Citizen Lorenzo has called on us to observe the Regulations, and 
Citizen Bastelica has followed him in this course.—I take the 
original Rules and the Inaugural Address, and I read in the two 
that the General Council will be responsible for presenting a 
programme for discussion at the congresses.* 

The programme which the General Council is presenting to the 
conference for discussion comprises*—the organisation of the 
Association; and the Vaillant motion relates to this point—the 
claim of Lorenzo and Bastelica is therefore unfounded— 

In almost all countries some members of the International, 
basing themselves on the mutilated formulation of the Rules passed 
by the Congress of Geneva,*” have indulged in propaganda in 
favour of abstention from politics, which the governments have 
taken great care not to interrupt. Even in Germany, Schweitzer and 
others in the pay of Bismarck tried to rally the sections round the 
policies of the government. In France this culpable abstention had 
allowed Favre, Picard and others to seize power on 4 September— 
this abstention enabled a dictatorial committee to set itself up in Paris 
on 18 March, composed largely of Bonapartists and intriguers who 
knowingly wasted the first days of the Revolution in inaction, when 
they should have spent them consolidating it.*! 

In America a congress held recently*’* and composed of 
workers has resolved to deal seriously with the political question 


aK. Marx, Rules and Administrative Regulations of the International Working Men’s 
Association, London, 1867 (present edition, Vol. 20, Appendices); K. Marx, Inaugural 
Address of the Working Men’s International Association, London, 1864 (present edition, 
Vol. 20).— Ed. 

b See this volume, p. 613.— Ed. 


Appendices 617 


and to substitute workers like themselves to represent them, 
entrusted with defending the interests of their class, for these 
personalities who make a career out of being politicians. 

In England it is less easy for a worker to enter Parliament. The 
Members receiving no subsidy, and the worker having nothing but 
the proceeds of his labour to live on, Parliament is closed to him, 
and the Bourgeoisie, stubbornly refusing to pay an allowance to 
Members, knows full well that this is the way to prevent the 
working class from being represented. 

But it must not be thought that it is of minor importance to 
have workers in parliament. If their voices are stifled, like those of 
De Potter and Castiau, if they are ejected like Manuel—the effect 
of this severity and intolerance on the people is profound— 
Whereas if, like Bebel and Liebknecht, they are able to speak from 
this platform, the entire world can hear them—in one way or the 
other it means considerable publicity for our principles—To 
mention only one example— When, during the war taking place in 
France, Bebel and Liebknecht embarked on the struggle against it, 
and to disclaim all responsibility on behalf of the working class 
with regard to what was happening—the whole of Germany was 
shaken, and even Munich, this city where no-one would contemp- 
late revolution unless it involved the price of beer, was the scene 
of great demonstrations demanding an end to the war. 

The governments are hostile to us.* We must answer them by 
using every possible means at our disposal, getting workers into 
parliament is so much gaining over them, but we must choose the 
right men and watch out for the Tolains.” 

He supports Citizen Vaillant’s motion with the Frankel amend- 
ment, which consists in prefacing it with a preamble explaining the 
reason for this declaration, that is stating that it is not just today that 
the Association asks the workers to engage in politics, but all the 
time.