Frankfurt, 22 July. Session of the National Assembly. – President Gagern. No. 55, 25 July 1848 Neue Rheinische Zeitung. Reading of the minutes. 26 members protest against Gagern’s refusal yesterday of a roll-call vote on Martiny’s motion. After some objections from Gagern, the protest is placed on file. Order of the day: Debate on the report of the international-law committee. 5 Gagern counsels moderation above all and then reads out the committee’s motions. In the committee report by Wydenbrugk it says: “that our foreign policy will set the honour and the right of Germany above every other consideration is a principle that requires no particular positive recognition.” The committee believes, however, that it must emphasize “that Germany will in no way hinder any foreign state in the independent development of its internal affairs, or ever lend its hand to a struggle of various states over political principles. The guarantee that the movement, which has seized the continent and is almost without parallel in history, will not degenerate into a general war of peoples lies in the consistent and vigorous implementation of these principles. One is rather justified in the hope that the peace of Europe will soon be restored at the few points where it is still disturbed.” The committee invites the National Assembly to declare its agreement with these simple supreme principles of foreign policy. To this motion Herr Ruge puts the following amendment: “Since armed peace, through its standing armies, imposes an intolerable burden on the peoples of Europe and disturbs civil liberties, let a congress of peoples be called for general disarmament.” Some sixty members of the Left support this motion. Ruge: This is a consequence of the revolution. The victory of a humane principle is recognised. (?) The committee report is very true. (!) Since Christianity, the principle, also adopted by Lamartine, of making propaganda for great principles has been true. It is necessary to make proselytes. The great

principles are no utopias. The human spirit celebrates its victory over all peoples. (!) Since the French Revolution only party men have ruled over France, not kings. The Holy Alliance is the old Europe. We have to set the Alliance of Peoples in its place. The congresses of peoples will be the true ones, the diplomatic ones are the false ones. I propose to the German people to seize the honour of the initiative for this congress of peoples. The speaker praises Lamartine’s peace principle. Lamartine wants union with Germany at any price. Lamartine is a great politician. (!) In France great men are not despised as they are among us. (Lamentation of a beautiful soul.) Lamartine has overthrown the title Gloire française. (!) He has overthrown the brutality of cannonading and fusillading. (E.g. in June of this year.) Since that time the reputation of the French has become a different one. The French will seize my idea of the congress of peoples (My idea! Compare the Northern Star since We are a philosophical people. We have rational grounds instead of striking grounds. All our insurrections were insurrections against the military. We want civil liberties, no military economy. We want to disarm the military, to arm the citizens. All peoples will thank us for our (!!) idea. From such a congress we can expect the peace of Italy and Poland. Even Russia will then be reconstituted. (!) The war against war will be the last war. It lies in our idealism to stimulate great thoughts. (!!) The French, English and Germans will unite around this idea. The proposal has all the premises of success on its side (is, of course, eminently practical). Thus we shall be rid of the military Alp. (Such a mixture of trivialities and hollow phrases and fantastically twisted projects is what the editor of the Vernunft brings forward in the confidence that the gallery and the Left will not deny him their support as the speaker of the Left!) The committee further moves. II. “The National Assembly may declare that on the eastern frontier of Germany the German fighting forces are to be given such strength that they are fully equal to the opposing military power.” Minister Schmerling: The ministry will know no other principles than the honour, freedom, independence of Germany. – The first task will be: to give a programme of foreign policy. Let them allow the ministry a few days’ patience. From me you can expect that I shall lend a hand to nothing other than the honour, freedom, independence of Germany. The demand for an increase of the eastern army will probably have to be modified. If war or defence becomes necessary, it will come into being.40 As regards the recognition of the French Republic: The ministry has resolved to represent the German central authority vis-à-vis all peoples; this is under way. For the time being, the old envoys have been empowered for this purpose. The ministry has spoken out unreservedly for the recognition of the French Republic (bravo Left).

France has had a beneficial effect on Germany as regards freedom. (Bravo). Paris will at once be sent an envoy who will express this. (Bravo. Clapping). Vogt: (Giessen). Eagerly awaits this programme of the German ministry. Speeches are always ambiguous. Such speeches, therefore, settle nothing; black on white! – The speaker too wants disarmed peace. The previous peculiar equilibrium of Europe has been shaken by our revolution. The honour of the nation stands far higher than the honour of its heads. (Bravo). The speaker speaks against Lichnowsky’s recently expressed view on war with France. We owe freedom to France. I refer to the declarations of the French National Assembly: “Fraternal league with Germany, restoration of Poland, liberation of Italy.” I have got to know the parties of France, especially those meant here, not the Lychnowsky-Radowitz ones. (Heiterkeit). If France, in order to forestall the social question, sends an army to the frontier, as Lychnowsky thinks, just the opposite will happen; the party of order will be overthrown at home in the meantime. The French once gave us freedom as a gift; they will, it is to be hoped, bring it to us a second time unimpaired. (Sensation!) Turning to Russia, he contests any motion to withdraw the troops from the eastern frontier. Bassermann: The principle of propaganda leads to discord, to war. The principles of the philosophers are unpractical. What is a congress of peoples supposed to be? (Hissing from Left and gallery). The military showed itself well in Paris. (Bravo right. Hissing left). One must applaud such a military! (Derisive laughter from the Left!) The speaker’s political catechism, which he now proceeds to deliver, is of the flattest kind. I do not subscribe to the expression that the fortresses are stupidities. It is now a time in which the most incomprehensible views come to light. Armed peace might not be possible in the long run, but it is necessary now. – There follows a eulogy of Guizot. We must gratefully acknowledge England’s intervention in Denmark. (Hissing, much hissing!) I desire an alliance with France and England. (Bravo and hissing). Robert Blum: The princes of the good old time believed they had leased history. That is why they concluded, on their own, so many calamitous alliances. All these alliances have diverted the gaze from the one thing that is needful: first to become a people ourselves worthy of entering into the league of peoples. The princely alliances have torn Germany out of the league of peoples. This old time has perished through force. Bassermann’s fighting against the idea of propaganda is incomprehensible to me. The idea of the new French Revolution will make propaganda, despite Herr Bassermann. But the necessity of an armament is towards the East. Therefore one should decree an increase of the army here. With the attainment of the French alliance, the European peace is sufficiently secured. 45

Wurm (Hamburg): The international committee has resolved not to modify the motion concerning a vigorous disposition of troops towards the East (Bravo). One must arm against Russia, but Russia will beware of war. With regard to France, he is for peace. Jahn puts the motions: Gnesen, Glogau, Posen, Thorn to be made federal fortresses, and imperial troops to be placed in entrenched camps near Breslau and Bromberg. v. Beckerath wants, like Blum, the propaganda of the idea (declaims at length and half intelligibly), Ruge’s congress of peoples is an anticipation; he has heard remarks against England here with deep regret. (Bravo right, no! left. The benches of the deputies grow emptier.) The close of his speech passes without trace. v. Möhring against an alliance with France, because he loves Germany more than France. (Oh!) France has given us a practical lesson as to where the theories of poets and philosophers lead. – Begins an appallingly long and confused political survey. Russia is a fearful enemy. The only friends of the Germans are North America and ourselves (bravo right). There follows a fearful arithmetical calculation, which is supposed to prove that Germany must form a strong Central Europe. He puts the motion: alliance with Hungary, North America, Holland and England. The Assembly should rise in honour of the brave Hungarian nation. (Right and both Centres rise with clapping. The Left sits deeply silent.) One is at last very exhausted by all the declamations and cries for closure of the debate. A vote is taken; closure is resolved. (The Left votes against closure.) v. Wydenbrugk, rapporteur: It is the first time that the German people has deliberated together on foreign affairs. O beautiful day! – He stands by the committee’s motions. Ruge’s motion formally unpractical. The idea of eternal peace is a goal, but a very distant one. If (according to Vogt) German freedom were nothing more than a French gift, he would not give a farthing for it. (Hurrah of all patriots, Right, Centres and ladies clap terribly.) The German eagle does not need the protection of the Gallic cock. (Bravo of all patriots, Left deeply silent.) Ruge: He did not propose a European parliament, but wants a congress of peoples from the diplomats of the peoples of modern history. (Really!) Closure is called. At last, at half past one, voting is reached. After a formal, very confused debate on the same, in which Rösler, Wernher (for his friend Biedermann), Soiron, Jordan, Simon (Trier) briefly take part, voting is gradually proceeded to.40 Committee motion I. is affirmed unanimously. Ruge’s amendment is rejected. Biedermann’s motion: “to refer the report ad II. and the resolution adopted therein, with regard to the resolution already previously adopted on the reinforcement of the army…”

The conclusion, ‘to refer the matter to the central authority for further measures,’ is adopted. Furthermore, the vote is taken ad III of the committee report: 1. the National Assembly resolves to proceed to the reasoned order of the day on the motions concerning defensive and protective alliances with different states; 2. to declare that it regards France’s recognition as a republic and the dispatch of an envoy for Germany to Paris, in view of the forthcoming appointment of legations for Germany, as self‑evident. Adopted; Part 2 adopted unanimously, with the exception of Mr. Radowitz, who remained seated, smiling. Close of the session at nearly three o’clock in stifling heat. Order of the day for Monday: the Posen question.