IX 
PANSLAVISM. THE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN WAR 

[New-York Daily Tribune, No. 3403, March 15, 1852] 

Bohemia and Croatia (another disjected member of the Slavonic 
family, acted upon by the Hungarian as Bohemia by the German) 

* The Wisdom of Solomon 11: 16.— Ed. 

Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany 47 

were the homes of what is called on the European Continent 
“Panslavism.” Neither Bohemia nor Croatia was strong enough to 
exist as a nation by herself. Their respective nationalities, gradually 
undermined by the action of historical causes that inevitably absorbs 
them into a more energetic stock, could only hope to be restored 
to something like independence by an alliance with other Slavonic 
nations. There were twenty-two millions of Poles, forty-five millions 
of Russians, eight millions of Serbians and Bulgarians—why not 
form a mighty Confederation of the whole eighty millions of 
Slavonians, and drive back or exterminate the intruder upon the 
holy Slavonic soil, the Turk, the Hungarian, and, above all, the 
hated, but indispensable Niemetz, the German? Thus, in the studies 
of a few Slavonian dilettanti of historical science was this ludicrous, 
this anti-historical movement got up, a movement which intended 
nothing less than to subjugate the civilized West under the barbarian 
East, the town under the country, trade, manufactures, intelligence, 
under the primitive agriculture of Slavonian serfs. But behind this 
ludicrous theory stood the terrible reality of the Russian Empire, that 
empire which by every movement proclaims the pretension of 
considering all Europe as the domain of the Slavonic race and 
especially of the only energetic part of this race, of the Russians; that 
empire which, with two capitals such as St. Petersburg and Moscow, 
has not yet found its center of gravity, as long as the “ City of the Czar’ 
(Constantinople, called in Russian Tzarigrad, the Czar’s city), 
considered by every Russian peasant as the true metropolis of his 
religion and his nation, is not actually the residence of its Emperor; 
that empire which, for the last 150 years, has never lost, but always 
gained territory by every war it has commenced. And well known in 
Central Europe are the intrigues by which Russian policy supported 
the new-fangled system of Panslavism, a system than which none 
better could be invented to suit its purposes. Thus, the Bohemian 
and Croatian Panslavists, some intentionally, some without knowing 
it, worked in the direct interest of Russia; they betrayed the 
revolutionary cause for the shadow of a nationality which, in the best 
of cases, would have shared the fate of the Polish nationality under 
Russian sway. It must, however, be said for the honor of the Poles, 
that they never got to be seriously entangled in these Panslavistic 
traps; and if a few of the aristocracy turned furious Panslavists, they 
knew that by Russian subjugation they had less to lose than by a 
revolt of their own peasant serfs. 

The Bohemians and Croatians called, then, a general Slavonic 
Congress at Prague, for the preparation of the universal Slavonian 
alliance. This Congress would have proved a decided failure even 

without the interference of the Austrian military. The several 
Slavonic languages differ quite as much as the English, the German 
and the Swedish, and when the proceedings opened, there was no 
common Slavonic tongue by which the speakers could make 
themselves understood. French was tried, but was equally unintelligi- 
ble to the majority, and the poor Slavonic enthusiasts, whose only 
common feeling was a common hatred against the Germans, were at 
last obliged to express themselves in the hated German language, as 
the only one that was generally understood! But just then, another 
Slavonic Congress was assembling in Prague, in the shape of Galician 
lancers, Croatian and Slovak grenadiers, and Bohemian gunners and 
cuirassiers; and this real, armed Slavonic Congress, under the 
command of Windischgratz, in less than twenty-four hours drove the 
founders of an imaginary Slavonian supremacy out of the town and 
dispersed them to the winds. 

The Bohemian, Moravian, Dalmatian, and part of the Polish 
Deputies (the aristocracy) to the Austrian Constituent Diet, made in 
that Assembly a systematic war upon the German element. The 
Germans and part of the Poles (the impoverished nobility) were in 
this Assembly the chief supporters of revolutionary progress; the 
mass of the Slavonic Deputies, in opposing them, were not satisfied 
with thus showing clearly the reactionary tendencies of their entire 
movement, but they were degraded enough to tamper and conspire 
with the very same Austrian Government which had dispersed their 
meeting at Prague. They, too, were paid for this infamous conduct; 
after supporting the Government during the insurrection of 
October, 1848, an event which finally secured to them the majority 
in the Diet, this now almost exclusively Slavonic Diet was dispersed 
by Austrian soldiers,” the same as the Prague Congress, and the 
Panslavists threatened with imprisonment if they should stir again. 
And they have only obtained this, that Slavonic nationality is 
now being everywhere undermined by Austrian centralization, a 
result for which they may thank their own fanaticism and blind- 
ness. 

If the frontiers of Hungary and Germany had admitted of any 
doubt, there would certainly have been another quarrel there. But, 
fortunately, there was no pretext, and the interests of both nations 
being intimately related, they struggled against the same enemies, 

z., the Austrian Government and the Panslavistic fanaticism. The 

“ See below, p. 70.— Ed. 

Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany 49 

good understanding was not for a moment disturbed. But the Italian 
revolution entangled a part at least of Germany in an internecine 
war; and it must be stated here, as a proof how far the Metternichian 
system had succeeded in keeping back the development of the 
public mind, that during the first six months of 1848 the same 
men that had in Vienna mounted the barricades, went, full of 
enthusiasm, to join the army that fought against the Italian 
patriots. This deplorable confusion of ideas did not, however, last 
long. 

Lastly, there was the war with Denmark about Schleswig and 
Holstein. These countries, unquestionably German by nationality, 
language, and predilection, are also, from military, naval and 
commercial grounds, necessary to Germany. Their inhabitants have, 
for the last three years, struggled hard against Danish intrusion. The 
right of treaties, besides, was for them. The revolution of March 
brought them into open collision with the Danes, and Germany 
supported them. But while in Poland, in Italy, in Bohemia, and later 
on, in Hungary, military operations were pushed with the utmost 
vigor, in this, the only popular, the only, at least partially, 
revolutionary war, a system of resultless marches and counter- 
marches was adopted, and an interference of foreign diplomacy was 
submitted to, which led, after many an heroic engagement, to a most 
miserable end. The German Governments betrayed, during this war, 
the Schleswig-Holstein revolutionary army on every occasion, and 
allowed it purposely to be cut up, when dispersed or divided, by 
the Danes. The German corps of volunteers were treated the 
same. 

But while thus the German name earned nothing but hatred on 
every side, the German constitutional and liberal Governments 
rubbed their hands for joy. They had succeeded in crushing the 
Polish and Bohemian* movements. They had everywhere revived 
the old national animosities, which heretofore had prevented any 
common understanding and action between the German, the Pole, 
the Italian. They had accustomed the people to scenes of civil war 
and repression by the military. The Prussian army had regained its 
confidence in Poland, the Austrian army in Prague; and while the 
superabundant patriotism (“die patriotische Uberkraft’, as Heine has 
it”) of revolutionary, but short-sighted youth was led, in Schleswig 
and Lombardy, to be crushed by the grape-shot of the enemy, the 

* Czech.— Ed. 
> Heinrich Heine, “Bei des Nachtwachters Ankunft zu Paris” (from the cycle 
Zeitgedichte).— Ed. 

regular army, the real instrument of action, both of Prussia and 
Austria, was placed in a position to regain public favor by victories 
over the foreigner. But we repeat: these armies, strengthened by the 
Liberals as a means of action against the more advanced party, no 
sooner had recovered their self-confidence and their discipline in 
some degree, than they turned themselves against the Liberals, and 
restored to power the men of the old system. When Radetzky, in his 
camp behind the Adige, received the first orders from the 
“responsible Ministers” at Vienna, he exclaimed: “Who are these 
Ministers? They are not the Government of Austria! Austria is, now, 
nowhere, but in my tamp; I and my Army, we are Austria; and when 
we shall have beaten the Italians we shall reconquer the Empire for 
the Emperor*!” And old Radetzky was right—but the imbecile, 
“responsible” Ministers at Vienna heeded him not. 

London, February, 1852