P. S. As a result of the publicity given by the Marseillaise to 
O’Donovan Rossa’s letter,* Gladstone is afraid that he may be 
forced by public opinion to hold a parliamentary public enquiry 
into the treatment of political prisoners. In order to avoid this 
again (we know how many times his corrupt conscience has 
opposed it already) this diplomat has just produced an official, but 
anonymous denial of the facts quoted by Rossa.*"* 

Let it be known in France that this denial is nothing more than 
a copy of the statements made by the prison jailer, police 
magistrates Knox and Pollock, etc., etc.? These gentlemen know 
full well that Rossa cannot reply to them. He will be kept under 
stricter supervision than ever, but ... I shall reply to them in my 
next letter with facts, the verification of which does not depend on 
the goodwill of jailers. 

4 O’Donovan’s letter of March 5, 1870, La Marseillaise, No. 79, March 9, 

IV 
London, March 18, 1870 

As I announced in my last letter Mr. Moore, an Irish member of 
the House of Commons, yesterday questioned the government on 
the treatment of Fenian prisoners.” He referred to the request 
about Richard Burke and four other prisoners held in Mountjoy | 
Prison (in Dublin) and asked the government whether it consid- 
ered it honourable to hold the bodies of these men after having 
deprived them of their senses. Finally, he insisted on a “full, free 
and public enquiry”.” 

So here was Mr. Gladstone with his back to the wall. In 1868 he 
gave an insolent, categorical refusal to a request to hold an 
enquiry made by the same Mr. Moore. Since then he has always 
replied in the same fashion to repeated demands for an enquiry. 

Why give way now? Should he admit to _ being 
_ alarmed by the clamour on the other side of the Channel? Never. 
As to the charges levelled against our governors of prisons, we 
have asked them to give a full explanation in this connection. 

The latter have unanimously replied that all this is sheer 
nonsense. Thus, our ministerial conscience is naturally satisfied. 
But after the explanations given by Mr. Moore—these are his 
exact words—it appears “that the point in question is not exactly 
satisfaction. That THE satisfaction OF THE MINDS OF THE GOVERNMENT ‘ 
derives from its confidence in its subordinates and, ‘Therefore’, it 

b Moore’s speech in the House of Commons on March 17, 1870, The Times, 
No. 26702, March 18, 1870.— Ed. 

would be both politic and just to conduct an enquiry into the truth 

of the jailers’ statements”.*”” 

One day he says this, and the next day says that, 
His yesterday’s views today he will shelve, 

He now wears a helmet, and now a top hat, 

A nuisance to others, a bore to himself. 

But if he does give way in the end, he does so with a further mental 
reservation. 

Mr. Moore demands a “full, free and public enquiry”. 
Mr. Gladstone replies that he is responsible for the “form” of the 
enquiry, and we already know that this will not be a “parliamen- 
tary enquiry”, but one conducted by means of a Royal Commis- 
sion. In other words, the judges in this great trial, in which 
Mr. Gladstone appears as the main defendant, are to be selected 
and appointed by Mr. Gladstone himself. 

As for Richard Burke, Mr. Gladstone states that the government 
had learnt of his insanity as early as January 9. Consequently, his 
honourable colleague Mr. Bruce, the Home Secretary, lied out- 
rageously by declaring in his open letter of January 11 that this 
information was untrue.? But, Mr. Gladstone continues, 
Mr. Burke’s mental disturbance had not reached a sufficiently 
advanced stage to justify his release from prison. It must not be 
forgotten that this man was an accessory to the blowing up of 
Clerkenwell Prison.*” Really? But Richard Burke was already 
detained in Clerkenwell Prison when a number of other people 
took it into their heads to blow up the prison in order to free him. 
Thus he was an accessory to this ridiculous attempt which, it is 
thought, was instigated by the English police and which, if it had 
succeeded, would have buried him under the ruins! Moreover, 
concludes Mr. Gladstone, we have already released two Fenians 
who went mad in our English prisons. But, interrupts Mr. Moore, 
I was talking about the four insane men detained in Mountjoy 
Prison in Dublin. Be that as it may, replies Mr. Gladstone. There 
are still two madmen less in our prisons. 

Why is Mr. Gladstone so anxious to avoid all mention of 
Mountjoy Prison? We shall see in a moment. This time the facts 
are verified not by letters from the prisoners, but in a Blue Book 
published in 1868 by order of Parliament.*” 

After the Fenian skirmish the English government declared a 
state of general emergency in Ireland. All guarantees of the 
freedom of the individual were suspended. Any person “suspected 

March 12, 1870.— Ed. 

of being suspected of Fenianism” could thus be thrown into prison 
and kept there without being brought to court as long as it pleased 
the authorities. One of the prisons full of suspects was Mountjoy 
Convict Prison in Dublin, of which John Murray was the inspector 
and Mr. M’Donnell the doctor. Now what do we read in the Blue 
Book published in 1868 by order of Parliament? 

For several months Mr. M’Donnell wrote first to Inspector 
Murray protesting against the cruel treatment of suspects. Since 
the inspector did not reply, Mr. M’Donnell sent three or four 
reports to the prison governor. In one of these letters he refers to 

“certain persons”,—I am citing word for word— “who show unmistakable signs 
of insanity”. He goes on to add: “I have not the slightest doubt that this insanity is 
the consequence of the prison regime. Quite apart from all humane considerations, 
it would be a serious matter if one of these prisoners, who have not been sentenced 
by a court of law but are merely suspects, should commit suicide.” 

All these letters addressed by Mr. M’Donnell to the governor 
were intercepted by John Murray. Finally, Mr. M’Donnell wrote 
direct to Lord Mayo, the First Secretary for Ireland. He told him 
for example: 

“There is no one, my Lord, as well informed as you yourself are on the harsh 
discipline to which the ‘suspect’ prisoners have been subjected for a considerable 
time, a more severe form of solitary confinement than that imposed on the 
convicts.” 

What was the result of these revelations published by order of 
Parliament? The doctor, Mr. M’Donnell, was dismissed!!! Murray 
kept his post. 

All this took place during the Tory ministry. When Mr. Glad- 
stone finally succeeded in unseating Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli 
by fiery speeches in which he denounced the English government 
as the true cause of Fenianism, he not only confirmed the savage 
Murray in his functions but also, as a sign of his special 
satisfaction, conferred a large sinecure, that of “Recisrrar oF HABITUAL 
criminats”, on his post of inspector. 

In my last letter I stated that the anonymous reply to Rossa’s 
letter, circulated by the London newspapers, emanated directly 
from the Home Office. 

It is now known to be the work of the Home Secretary, 
Mr. Bruce. Here is a sample of his “ministerial conscience!” 

As to Rossa’s complaint that he is obliged “to wash in water which has already 
been used for the convicts’ ablutions, the police magistrates Knox and Pollock have 
declared that after their careful enquiry it would be superfluous to consider such 
nonsense”, says Mr. Bruce. 

Luckily the report by police magistrates Knox and Pollock has 
been published by order of Parliament.* What do they say on page 
23 of their report? That in accordance with the prison regime a 
certain number of convicts use the same bath one after the other 
and, that “the guard cannot give priority to O’Donovan Rossa 
without offending the others”. It would, therefore, be “superflu- 
ous to consider such nonsense”. 

Thus, according to the report by Knox and Pollock, it is not 
O’Donovan Rossa’s allegation that he was forced to bathe in water 
which had been used by convicts that is nonsense, as Mr. Bruce 
would have them say. On the contrary, these gentlemen find it 
absurd that O’Donovan Rossa should have complained about such 
a disgrace. 

During the same meeting in the House of Commons at which 
Mr. Gladstone declared himself ready to hold an enquiry into the 
treatment of Fenian prisoners, he introduced a new Coercion Bill 
for Ireland, that is to say, the suppression of constitutional 
freedoms and the proclamation of a state of emergency. 

Theoretical fiction has it that constitutional liberty is the rule 
and its suspension an exception, but the whole history of English 
rule in Ireland shows that a state of emergency is the rule and that 
the application of the constitution is the exception. Gladstone is 
making agrarian crimes the pretext for putting Ireland once more 
in a state of siege. His true motive is the desire to suppress the 
independent newspapers in Dublin. From henceforth the life or 
death of any Irish newspaper will depend on the goodwill of 
Mr. Gladstone. Moreover, this Coercion Bill is a necessary 
complement to the Land Bill recently introduced by Mr. Glad- 
stone which consolidates landlordism in Ireland whilst appearing 
to come to the aid of the tenant farmers.*” It should suffice to say 
of this law that it bears the mark of Lord Dufferin, a member of 
the Cabinet and a large Irish landowner. It was only last year that 
this Dr. Sangrado published a large tome” to prove that the Irish 
population has not yet been sufficiently bled, and that it should be 
reduced by a third if Ireland is to accomplish its glorious mission 
to produce the highest possible rents for its landlords and the 
largest possible quantities of meat and wool for the English 
market. 

London, March 22 

There is a London weekly with a wide circulation among the 
people which is called Reynolds's Newspaper. This is what it has to 
say about the Irish question: 

“Now we are regarded by the other nations as the most hypocritical people on 
earth. We blew our own trumpets so loudly and so joyfully and exaggerated the 
excellence of our institutions so much, that now when our lies are being exposed 
one by one it is not at all surprising that other peoples should ridicule us and ask 
themselves whether it can be possible. It is not the people of England who have 
brought about such a state of affairs, because the people also have been tricked and 
deceived—the blame lies with the ruling classes and a venal, parasitic press...” @ 

The Coercion Bill for Ireland which was introduced on 
Thursday evening” is a detestable, abominable, execrable measure. 
This Bill extinguishes the last spark of national liberty in Ireland 
and silences the press of this unhappy country in order to prevent 
its newspapers from protesting against a policy which is the crying 
disgrace of our time. The government wants its revenge on all 
those newspapers which did not greet its wretched Land Bill with 
transports of delight, and will get it. In effect the Habeas Corpus 
Act will be suspended, because from now onwards it will be 
possible to imprison for six months or even for life any person 
who cannot explain his behaviour to the satisfaction of the 
authorities. 

Ireland has been put at the mercy of a band of well-trained 
spies who are euphemistically referred to as “detectives”. 

Not even Nicholas of Russia ever published a crueller ukase 

4 Reynolds’s Newspaper, March 20, 1870.— Ed. 

against the unfortunate Poles than this Bill of Mr. Gladstone’s 
against the Irish. It is a measure which would have won 
Mr. Gladstone the good favour of the famous King of 
Dahomey.°*”’ Nevertheless, Mr. Gladstone had the colossal effron- 
tery to boast in front of Parliament and the nation of the generous 
policy which his government is proposing to adopt with regard to 
Ireland. At the end of his speech on Thursday Gladstone even 
went as far as producing expressions of regret pronounced with a 
sanctimonious, lachrymose solemnity worthy of the reverend 
Mr. Stiggins. But snivel as he may, the Irish people will not be 
deceived. 

We repeat that the Bill is a shameful measure, a measure worthy 
of Castlereagh, a measure which will invoke the condemnation of 
all free nations on the heads of those who invented it and those 
who sanction and approve it. Finally, it is a measure which will 
bring well-deserved opprobrium to Mr. Gladstone and, we sincere- 
ly hope, lead to his swift defeat. And how has the demago- 
gic minister Mr. Bright been able to keep silent for forty-eight 
hours? 

We state without hesitation that Mr. Gladstone has proved to be 
the most savage enemy and the most implacable master to have 
crushed Ireland since the days of the notorious Castlereagh. 

As if the cup of ministerial shame were not already full to 
overflowing, it was announced in the House of Commons on 
Thursday evening, the same evening as the Coercion Bill was 
introduced, that Burke and other Fenian prisoners had been 
tortured to the point of. insanity in the English prisons, and in the 
very face of this appalling evidence Gladstone and his jackal Bruce 
were protesting loudly that the political prisoners were treated 
‘with all possible care. When Mr. Moore made this sad announce- 
ment to the House he was constantly interrupted by hoots of 
- bestial laughter. Had such a disgusting and revolting scene taken 
place in the American Congress, what a how] of indignation would 
have gone up from us! 

Up till now the Reynolds’s Newspaper, The Times, The Daily News, 
Pall Mall, The Telegraph, etc., etc., have greeted the Coercion Bill 
with shouts of wild joy, particularly the measure for the 
destruction of the Irish press. And all this is taking place in 
England, the acknowledged sanctuary of the press. But one should 
not, after all, be too angry with these new writers. You will 
agree that it was too hard to watch The Irishman each Saturday 
demolish the tissue of lies and calumny which these Penelopes 
worked on for six days of the week with sweat on their brows, and 

that it 1s quite natural that they should give a frantic welcome 
to the police who come to tie the hands of their formidable 
enemy. At least these fine fellows realise thetr own collective 
worth. 

A characteristic exchange of letters has taken place between 
Bruce and Mr. M’Carthy Downing concerning Colonel Richard 
Burke.* Before reproducing it I should like to remark in passing 
that Mr. Downing is an Irish member of the House of Commons. 
This ambitious advocate joined the ministerial phalanx with the 
noble aim of making a career. Thus, we are not dealing here with 
a suspect witness. 

February 22, 1870 

Sir, 

If my information is correct, Richard Burke, one of the Fenian prisoners 
formerly held in Chatham Prison, has been transferred to Woking in a state of 
insanity. In March 1869 I took the liberty of bringing his state of apparent 
ill-health to your notice, and in the following July Mr. Blake, former member for 
Waterford, and I informed you of our opinion that if the system of his treatment 
were not changed, the worst consequences were to be feared. I received no reply to 
this letter. My object in writing to you is the cause of humanity and the hope of 
obtaining his release so that his family may have the consolation of seeing to his 
needs and mitigating his suffering. I have in my hand a letter from the prisoner to 
his brother dated December 3 in which he says that he has been systematically 
poisoned, this being, I imagine, one of the phases of his disease. [ sincerely trust 
that the kind sentiments for which you are known will urge you to grant this 
request. 

Yours, etc., 
M Carthy Downing 

Home Office, 
February 25, 1870 
Sir, 

Richard Burke was transferred from Chatham as a result of his illusion that he 
was poisoned or cruelly treated by the prison medical officers. At the same time, 
without him being positively ill, his health deteriorated. Consequently, I gave 
orders for him to be moved to Woking and had him examined by Dr. Meyer from 
Broadmoor Asylum, who was of the opinion that his illusion would disappear when 
his health improved. His health did, in fact, improve rapidly and an ordinary 
observer would not have noted any signs of his mental weakness. I should very 
much like to be in a position to give you an assurance of his early release, but am 
not able to do so. His crime and the consequences of the attempt to free him are 
too serious for me to be able to give you such an assurance. Meanwhile al] that 

a “The Fenian Prisoner Burke”, The [rishman, No. 38, March 19, 1870.— Ed. 

medical science and good treatment can do to restore his mental and physical 
health will be done. 

H. A. Bruce 

; February 28, 1870 
Sir, 

After receiving your letter of the 25th in reply to my request that Burke should 
be handed over to the care of his brother, I hoped to find an occasion to talk to 
you on this matter in the House of Commons, but you were so busy on Thursday 
and Friday that an interview was out of the question. I have received letters from a 
number of Burke’s friends. They are waiting anxiously to hear whether my request 
has been successful. [ have not yet informed them that it has not. Before 
disappointing them I felt “justified” in writing to you again on the matter. I 
thought that as a person who has invariably and at some risk denounced 
Fenianism, I could permit myself to give a word of impartial, friendly advice to the 
government. 

I have no hesitation in saying that the release of a political prisoner who has 
become mentally unbalanced would not be criticised and certainly not condemned 
by the general public. In Ireland people would say: “Well, the govefnment is not as 
cruel as we thought.” Whereas if, on the other hand, Burke is kept in prison this 
will provide new material for the national press to attack it as being even crueller 
than the Neapolitan governors in their worst days. And I confess that I cannot see 
how men of moderate views could defend the act of refusal in such a case... 

M’Carthy Downing 
Sir, 

I regret that I am unable to recommend Burke’s release. 

It is true that he has shown signs of insanity and that in ordinary cases I would 
be “justified” in recommending him to the mercy of the Crown. But his case is not 
an ordinary one, because he was not only a hardened conspirator, but his 
participation in the attempt to blow up Clerkenwell which, if it had succeeded, 

would have been even more disastrous than it was, makes him an IMPROPER