Reply of the King of Prussia
to the Deputation of the Berlin National Assembly

* Cologne, 18 October. The King is at any rate consistent. His Majesty never contradicts himself. To the deputation of the Frankfurt National Assembly he said on the occasion of the Cologne Cathedral building festival: “I understand very well the significance of your Assembly, gentlemen. I fully appreciate how important your Assembly is!” – His Majesty’s voice here took on a very serious, cutting tone – “But do not forget that there are still princes in Germany” – here His Majesty laid his hand on his heart and spoke with uncommon emphasis – “and do not forget that I am one of them!” –
A similar reply was also received by the deputation of the Berlin Assembly when it paid His Majesty a congratulatory visit on 15 October at Bellevue Palace. The King spoke: “We are about to erect a structure that is to last for centuries. But, gentlemen, I draw your attention to one thing. We still possess an authority handed down from God’s grace, certainly envied by many quarters” – the King pronounced these words with great emphasis – “which is still endowed with full power. It is the sole foundation upon which that edifice can be erected, if it is to be as enduring as I mentioned.”
The King is consistent. He would always have been consistent, if unfortunately the March days had not thrust that fateful piece of paper between His Majesty and the people.
His Majesty seems at this moment, as before the March days, to believe in the “iron feet” of Slavdom. The people of Vienna is perhaps the magician who will turn the iron into clay.

Neue Rheinische Zeitung.
No. 120, 19 October 1848

Reply of King Frederick William IV
to the Deputation of the Berlin Civic Guard

* Cologne, 18 October. Frederick William IV replied to the Berlin civic guard commandant Rimpler on his congratulations on the occasion of the 15th of October:
“I know that a heroic and brave people is also a loyal one. But do not forget that you have your weapons from me, and I demand it as a duty that you stand up for the maintenance of order, law, and freedom.”
Constitutional kings are irresponsible, on condition of being not accountable – in the constitutional sense, of course. Their actions, their words, their expressions, do not belong to them but to the responsible ministers.
Hansemann, for example, on his exit, had the King say that the execution of Stein’s army order was incompatible with constitutional monarchy. Pfuel carried it out – in the parliamentary sense, to be sure. Hansemann was compromised – in the constitutional sense. The King himself had not contradicted himself, because he had not spoken – always in the constitutional sense.
Thus the above declaration by the King is nothing other than a ministerial declaration; and as such it is subject to criticism.
Does Pfuel assert that the King created the civic guard on his own initiative? Then he asserts that the King is the author of the March revolution, which is nonsense – even in the constitutional sense.
Apart from that.
After God had created the world and the kings by the grace of God, he left the minor industries to men. “Weapons” even, and lieutenants’ uniforms, are manufactured in a profane way, and the profane way of manufacture does not create, like heavenly industry, out of nothing. It requires raw materials, instruments of labour, and wages, all things summed up under the simple name of costs of production. These costs of production are raised for the state by taxes, and taxes are raised by national labour. In the economic sense, therefore, it remains a riddle how any king can give anything to any people. The people must first make weapons and give weapons to the king in order to be able to receive weapons from the king. The king can always only give what is given to him. So in the economic sense. Constitutional kings, however, arise precisely at moments when people get on the track of this economic secret. The first occasions for the overthrow of kings by the grace of God were therefore always – tax questions. So too in Prussia. Even the immaterial commodities, the privileges which the peoples had the kings give them, they not only gave beforehand to the kings, they always paid the kings for giving them back in ready money – with blood and ready money. Trace, for example, English history since the 11th century, and you will be able to calculate fairly exactly how many bashed-in skulls and how many pounds sterling each constitutional privilege has cost. Mr. Pfuel seems to want to take us back to the good old days of Davenant’s economic table. In this table of English production it says, among other things:
§1. Productive labourers: kings, officers, lords, country clergy, etc.
§2. Unproductive labourers: sailors, peasants, weavers, spinners, etc.
According to this table, §1 creates and §2 receives. It is in this sense that Mr. Pfuel makes the king give.
The Pfuel declaration shows what Berlin expects from the hero of “Croatian order and freedom”.
The latest incidents in Berlin recall the Vienna disputes between the civic guard and the people on 23 August, likewise provoked by the camarilla. This 23 August was followed by 5 October.

Neue Rheinische Zeitung.
No. 121, 20 October 1848