General remark on this period: When Lord Westmoreland was 
removed from Ireland, in 1795, Ireland was in a most unexampled 
and progressive state of prosperity. Curran suggested even an 
intention to impeach Westmoreland for having permitted a part of 
12,000 troops (which, according to stipulation, should always 
remain in Ireland) to be drafted out of that kingdom for foreign 
service. 

A) FROM 1782 TO 1783. (THE FIASCO OF THE REFORM BILL 
AND THE GREAT DEFEAT OF THE VOLUNTEERS) 

Irish House of Commons: Bills to ameliorate, by partial concession, 
the depressed state of the Catholics, and some reward for their zeal 
and patriotism, were introduced, and had arrived to their last stages in 
the House of Commons, without any effective opposition. Opposed by 
bigotism in their latter stages, the Castle powers stirring on. Those 
Bills relaxing the severity of the Penal Code passed however through both 
Houses. The concessions [though] very limited, still afforded great 
satisfaction to the Catholics, as the first growth of a tolerating 
principle. Grattan still believed in the Whigs. But at length Fox 
himself, wearied by a protracted course of slow deception, at once 
confirmed the opinions of the Irish people, and openly proc- 
laimed to Ireland the inadequacy of all the measures that had 
heretofore been adopted. He took occasion in the British 
Parliament, on the repeal of the 6th George I being there alluded 
to, to state 
“that the repeal of that statute could not stand alone, but must be accompanied by a final 
adjustment, and by a solid basis of permanent connexion”, that “some plans of that 
nature would be laid before the Irish Parliament by the Irish Ministers, and a treaty 

entered upon, which treaty, when proceeded on, might be adopted by both 
Parliaments, and finally become an irrevocable arrangement between the two countries”. 

By that speech, the Irish delusion of a final adjustment was in a 
moment dissipated, the Viceroy’s duplicity became indisputably 
proved. 

Still Flood was feebly supported in Irish House of Commons, 
but [was supported] by the Volunteers. 

19 July 1782 Flood moved for leave to bring in a Bill “to affirm the sole 

exclusive right of the Irish Parliament, to make laws affecting that country, in all 
concerns external and internal whatsoever”’.» 

Even the introduction of this Bill was negatived without division. 
Grattan! 

On the other hand [Parliament] passed [the] foolish motion of 
Grattan: 

“that leave was refused to bring in Mr. Flood’s bill, because the sole and 
exclusive right to legislate for Ireland in all cases whatsoever, internally and 

externally, had been asserted by the Parliament of Ireland, and had been fully, 
finally and irrevocably acknowledged by the British Parliament” 4 

(which was not true). (Fox himself had declared the contrary!) 
(Because of his scepticism Flood had been dismissed from his office of 
Vice-Treasurer.) 

27 July 1782 the Parliament was prorogued. In the proroguing 
speech Portland stated amongst other things: 

‘Your claims were directed by the same spirit that gave rise and stability to the 
liberty of Great Britain, and could not fail of success, as soon as the councils of that 
Kingdom were influenced by the avowed friends of the Constitution. 

“Convince the people in your several districts, as you are yourselves convinced, 
that every cause of past jealousies and discontents is finally removed; that both 
countries have pledged their good faith to each other, and their best security will be 
an inviolable adherence to that compact; that the implicit reliance which Great 
Britain has reposed on the honour, generosity, and candour of Ireland, engages 
your national character to a return of sentiments equally liberal and enlarged. 
Convince them that the two kingdoms are now one, indissolubly connected in unity of 

Marquis of Rockingham died (1782). Fox and Lord North Coalition. 

Portland superseded by Earl Temple (who later became Marquis of 
Buckingham) (his Chief Secretary his brother Mr., afterwards Lord, 
Grenville) (15 September 1782-3 June 1783). Temple made small 
reforms. Though he obtained no credit from the body of the people, 
he made considerable progress amongst the aristocracy of the patriots 
(Charlemont, Grattan etc.). 

The armed Volunteers had now assumed a deliberative capacity: 
Paraded as soldiers and debated as citizens. More than 150,000 
Volunteers now appeared upon the regimental muster-rolls. Strong 
accession to them of Catholics. They resolved no longer to obey, or 
suffer to be obeyed, any statute or law theretofore enacted in 
England, and to oppose their execution with their lives and 
fortunes. The magistrates refused to act under them, the judges 
were greatly embarassed, no legal causes could be proceeded on, 
under the authority of British Statutes, though naming Ireland, no 
counsel would plead them, no juries would find for them, the 

operation of many important laws, theretofore in force, was 
necessarily suspended. 

Parliament divided between Flood and Grattan, the latter (Whig 
spelt) always in the majority. This division of nation the British 
Administration wanted to foster. Baffled by the injudicious conduct of 
some Members of the British Parliament. 

In the House of Commons (British) Sir George Young (Sinecure placeman in 
Ireland, although not Irish, viz. Vice-treasurer of Ireland) opposed the Bill of 
Concession to Ireland, and Repeal of 6, George I. Protested against the Power of 
King and Parliament to pass such bills. (He could not act against the will of the 
Ministers.) 

Lord Mansfield, notwithstanding the repeal of 6, George I, proceeded to 
entertain, in the Court of King’s Bench,?78 at Westminster, an appeal from the 
King’s Bench of Ireland, observing that “he knew of no law depriving the British 
Court of its vested jurisdiction”. The interest of money 5% in England, 6% in 
Ireland. Mansfield had placed very large sums of Irish mortgages to gain the 
additional 1%. Felt that they were not likely to gain any additional facilities by the 
appelant jurisdiction being taken from the British courts and transferred to Ireland 
herself: hence his reluctance to part with it. 

Lord Abingdon, in the House of Lords, totally denied the authority of King and 
Parliament of England to emancipate Ireland; he moved for leave to bring in a 
Declaratory Bill to re-assert the right of England to legislate externally in the 
concerns of Ireland. 

The Volunteers beat to arms throughout the whole kingdom; 
above 120,000 paraded. All confidence in Great Britain dissipated. 
Flood gained much ground amongst the people. Now new panic of 
the British Ministry. Without waiting for further and peremptory 
remonstrances from Ireland, they passed the following Statute: 

Anno vicessimo tertio (1783) 
Georgi III. Regis* 

Ch. XXVIII. An Act for removing and preventing all doubts which have arisen, or 
might arise, concerning the exclusive rights of the Parliament and Courts of Ireland, in 
matters of legislation and judicature; and for preventing any writ of error or appeal from 
any of His Majesty’s Courts in that Kingdom from being received, heard, and adjudged, in 
any of His Majesty’s Courts in the Kingdom of Great Britain. Whereas ... doubts have 
arisen whether the provisions of the said (their last) Act are sufficient to secure to 
the people of Ireland the rights claimed by them, to be bound only by laws enacted by 
His Majesty and the Parliament of that Kingdom, in all cases whatever etc. etc. ... be it 
declared and enacted ... that the said right claimed by the people of Ireland, to be 
bound only by laws enacted by His Majesty and the Parliament of that Kingdom, in 
all cases whatever, and to have all actions and suits at law or in equity, which may 
be instituted in that Kingdom, decided in His Majesty’s Courts therein finally, and 

without appeal thence, shall be, and it is thereby declared to be established and 
ascertained for ever, and shall, at no time hereafter, be questioned or questionable. 

And be it further enacted ... that no writ of error or appeal shall be received or 
adjudged, or any other proceeding be heard by or in any of His Majesty’s Courts 
in this Kingdom, in any action or suit at law or in equity, instituted in any of His 
Majesty’s Courts in the Kingdom of Ireland, etc. etc. 

This measure brought into the British House of Commons by 
Mr. Townshend, passed through both Houses, and received the 
Royal assent without debate and with very little observation. In 
England held out a mere consequential declaratory part of a 
general constitutional arrangement entered into between the two 
nations. This measure came too late to satisfy the Irish people as 
to the purity of their own Parliament. It convinced them of either 
its inefficiency or corruption, or the Renunciation Act of the British 
Parliament would have been quite unnecessary. They had to secure 
their liberties. The Renunciation Act of Ireland had discredited 
the Irish Parliament with the Irish people. 

Mr. Flood had become most prominent among the Irish 
patriots. Grattan his enemy. The discussion on the English 
Renunciation Act led to the conclusion of the necessity to reform 
their own Parliament, because, without its comprehensive Reform, 
there was no security against the instability of events and the 
duplicity of England. 

Rotten borough system.*"” Many members of the Irish House of 
Commons nominated by individuals (borough-mongers) and Peers, 
who in this way voted by proxy in the House of Commons. The 
King constitutionally nominated Peers, and the Peers created 
Commoners. The representation of the people in the Commons 
was purchased for money, and the exercise of that representation was 
sold for office. These purchases made by servants of the executive 
Government, in trust, for the uses and purposes of its ministers to 
carry measures. The Volunteers had the facts sifted. One Peer 
nominated 9 Commoners etc. Many individuals openly sold their 
patronage for money, to the best bidder, others returned members at 
the nomination of the Viceroy or his Secretary; and it appeared 
that the number of representatives elected freely by the people did 
not compose '/, of the Irish Commons. The Volunteers at length 
determined to demand a reform of Parliament. Delegates from 
several Volunteer regiments again assembled at Dungannon, to | 
consider the expediency and means of an immediate reform of 
Parliament. Flood [had] great influence now. 300 delegates, men 
of great influence, many of them members of the House of Lords 
and the Commons chosen by different corps. 

10 November 1783 was proclaimed for the first sitting of the Grand 
National Convention of Ireland at Dublin. [The delegates] arrived 
there escorted by small detachments of Volunteers from their 
respective counties. Rotunda chosen as their place of meeting 
(vis-a-vis the magnificent dome of the Commons’ House of 
Parliament). Bishop of Derry and Ear] of Charlemont rivals for the 
presidency. The British Ministers knew that if a reform of Parliament 
were effected in, Ireland, it could not be long withheld from England. 
Then the commercial jealousy of England. Charlemont, their fool. 
By intrigue he (supported by Grattan) [was] elected before the 
Earl of Bristol, Bishop of Derry, arrived. Collision in the- 
Convention between Flood and the Bishop on one side, Charle- 
mont and his friends on the other. 

After much deliberation, a plan of reform, framed by Mr. Flood 
and approved by the Convention, was directed to be presented by 
him to Parliament forthwith, and the sittings of the Convention were 
made permanent till Parliament had decided the question. 
Mr. Flood obeyed his instructions, and moved for leave to bring ina 
Bill of reform of the Parliament. The Government knew that the 
triumph of the Parliament implied not only the destruction of the 
Convention, but of the Volunteers. 

The Government refused leave to bring in Flood’s Bill,* because 
it had originated from their (the Volunteers) deliberations. 
(Yelverton now Attorney-General.) (Furious speech of Fitzgibbon.)” 
Unprecedentedly violent debate. Bill was rejected by 158 to 49; 158 
of the majority were placemen and the very persons on whom the reform 
was intended to operate. Ditto 158 placemen who carried the Union 
Bill in 1800, which, if the Reform had succeeded, never could 
have been passed. An address to the King (moved by Conolly), 
offending against the Volunteers, carried.‘Earl Charlemont, sup- 
pressing this news, told the Volunteers, he had received a note 
from the House of Commons, which left no hopes of a speedy 
decision, the Convention ought to adjourn till Monday,‘ then to 
decide upon ulterior measures, if the Bill should be rejected. He 
had secretly decided that they should meet no more. On the 
Monday morning he repaired to the Rotunda before the usual hour 
of sitting; only his own immediate partisans present. He ad- 
journed the Convention sine die. When the residue of the 

November 29, 1783.” See H. Grattan, The Speeches..., Vol. I, p. 191.— Ea. 

4 December 1. 1783.— Ed. 

delegates came, the door closed, the Convention dissolved. The 
Bishop became now the popular man. Charlemont went down. 
He, a bigot, hated the Catholics, Bishop was quite the opposite. 
Exclusion on the one side, and toleration on the other became the 
theme of partisans. The dispute ran high. The people began to 
separate. This effected all the mischief the Government expected. 

A Northern Corps, calling itself “Bull of Rights Battalion”, says in Address to the 
Bishop among other things: 

“The gloomy clouds of superstition and bigotry, those engines of disunion, being 
fled from the realm, the interests of Ireland can no longer suffer by a diversity of 
religious persuasions. All are united in the pursuit of one great object—the 
extermination of corruption from our Constitution; nor can your Lordship and 
your virtuous coadjutors, in promoting civil and religious liberty, be destitute of the 
aid of all professions.” 

Bishop answered in the same strain (dated 14 January 1784): in conclusion he 
said: 

“The hour is now come ... when Ireland must necessarily avail herself of her 
whole internal force to ward off foreign encroachments, or once more acquiesce 
under those encroachments, the better to exercise anew the tyranny of a part of the 
community over the dearest and inalienable rights of others. For one million of 
divided Protestants can never, in the scale of Human Government, be a 
counterpoise against 3 millions of united Catholics. But, gentlemen of the Bill of 
Rights Battalion, I appeal to yourselves, and summon you to consistency — Tyranny 
is not Government, and Allegiance is only due to Protection.” 

The Government resolved (too impotent to act) to watch the 
progress of events. Many of the best patriots thought the Bishop’s 
language too strong. The idea of coercing the Parliament very 
rapidly lost ground. No military language to Parliament etc. 

The people were severed, but the Government remained 
compact; the Parliament was corrupted, the Volunteers were 
paralysed, and the high spirit of the Nation exhibited a rapid 
declension. | 

Weak ly foolish Charlemont, after the dissolution of the 
Convention, recommended a Reform Bill to be presented to 
Parliament, as emanating solely from civil bodies, unconnected 
with military character. Of course, the placemen, who had scouted 
the military Bill, because it was military, now rejected the civil Bill, 
because it was popular. Meetings of the Volunteers were 
suspended, their reviews continued, to amuse the languid vanity of 
their deluded general. 

The temperate (bourgeois parliamentary) system now gained 
ground. The Volunteers of Ireland survived these blows for some 
years. The Whig orators (Grattan etc.) lost ground and influence. 

December 1783. Pitt Minister. Duke of Rutland Viceroy (!)