Karl Marx 
To the Editor of "The Standard" 
July 13, 1871 

To the Editor of The Standard. 

Sir —In this morning's Standard your Paris correspondent translates from 
the Gazette de France a letter dated Berlin, April 28, 1871, and purporting 
to be signed by me. I beg to state that this letter is from beginning to end 
a forgery, quite as much as all the previous pretended letters of mine lately 
published in the Paris Journal and other French police papers. If the Gazette 
de France professes to have taken the letter from German papers, this 
must be a falsehood too. A German paper would never have dated that 

fabrication from Berlin.—I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
KARL MARX. 

London, July 13. 

Friedrich Engels 

Notizen über Giuseppe Mazzini 

Mazzini Verfasser des Manifest und Statut, verworfen — war ganz central 
und vulgärdemokratisch und geheimgesellschaftlich. — Die] Italiener] und 
Wolff blieben bis zur Affaire Lefort, wo Wolff von der Sitzung ging, die 
anderen erst nach Le Lubez austraten, ca. 3 Monate nach Stiftung. Sie 
wollten internationale Ass[oziation] der Friendly Societies und wunderten 
sich über das Mißverständniß, sie wollten was ganz andres als wir. Schon 
im Journal de Liege gegen Vésinier vom Centrai-Rath erklärt daß 
M[azzini] nie zur Assoziation gehört und daß seine Vorlage verworfen 
wurde. 

Juni-Insurrektions-Brochure L. Bl[an]cs gegen Mazz[ini] der die Insurgen- 

ten ganz wie jetzt den Bourgeois denunzirte. 

Friedrich Engels 
L'intervento di Giuseppe Mazzini contro 
l'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai 

Mazzini nel suo Indirizzo agli opérai italiani dice: 

"Quest'Associazione fondata anni addietro in Londra ed alia quale io 
ricusai fin da principio la mia cooperazione. . . . Un nucleo d'individui, 
che s'assuma di governare direttamente una vasta moltitudine d'uomini 
diversi per patria, tendenze, condizioni politiche, interessi economici, 
mezzi d'azione, finira sempre per non operare, o dovrà operare tirannica- 
mente. Per questo io mi ritrassi e si ritrasse poco dopo la sezione operaia 
italiana ecc." 

Ora ecco i fatti. Dopo la riunione del 28 settembre 1864 nella quale 
l'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai fu fondata, tostochè il consiglio 
provvisorio eletto in quell'Assemblea si raduno, il maggiore L. Wolff 
présenté un manifesto ed un progetto di Statuti steso da Mazzini stesso. 
Nel qual progetto non solamente non si trovava difficoltà a governare 
direttamente una moltitudine ecc. non solamente non diceva che questo 
nucleo d'individui . . finira sempre per non operare, o dovrà operare 
tirannicamente, ma al contrario gli statuti erano ispirati ad una centralizzata 
cospirazione, dando poteri tirannici al corpo centrale — Il manifesto era 
nello stile solito di Mazzini: la democrazia borghese che offriva diritti 
politici agli opérai, onde poter conservare i privilegi sociali delle classi 
medie e superiori. 

Questo manifesto e progetto di statuto furono naturalmente rigettati. 
Gl'italiani rimasero membri sino a che alcune questioni non furono di 
nuovo messe fuori per causa di certi borghesi francesi, che volevano ser- 
virsi dell'Internazionale. Non essendo questi riusciti, Wolff dapprima e 
poscia gli altri si ritirarono. E cosî l'Internazionale la fece finita con Mazzini. 
Qualche tempo dopo il Consiglio centrale provvisorio, rispondendo ad un 
articolo di Vesinier, dichiaro nel „Journal de Liège" che Mazzini non era 
stato mai membro dell'associazione internazionale e che i suoi progetti, 
manifesti e statuti erano stati rigettati. Mazzini ha furiosamente attaccata 
la Comune di Parigi anche sulla stampa inglese. Questo è proprio ciô, che 

egli ha sempre f atto, quando i proletari si sono sollevati; dopo l'insurrezione 
di Giugno 1848 egli fece lo stesso, denunciando i proletarii insorti, tanto 
oltraggiosamente, che lo stesso Luigi Blanc scrisse un opuscolo contro di 
Lui. E Luigi Blanc ha diverse volte ripetuto in quel tempo che l'insurrezione 
di Giugno era l'opéra di agenti bonapartisti! 

Mazzini chiama Marx uomo d'ingegno. . . dissolvente, di tempra domi- 
natrice ecc. forse perché Marx ha saputo molto ben dissolvere la cabala 
ordita da Mazzini a danno dell'Internazionale, dominando talmente la mal 
dissimulata libidine di autorità del vecchio cospiratore, si di renderlo per 
sempre innocuo all'Associazione. Se & cosi, l'Internazionale dev'esser ben 
lieta di possedere fra i suoi membri un ingegno ed una tempra, che in tal 
guisa dissolvendo e dominando l'ha tenuta in piedi per sette anni, lavorando 
più che ogni altro uomo per portarla alla sua attual superba posizione. 

Riguardo alio smembramento dell'Associazione, che, secondo Mazzini, 
è già cominciato in Inghilterra, il fatto è che due membri inglesi del Con- 
siglio, che erano divenuti troppo intimi con la borghesia, trovarono ,,l'In- 
dirizzo sulla guerra Civile" troppo spinto e si ritirarono. In loro vece quattro 
nuovi membri inglesi ed uno irlandese sono entrati a far parte del Consiglio 
Generale, il quale si stima con cio piü rafforzato di prima. 

Invece di essere in uno stato di dissoluzione l'Internazionale è ora per la 
prima volta riconosciuta pubblicamente da tutta la stampa inglese come una 
grande potenza europea; e mai un piccolo opuscolo ha fatto in Londra 
tanta impressione quanto l'Indirizzo del Consiglio Generale sulla guerra 
civile in Francia, del quale si pubblichera ora la terza edizione. 

E mestieri che gli opérai italiani osservino che il grande cospiratore ed 
agitatore Mazzini non ha per essi altro consiglio che: Educatevi, istruitevi 
come meglio potete (come se ciô potesse esser fatto senza mezzi!) 
adopratevi a creare più frequenti le società cooperatrici di consume (nem- 

meno di produzione!) — E fidate nell'avvenire! 

Friedrich Engels 
To the Editor of "The Times" 
August 7, 1871 

To the Editor of the Times 

Sir—The remarks of The Times on the repeated postponement of the trial 
of the Communist prisoners at Versailles have undoubtedly hit the nail on 
the head and have expressed the feeling of the French public. The angry 
note of the Journal Officiel in reply to these remarks is but one of the many 

proofs of the fact. In consequence of the article in the Times, many recla- 
mations have been addressed to the Paris press, reclamations which, under 
these circumstances, had no chance of being published. I have before me 
the letter of a Frenchman whose official position enables him to know the 
facts he is writing about, and whose testimony as to the motives of this 
unaccountable delay ought to have some value. Here are some extracts 
from this letter: 

"Nobody as yet knows when the 3° Court-martial will open its sittings. 
The cause of this appears to be that Captain Grimai, Commissaire de la 
Republique (public accuser) has been superseded by another and more 
reliable man; it has been found out at the last moment, on perusal of his 
general report which was to be read in court, that he was perhaps a little bit 
of a republican, that he had served under Faidherbe etc in the Army of the 
North etc— Well; all at once another officer presents himself at his office 
saying: here is my commission, I am your successor; the poor captain was 
so surprised that he went nearly mad . . . || M. Thiers has the pretention to 
do everything by himself, this mania goes so far that not only has he called 
together, contrary to all rules of fairness, all the juges d'instruction in his 
cabinet, but he pretends even to regulate the composition of the public to 
be admitted into the Court; he himself, through M. B. St. Hilaire, distributes 
the tickets of admission __ 

"In the mean time the prisoners at Satory die like flies—pitiless death 
works faster than the justice of these little statesmen... There is in the 
Versailles Cellular prison a big fellow who does not speak a word of 

French, he is supposed to be an Irishman. How he got into this trouble is 
still a mystery—Amongst the prisoners there is a very honest man called 
, he has been in his cell for two months and has not yet been 

examined. It is infamous." 

I am Sir 

Your obedient servant 

Justitia. 

London 7" August 1871. 

Karl Marx 
Au rédacteur de «L'International» 
17 août 1871 

Au Rédacteur de l'International 

Monsieur, 

Dans un article intitulé «La Société <L'Internationale > » vous dites : 

« En dehors de leurs dures économies, les ouvriers, infatués d'eux-mêmes, 
fournissent aux membres du Conseil tout le confortable désirable pour vivre 
agréablement à Londres. » 

Je vous ferai remarquer qu'à l'exception du Secrétaire général recevant 
un salaire de 10 shillings par semaine — tous les membres du conseil 
remplissent leurs fonctions et les ont toujours remplies gratuitement. 

Je demande l'insertion de ces lignes dans votre prochain numéro. 

Si votre journal continue à répandre des calomnies pareilles, il sera 
poursuivi judiciairement. 

J'ai l'honneur de vous saluer 
K. Marx 

Karl Marx 
To the Editor of "Public Opinion" 
August 19, 1871 

To the Editor of "Public Opinion” 

Sir,—In your publication of to-day you translate from the Berlin National 
Zeitung, a notorious organ of Bismarck's, a most atrocious libel against the 
International Working Men's Association, in which the following passage 
occurs:—"'Capital,' says Karl Marx, 'trades in the strength and life of the 
workman;' but this new Messiah himself is not a step farther advanced; he 
takes from the mechanic the money paid him by the capitalist for his 
labour, and generously gives him in exchange a bill on a State that may 
possibly exist a thousand years hence. What edifying stories are told about 

the vile corruption of Socialist agitators, what a shameful abuse they make 

of the money confided to them, and what mutual accusations they throw in 
each other's faces, are things we have abundantly learned by the Congresses 
and from the organs of the party. There is here a monstrous volcano of 
filth, from whose eruptions nothing better could issue than a Parisian 
Commune." 

In reply to the venal writers of the National Zeitung, I consider it quite 
sufficient to declare that I have never asked or received one single farthing 
from the working class of this or any other country. 

Save the general Secretary, who receives a weekly salary of ten shil- 
lings, all the members of the General Council of the "International" do 
their work gratuitously. The financial accounts of the General Council, 
annually laid before the General Congresses of the Association, have al- 
ways been sanctioned unanimously without provoking any discussion 

whatever. 

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, KARL MARX. 

Haverstock Hill, Aug. 19, 1871. 

Karl Marx 
Au rédacteur du «Gaulois» 
24 aoüt 1871 

Brighton, 24° aoüt, 1871. 

Au Rédacteur du Gaulois, 

Monsieur, 

Comme vous avez publié des extraits du compte rendu d'une conversation 
que j'ai eue avec un des correspondants du New York Herald, j'espère que 
vous publierez aussi la déclaration suivante que j'ai envoyée au New York 
Herald. Je vous communique cette déclaration dans sa forme originale, 
c'est-à-dire en anglais. 
J'ai l'honneur d'être votre serviteur, 
Karl Marx. 

London, 17 August, 1871 

To the Editor of the "New York Herald". 
Sir, 

In the Herald of August 3rd, I find a report of a conversation, I had with one 

of your correspondents. I beg to say that I must decline all and every
responsibility for the statements attributed to me in that report, whether 
such statements refer to individuals connected with the late events in 
France, or to any political and economical opinions. Of what I am reported 

to have said, one part I said differently, and another I never said at all. 

Yours obediently. 
KARL MARX. 

Karl Marx 
Letter to the Editor of the "Sun", Charles Dana 

Brighton, August 23, 1871. 

My dear Sir: In the first instance I must beg you to excuse my prolonged 
silence. I should have answered your letter long ago if I had not been quite 
overburdened with work, so much so that my health broke down, and my 
doctor found it necessary to banish me for a few months to this sea-bathing 
place, with the strict injunction to do nothing. 

I shall comply with your wish after my return to London when a favorable 
occasion occurs for rushing into print. 

I have sent a declaration to the New York Herald, in which I decline all 
and every responsibility for the trash and positive falsehoods with which 
its correspondent burdens me. I do not know whether the Herald has printed 
it. 

The number of the Communal refugees arriving in London is on the 
increase, while our means of supporting them is daily on the decrease, so 
that many find themselves in a very deplorable state. We shall make an 
appeal for assistance to the Americans. 

To give you an inkling of the state of things that under the République 
Thiers prevails in France, I will tell you what has happened to my own 
daughters. 

My second daughter, Laura, is married to Monsieur Lafargue, a medical 
man. They left Paris a few days before the commencement of the first siege 
for Bordeaux, where Lafargue's father lived. The latter, having fallen very 
ill, wanted to see his son, who attended him, indeed was at his sick bed 
until the time of his death. Lafargue and my daughter then continued to 

stay at Bordeaux, where the former possesses a house. During the time of 
the Commune, Lafargue acted as Secretary to the Bordeaux branches of 
the International, and was also sent as a delegate to Paris, where he stayed 
six days to make himself acquainted with the state of things there. During 
all the time he was not molested by the Bordeaux police. Toward the middle 
of May my two unmarried daughters set out for Bordeaux, and thence 
together with the family Lafargue to Bagnères de Luchon, in the Pyrenees, 

near the Spanish frontier... There the eldest daughter, who had suffered 
from a severe attack of pleurisy, took the mineral waters and underwent 
regular medical treatment. Lafargue and his wife had to attend to a dying 
baby, and my youngest daughter amused herself as much in the charming 
environs of Luchon as the family afflictions permitted. Luchon is a place of 
resort for patients and for the beau monde, and above all places the least 
fitted for political intrigue. My daughter Madame Lafargue had, moreover, 
the misfortune to lose her child, and shortly after its burial—in the second 
week of August— who should appear at the dwelling place? The illustrious 
Kératry, well known by the infamies he committed during the Mexican war, 

and the equivocal part he played during the Franco-Prussian war, first as 
Prefect of Police at Paris, and later as a soi-disant General in Brittany, and 
now Prefect of the Haute-Garonne, and M. Delpech, Procureur General of 
Toulouse—both these worthies being accompanied by gendarmes. 

Lafargue had received a hint the evening before, and had crossed the 
Spanish frontier, having provided himself with a Spanish passport at 
Bordeaux. 

Although the son of French parents, he was born in Cuba, and is therefore 
a Spaniard. A domiciliary visit was made at the dwelling place of my 
daughters, and they themselves were subjected to a severe cross examination 
by the two mighty representatives of the République Thiers. They were 
charged with carrying on an insurrectional correspondence. That correspon- 
dence consisted simply in letters to their mother, the contents of which 
were of course not flattering to the French Government, and in copies of 
some London newspapers! For about a week their house was watched by 
gendarmes. They had to promise to leave France, where their presence 
was too dangerous, as soon as they could make the preparations necessary 
for their departure, and in the mean time they were to consider themselves 
as people placed under the haute surveillance of the police. Kératry and 
Delpech had flattered themselves with the hope of finding them unprovided 
with passports, but fortunately they were possessed of regular English 
passports. Otherwise they would have had to share the infamous treatment 
of the sister of Delescluze and other French ladies as innocent as them- 
selves. They have not yet returned, and are probably waiting for news from 
Lafargue. 

Meanwhile the Paris papers told the most incredible lies; the Gaulois, for 
instance, transforming my three daughters into three brothers of mine, well 
known and dangerous agents of the International Propaganda, though 
I have no brothers. At the same time that La France, a Paris organ of 
Thiers, gave a most varnished tale of the events at Luchon, and asserted 
that Monsieur Lafargue might quietly return to France without incurring 

any danger, the French Government requested the Spanish Government 
to arrest Lafargue as a member of the Paris Commune! to which he had 
never belonged, and to which, as a resident of Bordeaux, he could not 
belong. Lafargue was in fact arrested, and under the escort of gendarmes 
marched to Barbastro, where he had to take his night quarters in the town 
prison, thence to Huesca, whence the Governor, on telegraphic order from 
the Spanish Minister of the Interior, had to forward him to Madrid. Accord- 
ing to the Daily News of the 24" August, he has at last been set free. The 
whole proceedings at Luchon and in the papers were nothing but shabby 
attempts of Mr. Thiers & Co. to revenge themselves upon me as the author 
of the address of the General Council of the International on the Civil War. 
Between their revenge and my daughters stood the English passport, and 
Mr. Thiers is as cowardly in his relations to foreign powers as he is 
unscrupulous in regard to his disarmed countrymen. 

As to Cluseret, I do not think that he was a traitor, but certainly he under- 
took to play a part for which he lacked the mettle, and thus he did great 
harm to the Commune. I know nothing as to his whereabouts. And now 
addio! 

Your old friend. 
KARL MARX. 

Karl Marx 
The Commune and Archbishop Darboy 

The Commune and Archbishop Darboy. 

Sir—The passage of the Address of the General Council of the International 
Working Men's Association, "On the Civil War in France," which gave the 
signal to shouts of moral indignation on the part of the London press, was 
this: "The real murderer of the Archbishop is Thiers." 

From the enclosed letter, addressed to M. Bigot, the counsel for M. Assi 
at the Versailles Court-martial, by M. Eugene Fondeville, who is ready 
to confirm his statements by affidavit, you will see that the Archbishop 
himself actually shared my view ofthe case. At the time of the publication 
of the "Address," I was not yet informed of the interview of M. Fondeville 
with M.Darboy, but even then the correspondence of the Archbishop 
with M. Thiers revealed his strange misgivings as to the good faith of the 
Chief of the French Executive. Another fact has now been placed beyond 
doubt—viz., that at the time of the execution of the hostages the Communal 
government had already ceased to exist, and ought, therefore, no longer 
be held responsible for that event. 

I am, etc., 
KARL MARX. 
London, August 29. 

Londres, 19 Aoüt, 1871. 

Monsieur, — Je prends la liberté de vous écrire pour vous entretenir de 
l'existence de certains documents relatifs aux événements de la Commune 
et pour vous prier de vouloir bien user des privilèges de votre profession 
et de votre qualité de défenseur d'un accusé pour en obtenir la production 
dans les débats. 

Vers le 15 Avril un journal de Paris reproduisait une lettre écrite au 
Times dans laquelle un individu déclarait avoir visité les otages à Mazas, et 
accusait la Commune de procédés barbares envers eux. Voulant absolument 
me rendre compte de la véracité de pareilles assertions, je me rendis à cette 
prison où je pus m'assurer du contraire. Ce jour-là je m'entretins avec 
MM. Darboy, Bonjean, Deguerry, et M. Petit, secrétaire de l'Archevêque, 
qui pourra puisqu'il existe vous donner des renseignements à ce sujet. 
Dans la suite je leur fis de fréquentes visites et quelques jours avant la 
chute de la Commune MM. Darboy et Bonjean me remirent des autographes 
dont je vous donne ci-dessous à peu près la teneur. 

Voici le résumé succinct du document Darboy. Il a pour titre, «Mon 
Arrestation, ma Détention, et mes Réflexions à Mazas.» Il en ressort 
qu'à part son arrestation dont il incrimine la Commune; il rejette sur le 
gouvernement de Versailles toute la responsabilité de sa détention; il 
l'accuse surtout de sacrifier les otages pour se réserver une sorte de droit 
de représaille dans l'avenir. Il s'appuie en cela sur ses tentatives écrites 
d'une part et sur les démarches de ses amis auprès de M. Thiers, démarches 
et pourparlers qui n'ont abouti qu'à des refus, notamment celle de M. Lagar- 
de. Il affirme que non seulement il a été question d'échanger les otages 
contre Blanqui, mais encore contre le cadavre du général Duval. Il déclare 
en outre être bien traité, il loue longuement la conduite du citoyen Garau, 
directeur de Mazas. Déjà il prévoit sa mort et voici ce qu'il écrit à ce sujet : 
«Il est acquis que Versailles ne veut ni d'échange ni de conciliation, d'un 
autre côté si la Commune a eu le pouvoir de nous arrêter, elle n'a pas celui 
de nous faire mettre en liberté ; car à cette heure notre mise en liberté 
sans échange ferait dans Paris une révolution qui renverserait la Com- 
mune. » 

Quant ä M. Bonjean, il me remit un long traité d'économie agricole qu'il 
avait composé en prison, deux lettres pour sa famille, et une espéce de 
journal de sa détention. Quoique ce document n'ait pas la même valeur au 
point de vue de la défense que celui de M. Darboy, il prouve que les otages 
ont été traités à Mazas avec humanité. 

Comme il est inutile d'insister sur l'importance de pareils documents, je 
vais maintenant vous expliquer par quels concours de circonstances j'en 
ai été dépossédé. 

Obligé de quitter le Ministère des Travaux Publics le lundi 22 Mai au 
matin, je dus me réfugier dans le seul établissement qui se trouvait ouvert, 
rue du Temple ; là je déposais ma malle et mes papiers. Le jeudi 25, les 
Versaillais s'étant emparés de ce quartier, je songeais avant de me retirer à 
mettre ces documents en sûreté. Le maître de l'hôtel en qui j'avais cru 
pouvoir me confier, me cédait un placard d'une chambre du 2me étage dont 

j'emportais la clef. Outre les pièces citées plus haut, je déposais aussi cinq 
lettres de MacMahon qui m'avaient été remises à la Préfecture de Police, 
plusieurs documents officiels, parmi lesquels étaient ma commission de 
délégué à Neuilly pendant l'armistice du 25 Avril, deux billets de circulation, 
une lettre adressée de Londres à M. Thiers, et quelques photographies de 
divers membres de la Commune. 

Le 27 Mai j'envoyais deux hommes rue du Temple, ils devaient me 
rapporter, en même temps que ma malle, les papiers déposés dans le 
placard. Le propriétaire de l'hôtel répondit à leur demande que plusieurs 
de ses voisins ayant dit à diverses reprises qu'un membre de la Commune 
s'était réfugié chez lui, il avait cru prudent de forcer le placard et de brûler 
les papiers. 

La malle me fut apportée, elle aussi avait été forcée, et mes papiers privés, 
tels que certificats et autres, m'avaient été soustraits. Maintenant et malgré 
que le maître de l'hôtel m'ait confirmé à moi-même la destruction de ces 
pièces, je suis persuadé du contraire, et des avis qui m'arrivent de Paris 
m'assurent que celui à qui je les avais confiées les a encore en sa possession, 
ou les a remises depuis peu à la police. 

Suit des renseignements pour se procurer les pièces désignées, et les 
salutations d'usage. La lettre a été envoyée à Bigot, le 19 Août 1871 

E. FONDEVILLE, 
Propriétaire à St Macaire. 

Karl Marx 
Au rédacteur de « La Vérité » 
30 août 1871 

International Working Men's Association, 
256, High Holborn, London. - W . C 
30 Août 1871 

Monsieur le Rédacteur, 

Ayant lu dans le Daily News d'aujourd'hui que M. Renaut attribue à l'Inter- 
nationale un manifeste invitant les paysans français à brûler tous les chä- 
teaux possibles etc, M. John Haies, le secrétaire général du Conseil Général 
de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, a immédiatement envoyé 
à M. L.Bigot, le défenseur d'Assi, cette dépêche télégraphique : 

«Proclamation incendiaire attribuée à l'Internationale est un faux. Som- 
mes prêts à en faire déclaration assermentée devant magistrat anglais. » 

Maintenant, je me hâte d'avertir le public français par l'intermédiaire de 
votre honorable journal que fous les mantfestes, imprimés à Paris au nom 
de l'Internationale depuis l'entrée des troupes du gouvernement français 

dans Paris, que tous ces manifestes, sans exception aucune, sont des 
faux. 

Je vous fais cette déclaration non seulement sur ma parole d'honneur, 
mais je suis prêt à en faire la déclaration assermentée («the affidavit ») 
devant un magistrat anglais. 

J'ai raison de croire que ces productions infâmes n'émanent pas même 
directement de la police, mais de Monsieur B. d'un individu attaché à un 
de ces journaux parisiens que le Standard (journal Tory) désigne dans un 
de ses derniers numéros comme les organes du demi-monde. 

Recevez, Monsieur, l'assurance de ma 
parfaite considération 
Karl Marx