ENGELS TO PAUL LAFARGUE*”’ 

AT LE PERREUX 

London, 10 April 1889 

My dear Lafargue, 

I have just seen Bonnier and we discussed the situation. 

As I expected, your request that the date of the congress be changed 
has spread confusion everywhere. Liebknecht has stated in the Berlin 
press that, since there is little hope of the congress being held this year 
in Paris, it would be advisable to hold it next year in Switzerland. The 
Swiss press has seized on this idea with enthusiasm. Bebel, evidently 
tiring of all these difficulties, is prepared to leave the whole thing to 
Liebknecht. And the Belgians will not reply, either to Bebel or to 
Liebknecht. 

Fortunately we know the Belgians’ secret. Anseele, who is an honest 
man, wrote and told Bernstein about it: They intend to submit the 
Hague resolutions to their national congress at Jolimont on 22 April, 
and their national council will act only after authorisation by the 
congress. That is how the good folk of Brussels interpret international 
action. 

The thing’s as plain as daylight. It will give the Brussels Possibilists a 
whole month to compound and intrigue with the Paris Possibilists; at 
the Jolimont congress they will put forward a proposal made by Brousse 
& Co., offering a few more or less derisory concessions (depending 
upon the position at the time), the Belgians will accept and will suggest 
that the others be satisfied with these great and magnanimous conces- 
sions. And, since the masses are always in favour of conciliation, and 
since the lesser nationalities dote on congresses, the Dutch, the Danes, 
the Swiss themselves, the Americans and,—who knows?—maybe also 
Liebknecht, will come out in favour of unity and of a Paris congress in 
1889, short of having another tipsy session in Switzerland in 1890. For 
this much is certain: should the idea gain ground that the 1889 anti- 
Possibilist congress in Paris has been shelved, the Possibilists will have 
won the day, and everyone will attend their congress save only, perhaps, 
for the Germans. 

It is what I have been telling you from the very start. You wanted 

everything and now you run the risk of getting nothing. 

There is still a chance of saving the situation, and this we have 
resolutely seized upon. 

Our pamphlet** has created an immense stir here, as I have told you. 
You have no doubt had a letter from the committee of the rebellious 
Trades Unionists*”? who have written to Bernstein and to others besides. 
Although they incline towards the Possibilist congress, they are still in 
doubt. And in the Social Democratic Federation,” too, there are rebel- 
lious elements, otherwise Hyndman would not have written last 
Saturday’s article.* We have thus undermined the Possibilists’ reserves 
and must now follow up the advantage we have gained. 

Bernstein has therefore written to Justice saying that, in view of that 
journal’s more conciliatory style, and speaking only for himself, it 
might not be too Jate to come to an understanding; that if Justice so 
greatly desires such an understanding, it need only urge the Possibilists 
to accept the Hague resolutions unreservedly and forthwith; that two 
points—the admission of all on an equal footing, subject to ratification 
by the congress, and the sovereignty of the congress—are not open to 
discussion; they must take it or leave it; but that, if the Possibilists were 
to accept immediately, he would do his best to promote general agree- 
ment. 

He and Tussy went to see Hyndman on Monday evening to hand him 
this reply, which is going to be inserted. They took advantage of the 
occasion to let him know that they were better acquainted than he with 
the situation abroad and no less well than he with that in England, and 
that there was no hope of his bamboozling them with his usual tricks. 
They told him that, if there were two congresses, ours would be 
attended, not only by the Germans, Dutch, Belgians and Swiss, but also 
by the Austrians, Danes, Swedes, Norwegians, Romanians, Americans 
and by those Russians and Poles living in the West. They made it clear 
to him that they knew perfectly well the extent to which his personal 
position over here had been undermined by our disclosure of the lies 
disseminated by him regarding the situation in France, etc. They gained 
the impression that his friends the Possibilists had themselves deceived 
him on several counts, and left, convinced that he would do all he could 
to make the Possibilists give way. 

@ See this volume, p.291 — > E. Bernstein, ‘The Paris Congress. To the Editor of 
Justice, Justice, 13 April 1889 

We have also had a letter from Liebknecht in which he undertakes to 
do what he can to bring about conciliation, on condition that the Hague 
resolutions are unreservedly accepted by the Possibilists before 20 April. 
I am also awaiting one from Bebel, whereupon we shall make use of 
them. It is stated in both that in no circumstances shall we budge an inch 
on the two main points. 

According to Hyndman, the Possibilists were afraid of being chucked 
out of their own congress, hinc illae lacrimae?! 

In this way we shall foil the Brussels intrigues, by letting it be known 
from the outset that no compromise is possible. Either the Possibilists 
accept, in which case our victory over them will be complete; we shall 
have forced their hand, made them eat HUMBLE PIE, and trampled 
underfoot for good and all their claim to be the one and only French 
Socialist Party worthy of recognition; you will have all that you require 
and the congress will see to the rest if, as Bonnier tells us, you can satu- 
rate it with delegates from the provinces. Or else they refuse, and then 
we shall enjoy the advantage of being seen by everyone concerned to 
have done our utmost towards conciliation. All the waverers will be for 
us, and we shall hold a congress in Paris in the autumn whatever 
Liebknecht may say, for by that time there will not be any one sitting on 
the fence anywhere. 

I am sending you two papers with articles relating to the congress 
from which you will see how much we are bestirring ourselves. 

What could be better, after all, than to destroy the Possibilists 
through their own congress, supposing it can be managed? 

Liebknecht thought he could get the Possibilists to rally round him in 
opposition to Brousse, in Brousse’s despite and over Brousse’s head! 
What an idea—ruling the world with Borsdorf for your capital! 

Give Laura a kiss from me. What is she doing? She isn’t ill, is she? 

Yours ever, 
FE.