It rests in a high degree 
with the sympathisers of Republicanism whether the project shall be accomplished. 

‘Baltimore, October, 1851. Dr. G. Kinkel. In behalf of the London Committee.’ * 

In the United States Mr Gottfried found only one ardent 
adversary, namely K. Heinzen, who represents the Ruge-Fickler 
clique. But the enmity of a base blusterer like Heinzen cannot but 
be beneficial to anyone against whom it is directed. Among those 
who figure publicly as guarantors of Kinkel’s loan are the 3 
Prussian ex-lieutenants, Schimmeipfennig, Willich, Techow, the 
studiosus* Schurz, Count Oskar Reichenbach and the mediocre 

@ student 

Berlin literatus, Meyen. Privately, however, Kinkel has also secured 
the signature of Léwe of Calbe (better named Kalb of Lowe’), 
ex-President of the Imperial Rump Parliament in Stuttgart.’ 
This Léwe is in possession of a document from Stuttgart empow- 
ering him to convene the Imperial Parliament when and where 
he will. To Kinkel, who hopes to move into Germany 
as provisional government, the accaparation? of this man, in 
order to place his ‘rule’ .on a ‘legal basis’, was therefore of mo- 
ment. 

The second secret guarantor is Dr d’Ester. His numerous 
creditors in Germany will assuredly learn with satisfaction that he is 
guaranteeing the interest on Kinkel’s 2 million Joan and that, as 
Finance Minister, he will at the same time administer the 20,000 
dollars so far received. Mr d’Ester, as a country doctor in 
Switzerland, intends to go on fleecing the peasants (he is said to be 
in better circumstances there than in Cologne where he was 
swamped, not by patients, but by debts) while at the same time 
keeping a foot in the great door that leads to the heaven of 
revolutionary government. That is why he would give his 
guarantee only under the seal of secrecy. It could do no harm if 
he were compelled to advocate in public what he is, after his usual 
fashion, ‘adumbrating in private’. 

From the material once sent to you by Freiligrath,* you will be 
familiar enough with Mr Gottfried Kinkel’s character. Hence it will 
not surprise you to learn that ‘lies’ were his ‘chief’ and, come to 
that, his sole recourse in the United States. Thus a friend writes, 
inter alta: 

‘Kinkel is vigorously coquetting with Ledru-Rollin who has promised some 
esteemed friends from Germany that, as soon as Kinkel takes over the helm and, 
with him, Lowe, he will send armies across the border to wage a war of 

propaganda. Kinkel, he says, will establish contact with Mazzini as soon as he is 
flush and thereby (!) has become his equal (!).’ 

Now, as you know, Ledru maintains contact with the committee 
hostile to Kinkel, and he sent Kinkel’s emissary away with a flea in 
his ear. But as for Mazzini, the following will be explanation 
enough: Some 14-15 months ago the great Gottfried Kinkel sent 
the very insignificant Prussian ex-lieutenant Schimmelpfennig to 
Mazzini to say that he, Schimmelpfennig, would be undertaking a 
missionary tour of Germany on Kinkel’s behalf. For this, much 

2 Kalb—calf - > monopolising - « Goethe, ‘Die Spinnerin’.-4 See this volume, 
pp. 426-33. 

was wanting, money included. Mazzini gave him 1,000 fr. in cash, 
and 4,000 fr. in Mazzinian government bonds on condition that 
the 1,000 fr. be paid back without 12 months and half the placed 
government bonds within the same period. Schimmelpfennig 
returned from Germany where he had downed a great many 
bottles of wine but scarcely one ‘tyrant’. The 12 months went by. 
Whoever may have visited Mazzini, it was not Kinkel or Kinkel’s 
emissary. A few weeks later this same Schimmelpfennig again 
presented himself to Mazzini, not in order to pay up, but rather to 
invite Mazzini yet again to ally himself with Gottfried. For 
Gottfried had just received £160 sterling from New Orleans and 
since, in his view, only a few more pounds were needed to make 
him a ‘great man’, he now believed himself to be Mazzini’s equal. 
Mazzini was of a different opinion and declared that he had his 
own people (Ruge 8& Co.) in Germany and that he would have 
none of Mr Gottfried’s alliance. Kinkel, however, is imperturbable 
and profondément convaincu* that, if £160 were still not enough 
to make him Mazzini’s ‘equal’, this miracle could not fail to 
be effected by 20,000 dollars. Blessed are they that ... have 
believed.” 

Kinkel’s success in the United States is explained partly by the 
fact that he was no less hazy about the movement than the masses 
over there, and hence is sympathetic to them, and partly by his lies 
and prevarications about what he really stands for. Messrs Kinkel 
& Co. want to elect a revolutionary committee of 7 men, each of 
whom will be given a special ministry, e.g. d’Ester finance, Kinkel 
the ministry of rhetoric and higher politics, Techow ministry of 
war, Willich minister for requisitioning, at which he is a past 
master, Meyen minister for education, etc. One of the seven will 
occupy a seat on one of these committees in order to keep the 
supreme body, the Septarchy, thoroughly posted on with every- 
thing. Exactly after the pattern of the French provisional 
government, you see, except that the Septarchy have their seat 
outside Germany while their people consists of a club‘ 50-100 
strong. 

Mr Kinkel has expressly stated that he will not use for the 
support of refugees the money raised in America. He has actually 
entered into an obligation to that effect. As you will understand, 
this is no more than a way of dodging the obligation to allow 
inferior refugees to share the cash, and of gobbling it up oneself 
instead. This is already happening now and, as the hoard 

a deeply convinced - > John 20:29 - © the Refugee Club in London 

increases, will happen to an ever greater extent, and in the 
following way: 

1. The 7 septarchs and their 7 ministries, i.e. all the creatures of 
Kinkel, Willich, etc., must be paid, and thus these gentlemen, on 
the pretext of working for the revolution, secure for themselves 
the lion’s share of the funds. Mr Willich, for one, who for the past 
two years has been living here by public begging. 

2. The gentlemen publish lithographed reports and distribute 
them free to the newspapers. A further share of the funds goes to 
those wretched literati, Meyen, Oppenheim, studiosus Schurz, etc., 
for their services as writers. 

3. Others of the great men such as Schimmelpfennig, Schurz, 
etc., receive further payment as ‘emissaries’. 

Thus, you see, the whole plan has a twofold aim: to exclude the 
mass of exceedingly needy refugees (workers, etc.) from a share in 
the funds and, on the other hand, to provide Mr Kinkel and his 
creatures with safe, and at the same time politically profitable, 
sinecures, all this on the pretext of using the money solely for 
revolutionary purposes. It would certainly be very fitting if these 
financial speculations, cooked up by studiosus Schurz, were 
brought to the knowledge of the public at large. 

Before I close, I have a few brief comments to make about 
Kossuth. Kossuth gave evidence of considerable talent and general- 
ly showed tact in handling the British public. However, the 
situation was not as simple as the man from the East had 
supposed. On the one hand he fawned over-much on _ the 
MIDDLE-CLass and was oriental in his praise of institutions such as, for 
example, the City of London and its municipal constitution which 
even The Times castigates daily as pusiic nuisances. On the other 
hand he has made an enemy of the Chartist party which, through 
its most talented representative, Ernest Jones, is attacking him with 
all the virulence they might accord a Haynau. And it was, indeed, 
tactless of Kossuth, after forbidding all demonstrations of partisan- 
ship, to turn partisan himself. Finally Kossuth has become 
convinced that enthusiasm and ready cash are in inverse pro- 
portion to one another. So far, no amount of enthusiasm for 
his loan has succeeded in bringing him in more than £800 ster- 
ling. 

On this occasion our democratic emigration has yet again made 
a fool of itself as is its wont. Kossuth has not deigned to answer its 
addresses. That foppishly vain and importunate dwarf, L. Blanc, 

was lucky enough to receive a reply to his address, but it was a 
reply in which Kossuth disavowed socialism outright. 

I remain your truly 
K. Marx