The Hungarian War News

Altona, 13 March. Austria has delivered in Copenhagen approximately the following declaration, by a dispatch from the Minister of Foreign Affairs to the Austrian chargé d’affaires there: “The Imperial Government fully associates itself with the declarations of Russia and France regarding the Schleswig-Holstein dispute. It goes without saying that Austria declares itself for the just cause of the King against his rebellious subjects. Its circumstances, to be sure, did not permit it to join the steps which those powers were resolved to take for the protection of His Majesty’s rights — but it hoped nevertheless to be able to advance the good cause through the earnest representations it would make to the Berlin Court and to the provisional central authority in Frankfurt.”
(D. Z.) !!! Frankfurt, 17 March. National Assembly.
Order of the day: Welcker’s motions.
This firm had already filled all the galleries tightly at an early hour.
Before the session an exceedingly amusing scene arises around the secretary over the inscriptions on the speakers’ list, which almost degenerates into a brawl.
Simson opens the session at 10 o’clock.
Zimmermann of Stuttgart interpellates concerning the investigation pending for five months against Zitz, Schlöffel, Simon of Trier (from the Pfingstweide) and asks whether, before the dissolution of the Parliament, the result of this investigation will not at last be made known.
Minister of Justice Mohl will answer in the next session.
Gagern replies to the interpellation by Raumer of Dinkelsbühl as to whether and what Austria has replied to the negotiations which the Minister-President, in accordance with his programme, has initiated with this government. The main content of the phrase-laden reply (drawn up by Bassermann) is that Austria will never enter a Germany at whose head Prussia stands, and that therefore not even a directory government is conceivable in which Austria would play a role with equal rights alongside Prussia. Whoever truly wants the unity of Germany, says Austria, will know how to arrange things so that Austria can remain with Germany without endangering or altering its existence. Austria, thus concludes the note in question, wants “a Germany rich in power and honours!” Austria will not enter the federal state held in prospect (by the Parliament). The formation of a unitary state appears to the Imperial-Royal Government not feasible for Austria, not desirable for Germany. (You understand that this interpellation is answered at such length and breadth before the Welcker debate in order to save for the King of Prussia the votes of some wavering souls. Already, several who have always been doubtful in this matter, as I just hear, have become traitors to their party, such as Schoder, Hildebrand, who mean to vote for the Prussian.) The Ministry, says Gagern, does not entertain the thought that Austria will want to prevent the formation of a narrower federal state (Little Germany) which it cannot itself enter. No legal ground supports Austria in such a step. (Bravo from the Centre) The policy of the future Little Germany will have nothing hostile to Austria. (I believe it. State of siege here, state of siege there) The ministerial paper, at least ten sheets long, is concluded without applause.
Schlöffel, Wigard and others move, in view of the great crush of listeners, to open the castrated gallery spaces to the public for today.
Minister Gagern seems to remark against the motion that this would be a matter for the President of the National Assembly.
Wigard asks the Assembly to grant this.
President Simson gives permission, with the exception of the space where the Imperial Library stands.
The listeners rush breathlessly into the empty spaces, which looks extremely comical.
The order of the day is proceeded to at 11 o’clock.
President Simson reads out amendments to Welcker’s motions; among others, the following motion has been put by Sommaruga, Heckscher and many Austrians:
“The National Assembly makes it a condition of entry for Austria that Austria enters with its entire complex of lands, that the House of States is sent from all its lands, the House of the People from the German lands, etc. — The National Assembly dispatches a deputation with these declarations to Austria and then waits four weeks for the reply.”
Radowitz moves among other things that the imperial election should only proceed after the declarations of all German governments.
Lassaulx moves the simple order of the day on Welcker’s motions, since if Germany were to get an emperor, it would have to be that of Austria. (Murmurs and laughter).
Linde of Mainz (Ultramontane) moves a reasoned order of the day.
Eisenstuck moves among other things that the Austrian imposed constitution is not binding for the German-Austrian provinces and that the German Imperial Constitution is to be implemented in German-Austria by the Imperial authority by all means. (Ah!) I shall send you all the motions in printed form at the appropriate time, since the discussion will last three to four days.
The following is the list of speakers:
Against the motion.
Neuwall, Hermann, Vogt, v. Radowitz, M. Mohl, Eisenmann, Ahrens (Salzgitter), Buß, Fröbel, Marck, Berger, v. Nappard, Linde, Grundener, Förster, Wigard, Weber, Möhring, Stein, v Pretis, Zimmermann (Stuttgart), Nauwerk, Frisch, Mölling, Döllinger, Schlöffel, G_ rören, Stracher, v. Heiden, Pfetzer, H. Simon, Kreuzberg, Reichensperger, Schaffrath, Thinnes, Nagel, Wiesner, Bergthaler, Lewisohn, Funk, Max Simom, v. Dieskau, v. Maifeld, Würth (Sigmaringen), Riehl, Schuler, Schulz (Darm-

stadt), Neubauer, Raus, Herz (Vienna), Gritzner, — Müller von Damm, Hartmann (Leitmeritz), Schreiner, Phillips, Wurtke, Rönner, Arnds of Munich. For the committee motion. Welker, Beseler (Schleswig), Münch, Reh (Darmstadt), Wydenbrugk, Waiz, Wurm, Zittel, Bauer (Bamberg), Mathy, Arndt (Bonn), Bassermann, Reden, Wedekind, Grävell, Gravenhorst, Rümelin, Wichmann, Bernhards, Makowiczka, Mittermaier, Schneer. For the motion. Ritze, Ekkert (Bromberg), Schürrmeister, Schubert (Königsberg), Henkel (Kassel), Sauken. On the whole 59 against and 28 for.

You see that Reh (apostate), Wydenbrugk, Gravenhorst, Mittermaier have left the Left in favour of Frederick William IV. After some dispute Welker is the first to take the floor: One must grasp the great whole of the situation and act boldly (!) and strongly (!). He now repeats what he has said before, that he will joyfully vote for the Prussian hereditary emperor as soon as Austria has withdrawn. — At that time he voted for the Directory out of necessity, which today Welker calls the worst form of government. But today it is clear, Austria cannot be won for the German federal state. — He forged his motion in half an hour, for fear of being once again overpowered by his feelings. Austria not only no longer wishes to, it can no longer join, because of the intervening imperial (Tamerlanean) word and the octroyed constitution. In its last note Austria has decidedly declared itself against a “people’s house”; it therefore wants to destroy the German federal-state constitution, the work of 10 months’ exertions; and yet join. One must blush when one looks to Vienna. (Ah! But Herr Welker did not blush back in October, when it was time to do so.) — And one is supposed to unite with the totally recalcitrant Austrian nationalities — Italians, Poles, Czechs, etc. — In this way, one would give the majority in the house of states to Austria from the outset. And Austria’s alien nationalities would be under a hereditary emperor — yet this right (to unite under a hereditary emperor) one wants to deny Germany. Austria wants to deny this — If the whole complex of Austrian territories (according to the last note and Sommaruga’s and the Austrians’ motion) joins the German state union, 38 million Austrians will be represented against 31 million Germans in the house of states. — The 7 million German-Austrians that we would lose, we will seek to replace through inner development. (Laughter from the Left.) One would be casting oneself away if one were to begin new negotiations with Austria now. — Gentlemen, either renounce this unhappy idea of union with Austria, or leave St. Paul’s Church and hand back your mandates to the people (who have been betrayed — indeed, and precisely by riff-raff like Welker, etc.!) (Left: Yes! Yes! That’s how it is!) At last, with the danger of war with Denmark and Russia, with the danger of an octroyed constitution for us too, bring the work to a conclusion. (So, to prevent the danger of an octroying, one should place the constitution of Germany in the hands of the man who first octroyed one! How do you like that assertion?) Now follows a harangue against the republic. If you (the Left) are against it, you will provoke riots and struggles in the various regions of Germany, and I see them coming. But these riots will be put down together with the republicans, and sabre-rule will come. (Scandalised outcry from the Left.) Gentlemen, he says to the Austrians, you are on the point of preventing our work and of doing what you cannot answer for before God and the world. — Vote against us, but by the eternal God, you will thereby create no bond between Prussia and Austria — History will write down your names, the names of those who would ruin the fatherland, as well as the names of those who saved it.

v. Radowitz. So far in our political struggles the tribal relations have receded into the background; now, at the close, they come to the fore. Our parties have been struck by blindness: no longer being willing to concede to the hostile party what one concedes to one’s own. — I would have wished with all my heart that the old, dear community between Germany and Austria had remained untouched. This could have happened, at the high price that Germany had restricted itself in its centralisation, Austria in its federal arrangements. It has not happened. The danger to the fatherland is twofold: firstly, to have brought no constitution to pass and merely to have torn down; secondly, to bring Germany into a position in which foreign countries consider themselves entitled to intervene. — I would have regarded it as a great advantage if this last-mentioned pretext had been cut off. — But woe, I call, upon those who will call on the foreigner for aid. The history of the world, which is the world’s tribunal, will pronounce its judgment on them. — It must be our task to reach our goal with the least violations and the least changes. I consider it permissible to adopt the constitution (according to Welker’s proposal) at one stroke, but even if you do not share the view of my party, to submit this constitution to the governments of Germany for adoption, you will agree with me that the governments of Germany are to be asked whether they wish to join the federal state on the condition of this constitution, or not. — I will vote for any motion that brings our constitution to a conclusion. — Gentlemen, many of you have not yet learned, and many of you have forgotten in the 34 years since, what it means to call civil war down upon Germany. Wurm (the supple Hamburger) for the committee motions, for which he will vote because he wishes (verbatim!) to be able to die in peace. — He calls out to us pathetically:

“People, O, at last be wiser
And choose yourself an emperor!” —

He hopes the King of Prussia will do his duty. (The only question is what Herr Wurm calls duty.) I give you no more of his buffooneries;

Römer of Württemberg is given the floor out of turn, in order to contradict Wurm’s ridiculous assertion that Württemberg had offered the German head-of-state dignity to the King of Prussia the previous year! Then follow a few more corrections of Herr Wurm, which provoke contradiction from the Right. Römer duly puts the Right in their place, upon which the galleries applaud loudly. Württemberg, says R., deserves praise rather than blame from the National Assembly. It was the first to promulgate the fundamental rights. But the Württemberg government is naturally of the opinion that the unity of the whole of Germany, not of half, must be formed. (Prolonged applause from the Left and galleries)

v. Herrmann (Munich). He expresses himself in the Austrian sense. Just as well as Prussia joined the league with its whole territory, all of Austria could join (Riesser, the rapporteur on the question before us, has seated himself at the ministerial table alongside Bassermann and is vying with him in taking notes — God preserve us from this rapporteur’s reporting).
Herrmann thinks he was assured in Vienna (he comes from there together with Heckscher and Sommaruga) that Austria would join the Customs Union with its whole territory as soon as a unified state relationship between it and Germany was established. The intimate union of these two great empires would then guarantee world peace. H. highlights the advantages of a customs union with Austria. He cannot convince himself that it is absolutely impossible to reach agreement with Austria. He proposes to make representations to Austria regarding the people’s house and the introduction of the fundamental rights. In the event, H. moves the election of a new committee to examine the latest Austrian note. The Austrian deputies would go home with a bitter feeling if you called soft words after them. And with what feeling will the south German states enter the league without Austria? (From the Centre: with that of submission!) If the Austrian deputies depart, many others will also go. We were sent here to make a constitution for the whole of Germany. Münch (of Wetzlar). Welker’s motion will still gladden him in his dying hour. He recommends the sole (!!) means of salvation “the inviolable, irresponsible, hereditary Prussian emperor” — Lift up your eyes to what stands there (pointing upward over the Germania):

“The fatherland’s greatness, (without Austria!)
The fatherland’s happiness, (with a Prussian state of siege!)
O create them, bring them
Back to the people!”

Vogt (of Giessen). The bacon with which Herr Welker wants to catch mice now seems really to have been found. — I am willing to believe that what people say in the public prints is not true — that Welker, having found this bacon, has laid claims to compensation for his earlier losses. (Shame! from the Right. Glee, from the Left.) Taking up Welker’s motions, he first asks where the “foreign intercession” actually is, over which Welker expresses such deep indignation in his 1st motion. The threatening with Russia is admittedly not entirely unfounded, but it is drawn in far too much by the hair in order to drag the hereditary emperor along. — This threatening by Russia, if this is the “foreign intercession”, has been brought on by yourselves, and you would then have to fall into the utmost indignation against yourselves, which would be asking rather a lot. (Bravo and merriment.)
The policy of the Central Power has never been any other than to intrigue internally for Prussia and to do nothing externally. (Loud applause from the Left and galleries. Simson calls Vogt to order.)
Following your system of always giving way to the individual governments has now driven you to a deed that you call a saving one, but which will be a pernicious one. — Motion 2 of Herr W. demands that the constitution be adopted wholesale. And not even the constitution as the first reading presents it, but as the constitutional committee has altered it, disregarding the majority, according to its own pleasure (and professorial arrogance). We shall vote for the motion to move on to the order of the day over Welker’s motion. And should his motions pass, we shall move to vote paragraph by paragraph at the very least, without discussion. — The kernel of Welker’s motion is to cut off at one blow the paragraphs distasteful to the constitutional committee, such as non-heredity and the suspensive veto. I do not believe that the German princes will octroy a constitution, but not because, as Radowitz says, they will not be so audacious — audacious enough they would be, if only they could come to an agreement. —
When I consider the policy that Prussia’s cabinet has pursued since the beginning of the revolution, I do not find that it has earned a German “viceroyship”, let alone a German “hereditary imperial dignity”. —
Point 4 of Welker’s motion (see it), the invitation to the German princes to make patriotic declarations, Vogt makes as ridiculous as possible. — (General merriment of the gallery.)
Vogt recalls the interpretation of the fundamental rights in Prussia through the two new legislative proposals concerning the press and the right of assembly. Whether that was perhaps why, because of this clear confession of absolutism, the German imperial crown had been earned? — The result of a Prussian emperorship would be that Germany would have to be absorbed into Prussia. — Individual princes would definitely resist this, and that will lead to civil war.

— Bold and truly courageous men, in times when the fatherland is really in danger, appoint a dictator and remain together, whilst you disperse and seek to ruin the fatherland’s future by means of a hereditary emperor. (Prolonged cheering.) — As a ground for the impossibility of Austria’s entry, the emperor’s word of Franz Joseph and the octroyed constitution have been cited. That is a mediaeval ground. Many an emperor’s and king’s word has already been broken, and will yet be broken! (Cheers! Cheers!) Against the demands in the Austrian note, the political feeling of every German man must indeed revolt — but it is precisely here that you see what a mistake you committed when, in accordance with Herr Gagern’s programme, you tied your own hands vis-à-vis Austria. Finally you will want to know my proposals. I have none. I find them in your army camp. Herr Wurm, Waitz, Count Deym, make them for me. There follow passages from these gentlemen’s speeches, according to which Germany must by all means remain united with Austria, and German Austria must be supported by Germany. If Austria’s government does not comply, then, as Count Deym says, we shall “fetch Austria!” But then no duel between the House of Hohenzollern and the House of Habsburg, but a war of the peoples, of the German people and culture against Russian and Austrian absolutism. To transfer the deed to another is no deed. Appoint a dictator, if danger is at hand, but do not pledge the honour of our fatherland to the hereditary emperor. — It has been said we should not hurl the firebrand into the neighbour’s (Austria’s) house — yes! But if the neighbour builds his house out of corpses and cements it with blood, then the firebrand of freedom must be cast beneath it, so that the phoenix of German freedom may rise from these ashes — (loud applause.)
After the Left had further lodged a protest against the call to order pronounced by President Simson upon Vogt, the further discussion was adjourned (after 3 o’clock) until Monday.