9. BLIND’S ARTICLE IN THE FREE PRESS 
OF MAY 27, 18594 

“The Grand Duke Constantine to be King of Hungary 

“A Correspondent, who encloses his card, writes as follows: — 

“Sir,— Having been present at the last meeting in the Music Hall, I heard the 
statement made concerning the Grand Duke Constantine. I am able to give you 
another fact: — 

“So far back as last summer, Prince JérOme-Napoléon detailed to some of his 
confidants at Geneva a plan of attack against Austria, and prospective rearrange- 
ment of the map of Europe. I know the name of a Swiss senator to whom he 
broached the subject. Prince Jérôme, at that time, declared that, according to the 
plan made, Grand Duke Constantine was to become King of Hungary. 

“I know further of attempts made, in the beginning of the present year, to win 
over to the Russo-Napoleonic scheme some of the exiled German Democrats, as 
well as some influential Liberals in Germany. Large pecuniary advantages were 
held out to them as a bribe. I am glad to say that these offers were rejected with 

10. HERR ORGES’ LETTERS 

“Dear Sir, 

“I heard today from Herr Liebknecht that you would be kind enough to 
put a legal document at our disposal, relating to the origins of the pamphlet 
against Vogt.c May I ask you urgently to send it to us as quickly as possible, so that 
we can produce it in court. Please, send the document against a receipt and charge 
us for any expenses you may have incurred. Incidentally, my dear Sir, the liberal 
party sometimes misjudges the Allgemeine Zeitung. We (the editors) have gone 
through fire and water and have passed all the tests of political commitment. If you 
do not consider the separate piece of work, the individual article, but our whole 
activity you will probably come to realise that no German newspaper strives as we 
do, without haste, but without rest, for unity and freedom, power and culture, for 
spiritual and material progress, for greater patriotic awareness and higher moral 
standards of the German nation, and that no paper achieves more than ours. You 
should judge our deeds by their effects. Asking you once more most urgently to 
grant my request, and assuring you of my greatest respect, 

“Yours sincerely, 
Hermann Orges 
‘Augsburg, 16/10” 

The second letter, dated the same day, was only an extract of the 
first, and was posted, as Herr Orges states, “only for safety’s 
sake’’. In it he likewise requests “the most urgent dispatch of the 
document about the origins of the well-known pamphlet against 
Vogt, a document which, as Herr Liebknecht writes, you have 
been so kind as to put at our disposal”. 

11. CIRCULAR AGAINST K. BLIND 

I include here only the concluding section of my circular against 
Blind of February 4, 1860, which was written in English’: 

“Now, before taking any further step, I want to show up the 
fellows who evidently have played into the hands of Vogt. I, 
therefore, publicly declare that the statement of Blind, Wiehe and 
Hollinger, according to which the anonymous pamphlet was not 
printed in Hollinger’s office, 3, Litchfield Street, Soho, is a deliberate 
lie. First, Mr. Vogele, one of the compositors, formerly employed by 
Hollinger, will declare upon oath that the said pamphlet was printed 
in Hollinger’s office, was written in the hand-writing of Mr. Blind, 
and partly composed by Hollinger himself. Secondly, it can be 
judicially proved that the pamphlet and the article in Das Volk have 
been taken off the same types. Thirdly, it will be shown that Wiehe 
was not employed by Hollinger for eleven consecutive months, and, 
especially, was not employed by him at the time of the pamphlet’s 
publication. Lastly, witnesses may be summoned in whose presence 
Wiehe himself confessed having been persuaded by Hollinger to sign 
the wilfully false declaration in the Augsburg Gazette.” Consequently, I 
again declare the above said Charles Blind to be a deliberate liar. 

Karl Marx” 

From the London “Times”, February 3rd. 

“Vienna, January 30th—The Swiss Professor Vogt pretends to know that 
France will procure for Switzerland Faucigny, Chablais, and the Genevese,* the 
neutral provinces of Savoy, if the Grand Council of the Republic will let her have 
the free use of the Simplon.’ 4 

12. VOGELE’S AFFIDAVIT 

“I declare herewith: 
that the German flysheet Zur Warnung (A Warning) which was afterwards 
reprinted in No. 7 (d.d. 18th June 1859) of Das Volk (a German paper which was 
then published in London) and which was again reprinted in the Allgemeine Zeitung 
of Augsburg (the Augsburg Gazette)—that this flysheet was composed partly by 
Mr. Fidelio Hollinger of 3, Litchfield Street, Soho, London, partly by myself, who 
was then employed by Mr. Fidelio Hollinger, and that the flysheet was published in 
Mr. F. Hollinger’s Printing office, 3, Litchfield Street, Soho, London; that the 
manuscript of the said flysheet was in the handwriting of Mr. Charles Blind; that I 
saw Mr. F. Hollinger give to Mr. William Liebknecht of 14, Church Street, Soho, 
London, the proofsheet of the flysheet Zur Warnung; that Mr. F. Hollinger 
hesitated at first giving the proofsheet to Mr. W. Liebknecht, and, that, when 
Mr. W. Liebknecht had withdrawn, he, Mr. F. Hollinger, expressed to me, and to 
my fellow workman J. F. Wiehe, his regret for having given the proofsheet out of 
his hands. 

“Declared at the Police Court, Bow Street, in the County of Middlesex, the 
eleventh day of February 1860, before me, Th. Henry, one of the Police Magistrates 
of the Metropolis. 

“LS. A. Vogele”’ 2 

13. WIEHE’S AFFIDAVIT 

“One of the first days of November last—I do not recollect the exact date—in 
the evening between nine and ten o'clock I was taken out of bed by 
Mr. F. Hollinger, in whose house I then lived, and by whom I was employed as 
compositor. He presented to me a paper to the effect, that, during the preceding 
eleven months I had been continuously employed by him, and that during all that 
time a certain German flysheet Zur Warnung (A Warning) had not been composed 
and printed in Mr. Hollinger’s Office, 3, Litchfield Street, Soho. In my perplexed 
state, and not aware of the importance of the transaction, I complied with his wish, 
and copied, and signed the document. Mr. Hollinger promised me money, but I 
never received anything. During that transaction Mr. Charles Blind, as my wife 
informed me at the time, was waiting in Mr. Hollinger’s room. A few days later, 
Mrs. Hollinger called me down from dinner and led me into her husband’s room, 
where I found Mr. Charles Blind alone. He presented me the same paper which 
Mr. Hollinger had presented me before, and entreated me to write, and sign a 
second copy, as he wanted two, the one for himself, and the other for publication 
in the Press. He added that he would show himself grateful to me. I copied and 
signed again the paper. 

“I herewith declare the truth of the above statements and that: 

‘“1) During the 11 months mentioned in the document I was for six weeks not 
employed by Mr. Hollinger, but by a Mr. Ermani. 2) I did not work in 
Mr. Hollinger’s Office just at that time when the flysheet Zur Warnung (A 
Warning) was published. 3) I heard at the time from Mr. Vogele, who then worked 
for Mr. Hollinger, that he, Vogele, had, together with Mr. Hollinger himself, 
composed the flysheet in question, and that the manuscript was in Mr. Blind’s 
handwriting. 4) The types of the pamphlet were still standing when I returned to 
Mr. Hollinger’s service. I myself broke them into columns for the reprint of the 

flysheet (or pamphlet) Zur Warnung (A Warning) in the German paper Das Volk 
published at London, by Mr. Fidelio Hollinger, 3, Litchfield Street, Soho. The 
flysheet appeared in No. 7, d. d. 18th June 1859, of Das Volk (The People). 5) I 
saw Mr. Hollinger give to Mr. William Liebknecht of 14, Church Street, Soho, 
London, the proofsheet of the pamphlet Zur Warnung, on: which proofsheet 
Mr. Charles Blind with his own hand had corrected four or five mistakes. 
Mr. Hollinger hesitated at first giving the proofsheet to Mr. Liebknecht, and when 
Mr. Liebknecht had withdrawn, he, F. Hollinger, expressed to me and my fellow 
workman Vogele his regret for having given the proofsheet out of his hands. 

“Declared and signed by the said Johann Friedrich Wiehe at the Police Court, 
Bow Street, this 8th day of February, 1860, before me Th. Henry, Magistrate of the 
said court. 

“LS. Johann Friedrich Wiehe” @ 

14. FROM THE TRIAL PAPERS 

“Gouvernement Provisoire 

République Frangaise. Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité. 

Au nom du Peuple Frangais 
“Paris, | Mars 1848 
“Brave et loyal Marx, 

“Le sol de la république frangaise est un champ d’asile pour tous les amis de la 
liberté. La tyrannie vous a banni, la France libre vous rouvre ses portes, a vous et a 
tous ceux qui combattent pour la cause sainte, la cause fraternelle de tous les 
peuples. Tout agent du gouvernement frangais doit interpréter sa mission dans ce 
sens. Salut et fraternité. 

“Bruxelles, le 19 Mai 1848 

“Mon cher Monsieur Marx, 

“Jentends avec un grand plaisir par notre ami Weerth que vous allez faire 
araitre 4 Cologne une Nouvelle Gazette Rhénane dont ii m’a remis le prospectus. I} 
p 8 prosp 

“Paris, March 1, 1848 

est bien nécessaire que cette feuille nous tienne au courant en Belgique des affaires 
de la démocratie allemande, car il est impossible d’en rien savoir de certain ici par 
la Gazette de Cologne, la Gazette Universelle d’Augsbourg et les autres gazettes 
aristocratiques de |’Allemagne que nous recevons a Bruxelles, non plus que par 
notre Indépendance Belge dont toutes les correspondances particuli€res sont congues 
au point de vue des intéréts de notre aristocratie bourgeoise. M. Weerth me dit 
qu'il va vous joindre a Cologne pour contribuer a l’entreprise de la Nouvelle Gazette 
Rhénane: et il me promet en votre nom lenvoi de cette feuille en échange du Dé- 
bat social que je vous enverrai de mon coté. Je ne demande pas mieux aussi 
que d’entretenir avec vous une correspondance sur les affaires communes a nos 
deux pays. II est indispensable que les Belges et les Allemands ne restent pas 
trop étrangers les uns aux autres, dans l’intérét commun des deux pays: car il 
se prépare en France des événements qui ne tarderont pas a mettre en jeu des 
questions qui toucheront les deux pays ensemble. Je reviens de Paris ow j'ai passé 
une dizaine de jours que j’ai employés de mon mieux a me rendre compte de la 
situation de cette grande capitale. Je me suis trouvé, a la fin de mon séjour, juste 
au milieu des affaires du 15 mai.?46 J’assistais méme 4 la séance ou s’est passé le fait 
de Virruption du peuple dans l’assemblée nationale.... Tout ce que j'ai compris, a 
voir !’attitude du peuple parisien et a entendre parler les principaux personnages 
qui sont en ce moment dans les affaires de la république frangaise, cest qu’on 
s'attend a une forte réaction de l’esprit bourgeois contre les €vénements de février 
dernier; les affaires du 15 mai précipiteront sans doute cette réaction. Or, celle-ci 
amènera indubitablement dans peu de temps un nouveau soulévement du peuple... 
La France devra bient6t recourir a la guerre. C’est pour ce cas-la que nous aurons 
a aviser, ici et chez vous, sur ce que nous aurons a faire ensemble. Si la guerre se 
porte d’abord vers l’Italie nous aurons du répit... Mais si elle se porte sur-le-champ 
vers ce pays-cl je ne sais pas trop encore ce que nous aurons a faire, et alors nous 
aurons besoin du conseil des Allemands... En attendant yannoncerai dans le Débat 
social de dimanche la publication prochaine de votre nouvelle feuille... Je compte aller 
a Londres vers la fin du mois de juin prochain. Si vous avez occasion d’écrire a 
Londres a quelques amis, veuillez les prier de m’y faire accueil. Tout a vous 
cordialement, 

L. Jottrand, Avt.” 4 

“Bruxelles, 10 Février, 1860 

“Mon cher Marx, 

“N’ayant pas de vos nouvelles, depuis trés longtemps, j’ail regu votre derniére? 
avec la plus vive satisfaction. Vous vous plaignez du retard des choses, et du 
peu d’empressement de ma part de vous répondre a la question que vous m’aviez 
faite. Que faire: Page ralentit la plume; j’espére cependant que vous trouverez 
mes avis et mon sentiment toujours les mémes. Je vois que votre ,derniére est 
tracée a la dictée par la main de votre secrétaire intime, de votre adorable moitié: 
or Madame Marx ne cesse de se rappeler du vieux hermite de Bruxelles. Qu’elle 
daigne recevoir avec bonté mes salutations respectueuses. 

“Conservez-moi, cher confrére, dans vos amitiés. Salut et fraternité. 

“5, Cambridge Place, 
Kensington, London, 
February 11th, 1860 

“My dear Marx, 

“I have read a series of infamous articles against you in the National-Zeitung and 
am utterly astonished at the falsehood and malignity of the writer. I really feel it a 
duty that every one who is acquainted with you, should, however unnecessary such 
a testimony must be, pay a tribute to the worth, honour and disinterestedness of 
your character. It becomes doubly incumbent in me to do so, when I recollect how 
many articles you contributed to my little magazine, the Notes to the People, and 
subsequently to the People’s Paper, for a series of years, utterly gratuitously; articles 
which were of such high value to the people’s cause, and of such great benefit to 
the paper. Permit me to hope that you will severely punish your dastardly and 
unmanly libeller. 

“Believe me, my dear Marx, most sincerely, yours, 

Ernest Jones 
“Dr. Karl Marx’? 

“Tribune Office, 
New York, 
March 8th, 1860 

“My dear Sir, 

“In reply to your request I am very happy to state the facts of your connection 
with various publications in the United States concerning which I have had a 
personal knowledge. Nearly nine years ago I engaged you to write for the New 
York Tribune, and the engagement has been continued ever since. You have written 
for us constantly, without a single week’s interruption, that I can remember; and 
you are not only one of the most highly valued, but one of the best paid 
contributors attached to the journal. The only fault I have had to find with you has 
been that you have occasionally exhibited too German a tone of feeling for an 
American newspaper. This has been the case with reference both to Russia and 
France. In questions relating to both, Czarism and Bonapartism, I have sometimes 
thought that you manifested too much interest and too great anxiety for the unity 
and independence of Germany. This was more striking perhaps in connection with 
the late Italian war than on any other occasion. In that I agreed perfectly with you: 
sympathy with the Italian people. 1 had as little confidence as you in the sincerity of 
the French Emperor, and believed as little as you that Italian liberty was to be 
expected from him; but I did not think that Germany had any such ground for 
alarm as you, in common with other patriotic Germans, thought she had. 

“T must add that in all your writings which have passed through my hands, you 
have always manifested the most cordial interest in the welfare and progress of the 
labouring classes; and that you have written much with direct reference to that 
end. 

“I have also at various times within the past five or six years been the medium 
through which contributions of yours have been furnished to Putnam’s Monthly,24? a 
literary magazine of high character; and also to the New American Cyclopaedia, of 
which I am also an editor, and for which you have furnished some very important 
articles. 

“If any other explanations are needed I shall be happy to furnish them. 
Meanwhile I remain, yours very faithfully, 

Charles A. Dana, Managing Editor of the N. Y. Tribune 
“Dr. Charles Marx’ @ 

15. DENTU PAMPHLETS 

I have shown that the Dentu pamphlets are the source from 
which the German Da-Da derives his wisdom about world history 
in general and ‘“Napoleon’s salutary policy” in particular. The 
“salutary policy of Napoleon” is a phrase from a recent leading 
article by “democrat” F. Zabel. What the French themselves think 
and know about these pamphlets can be seen from the following 
extract from the Paris weekly, the Courrier du Dimanche, No. 42, of 
October 14, 1860. 

“Pour ce qui regarde le moment actuel, prenez dix brochures au hasard, et vous 
reconnaitrez que neuf au moins ont été pensées, élaborées, écrites ... par qui? par 
des romanciers de profession, par des chansonniers, par des vaudevillistes, par des 
sacristains! 

“Parle-t-on dans les gazettes de mystérieuses entrevues entre les puissances du 
Nord, de la Sainte-Alliance qui ressuscite? Vite voila un faiseur agréable de 
couplets assez littéraires, et méme (jadis) passablement libéraux, qui court chez 
l'inévitable M. Dentu et lui apporte sous ce titre ronflant: La coalition, une longue et 
fade paraphrase des articles de M. Grandguillot. L’alliance anglaise semble déplaire 
parfois a M. Limayrac? Vite, un M. Chatelet, chevalier de lordre de Grégoire le 
Grand,?48 et qui doit étre sacristain quelque part, si j’en crois son style, publie ou 
republie un long et ridicule factum: Crimes et délits de l’Angleterre contre la France. 
Déja l'auteur du Compere Guillery (Edmond About) avait jugé a propos de nous 
édifier sur les arcanes politiques de la monarchie prussienne, et avait donné du 
haut de ses chutes théatrales, des conseils de prudence aux chambres de Berlin. On 
annonce que M. Clairville va prochainement élucider la question de l’isthme de 
Panama, si fort embrouillée par M. Belly; et sans doute quelques jours aprés la 
conférence royale du 21 Octobre,?49 on verra paraitre 4 toutes les vitrines de nos 
libraires une splendide brochure rose qui portera ce titre: Mémoire sur l’entrevue de 
Varsovie par le corps de ballet de l’Opéra. 

“Cette invasion, en apparence inexplicable, des questions politiques par les dii 
minores de la littérature, se rattache a bien des causes. Nous en citerons ici une 
seule, mais qui est la plus immédiate et la plus incontestable. 

“Dans le marasme presque universel d’esprit et de coeur, ces messieurs, qui 
font le triste métier d’amuseurs publics, ne savent plus par quel moyen secouer et 
réveiller leurs lecteurs. Les vieilles gaités de leurs refrains et de leurs anecdotes leur 
reviennent sans cesse. Eux-mémes se sentent aussi mornes, aussi tristes, aussi 
ennuyés que ceux qu’ils entreprennent de dérider. Voila pourquoi a bout de 
ressources, ils se sont mis, en désespoir de cause, a écrire les uns des mémoires de 
courtisanes, les autres des brochures diplomatiques. 

“Puis, un beau matin, un aventurier de la plume, qui n’a jamais fait a la 
politique le sacrifice d’une heure sérieuse d’étude, qui n’a pas méme au coeur le 

semblant d’une conviction, quelle qu'elle soit, se leve et se dit: ‘J'ai besoin de 
frapper un grand coup! Voyons! que ferai-je pour attirer sur moi attention 
générale qui me fuit d’instinct? Ecrirai-je un opuscule sur la question Léotard ou 
sur ja question d’Orient? Révélerai-je au monde surpris le secret de boudoirs ot je 
n’entrai jamais, ou celui de ia politique russe qui m’est ius étrange encore? Dois-je 
m’attendrir en prose voitairienne sur les femmes éclaboussées ou en prose évangélique 
sur les malheureuses populations maronites “59 traquées, dépouillées, massacrées 
par ie fanatisme mahometan? Lancerai-je une apologie de mademoiselle Rigol- 
boche ou un plaidoyer en faveur du pouvoir temporel? Décidément, j opte pour la 
politique. J’amuseral encore mieux mon »ublic avec ies rois et les empereurs, 
qu’avec les lorettes. Cela dit, notre surnumeraire ae la littérature boh¢me compulse 
le Moniteur, hante quelques ‘ours ies colonnades de !a Bourse, rend visite a 
quelques fonctionnaires et sait entin de cuei coté souffle le vent de la curiosité 4 ia 
ville, ou celui de la faveur a la cour: u choisit alors un utre que ce vent puisse 
enfler d’une facon suffisante et se repose content sur ses lauriers. Aussi bien son 
oeuvre est faite désormais; car aujourd’hui,en matiére de brochure, il n’v a que 
deux choses qui comptent, le titre et les relations que i’on suppose entre |’écrivain 
et ‘de hauts personnages’. 

“Est-il nécessaire de dire, aprés cela, ce que valent les brochures qui nous 
inondent? Ramassez un jour tout ce que vous avez de courage, tachez de les lire 
jusqu’au bout et vous serez effrayés de Pignerance inouie, de la légéreté intolérable, 
voire méme de l’'amoindrissement de sens morai qu'elles décelent dans ieurs 
auteurs. Et je ne parle pas ici des plus mauvaises... Et chaque année nous courbe 
plus bas, chaque année voit apparaitre un nouveau signe de décadence 
intellectuelle. chaque année ajoute une honte littéraire nouvelle a celles dont i 
nous faut déja rougir. De telle sorte que les pius optimistes se prennent quelquefois 
a douter de demain, et se demandent avec angoisse: Sortirons-nous de la?’’@ 

The phrase “the salutary policy of Napoleon” quoted above was taken 
from the National-Zeitung. Strangely enough the Paris correspon- 
dent of the Manchester Guardian which is regarded throughout 
England as a paper publishing mostly reliable news—has reported 
the following curiosity: 

“Paris, November 8.... Louis-Napoleon spends his gold in vain in supporting 
such newspapers as the National-Zeitung.” (Manchester Guardian of November 12, 
1860.) 

However, I think that the normally so well-informed correspond- 
ent of the Manchester Guardian is mistaken this time. For F. Zabel 
is said to have gone over to the Bonapartist camp to prove that he is 
not in the pay of Austria. At any rate, this information reached me 
from Berlin and it fits well into the— Dunciad. 

16. POSTSCRIPT 

a) K. VOGT AND LA CIMENTAIRE 

While the last of these pages were being printed, I accidentally 
came across the October issue (1860) of the Stimmen der Zeit. 
A. Kolatschek, the former publisher of the Deutsche Monatsschrift, 
the organ of the refugee parliamentarians, and hence, in a 
manner of speaking, the literary superior of the “fugitive Regent 
of the Empire’’, tells the following story about his friend Karl Vogt 
on p. 37: 

“The Geneva joint-stock company, La Cimentaire, which numbered none other 
than Herr Karl Vogt himself among its directors, was founded in 1857. By 1858 the 
shareholders were down to their last farthing and the public prosecutor 
immediately put one of the directors in gaol on charges of fraud. At the time of 
the arrest Herr Vogt happened to be away in Berne; he returned in haste, the man 
who had been arrested was set at liberty, the charges were suppressed ‘for fear of 
causing a scandal’, but the shareholders lost everything. But after such an example 
as this it cannot really be maintained that property is very well protected in Geneva 
and the error of Herr Karl Vogt in this respect is all the stranger since he was, as 
we have mentioned, one of the directors of the company concerned. And even in France 
in similar cases it is customary to search for the culprits among the directors, to put 
them into gaol and to use their property to satisfy the civil claims of the 
shareholders.” 

This should be compared with the account given by Joh. Ph. 
Becker in his letter (in Chapter X) about the bank incident which 
drove M. James Fazy into the arms of the Decembrists.* Such details 
as this are a great help in solving the riddle of how “Napoléon le Petit” 
became the greatest man of his age. As is well known “Napoléon le 
Petit” himself had to choose between a coup d’état and-——Clichy.**' 

b) KOSSUTH 

The following excerpt from a memorandum of a conversation 
with Kossuth proves incontrovertibly that Kossuth knows perfectly 
well that it is Russia that constitutes the greatest threat to 

Hungary. The memorandum’? comes from one of the most 

celebrated radical members? of the present House of Commons.” 

‘Memorandum of a conversation with M. Kossuth on the evening of May 30th, 1854, 
at.... 

““., A return to strict legality in Hungary (said he, viz. Kossuth) might renew the 
union of Hungary and Austria, and would prevent Russia from finding any partisan in 
Hungary. He (Kossuth) would not offer any opposition to a return to legality. He 
would advise his countrymen to accept with good faith such a restoration, if it 
could be obtained, and would pledge himself not in any way to be an obstacle to 
such an arrangement. He would not himself return to Hungary. He would not him- 
self put forward such a course for Austria as he had no belief in Austria’s return to 
legality, except under pressure of dire necessity. He gave me authority to say, such 
were his sentiments, and if appealed to, he would avow them, though he could not 
commit himself to any proposal, as he could not expect Austria to abandon her 
traditional scheme of centralisation till forced to do so.... He would have consented 
in 1848 to Hungarian troops being sent to resist attacks of the Piedmontese” 
(M. Kossuth went much further in 1848 since he ensured that Hungarian troops 
would be sent against the Italian “rebels” by delivering a violent speech in the 
Imperial Diet in Pest), “but would not employ them to coerce Austrian Italy, as he 
would not consent to foreign troops in Hungary.” 253 

The mythopoeic power of popular fantasy has always shown 
itself in the creation of “great men”. Simon Bolivar is undeniably 
the most convincing illustration of this. As for Kossuth, he is, for 
example, celebrated as the man who abolished feudalism in 
Hungary. Nevertheless he is in no way connected with the three 
great measures: universal taxation, the abolition of the feudal 
burden of the peasantry and the abolition without compensation of 
the tithes paid to the Church. The motion for universal taxation (the 
nobility having previously been exempt) was put by Szemere; the 
motion to do away with corvée, etc., by Bonis, the deputy for 
Szabolcz, and the clergy itself, acting through Jekelfalussy, a deputy 
and a canon, voluntarily relinquished its rights to raise tithes.”