[Umschlag]

[Inhaltsverzeichnis von Engels]

Lubbock, Origin of Civilization – p. 1

[Bibliographische Notizen aus dem Buch von John Lubbock: The Origin of Civilisation]

The People of India, by J. F. Watson, and J. W. Kaye, published by the Indian Gvt. vol. II (plate 85[)] .

Tomkin and Lemon: „Commentaries of Gajus.“

1

Sir John Lubbock: „The Origin of Civilisation and the Primitive Condition of Man.“ London, 1870

Lubbock citirt in Vorrede Müller (F. J. G.) „Geschichte der Amerikan. Urreligionen“ , McLennan: „Primitive Marriage“ , Bachofen: „Das Mutterrecht“ . Lord Kames „History of Man“. [p. VII]

Er sagt in ch. I. (Introduction) mit Bezug auf Maine’s „Ancient Law“ , dass dieser Bursch, wenn er sich bekannter gemacht hätte mit Reisebeschreibungen etc u.a. nicht als »an obvious proposition« aufgestellt haben würde that: »[„]the organisation of primitive societies would have been confounded, if men had called themselves relatives of their mother’s relatives“, while I (viz. Lubbock) shall presently show that, as indeed Mr. McLennan has already pointed out, relationship through females is a common custom of savage communities all over the world.« (p. 2, 3)

Heisst in the People of India (by J. F. Watson u. J. W. Kaye) von den Teehurs of Oude, dass they „live together almost indiscriminately in large communities, and even when two people are regarded as married the tie is but nominal.“ (cit. bei L. p. 60)

McLennan, like Bachofen, starts with a stage of hetairism or communal marriage ⦗u. Lubb. sagt p. 70, dass er diesen Blödsinn glaubt, i.e. also communal marriage u. hetairism identificirt; während offenbar hetairism eine Form ist, welche Prostitution (u. diese existirt nur im Gegensatz zu marriage, whether communal etc or monogamic) voraussetzt. Dies also Hysteron Proteron.⦘ The next stage was, in his (McLennan’s) opinion, that form of polyandry in which brothers had their wives in common; afterwards came that of the levirate, i.e. the system under which, when an elder brother died, his second brother married the widow, and so on with the others in succession. Thence he considers that some tribes branched off into endogamy, others into exogamy; that is to say, some forbade marriage out of, others within, the tribe. If either of these two systems was older than the other, he considers that exogamy must have been the most ancient. Exogamy was based upon infanticide, and led to the practice of marriage by capture. In a further stage the idea of female descent, producing as it would a division in the tribe, obviated the necessity of capture as a reality and reduced it to a symbol. (69, 70)

Lubb. admits the prevalence of infanticide among savages, aber »among the lowest [races] boys were killed as frequently as girls«, wie Eyre (der Berüchtigte!) („ Discoveries in Central Australia “) dies z.B. express statuire in Australien. (70) Schlagendes Beispiel der Kritik des Lubb., dass er McLennan’s Blödsinn mit „Exogamie“ u. „endogamy“ annimmt, aber dann als Pfifficus sich die Sache so „pragmatisirt“:

»Communal marriage was gradually superseded by individual marriage founded on capture, and that this first led to exogamy and then to female infanticide; thus reversing McLennan’s order of sequence. Endogamy and regulated polyandry, though frequent, I regard as exceptional, and as not entering into the normal progress of development. (p. 70) Even under communal marriage, a warrior who had captured a beautiful girl in some marauding expedition would claim a peculiar right to her, and, when possible, would set custom at defiance (!) … there are other cases of the existence of marriage under two forms; and there is, therefore, no real difficulty in assuming the co-existence of communal marriage and individual marriage. … A war captive … was in a peculiar position: the tribe had no right to her; her capturer might have killed her if he chose; if he preferred to keep her alive he was at liberty to do so; he did as he liked, and the tribe was no sufferer.« (70, 71)

[»]He (McLennan) also considers that marriage by capture followed, and arose from that remarkable custom, namely, of marrying always out of the tribe, for which he has proposed the appropriate name of exogamy. I believe that exogamy arose from marriage by capture etc.« (72) Lubb. weiss also nichts v. der Basis – der gens. , 2 die innerhalb des tribe existirt, so wenig wie McLennan, obgleich er einige facts citirt, die ihm die Sache unter die Nase reiben, u. sie in der That etwas kitzelten.

Lubb. schreibt nun den McLennan ab, um zu zeigen »how widely „capture“, either actual or symbolical, enters into the idea of marriage. Mr McLennan was, I believe, the first to appreciate its importance. I (Lubb.) have taken some of the following evidence from his valuable work, adding, however (!), several additional cases.« (73. Great, greatest Lubb!)

If we assume the case of a country in which there are four certain neighbouring tribes, who have the custom of exogamy, and who trace pedigrees through the mother, and not through the father – … after a certain time the result would be that each tribe would consist of four septs or clans, representing the 4 original tribes, and hence we should find communities in which each tribe is divided into clans, and a man must always marry a woman of a different clan. (75)

Among agricultural tribes, and under settled forms of government, the chiefs often have very large harems, and their importance even is measured by the number of their wives, as in other cases by that of their cows or horses. (104)

[»]… among many of the lower races relationship through females is the prevalent custom«, daher »the curious (!) practice that a man’s heirs ⦗aber sie sind ja dann nicht the man’s heirs; diese civilisirten Esel können ihre eignen conventionalities nicht los werden⦘ are not his own, but his sister’s children.« (105) [»]Thus when a rich man dies in Guinea, his property, excepting the armour, descended to the sister’s son, expressly, according to Smith ( Smith’s „Voyage to Guinea“ p. 143. See also Pinkerton’s Voyages v. XV, p. 147 417, 421, 528) ; Astley’s Collection of Voyages, v. II, p. 63, 265 256), on the ground (Pragmatisirung!) that he must certainly be a relative.« (105) Battel (in Pinkerton’s Voyages, v. XVI, p. 331) mentions that the town of Longo (Loango) [„]is governed by 4 chiefs, which are sons of the king’s sisters; for the king’s sons never come to be kings.“ Quatremère („Mém. géogr. sur l’Egypte et sur quelques contrées voisines“. Paris, 1811 , quoted by Bachofen (p. 108)) mentions that: „Chez les Noubiens, dit Abou Selah, lorsqu’un roi vient à mourir et qu’il laisse un fils et un neveu du côté de sa sœur, celui-ci monte sur le trône de préférence à l’héritier naturel (!)“ Caillié’s Travels, v. I. p. 153, dieser sagt: von Central Africa: „the sovereignty remains always in the same family, but the son never succeeds his father; they choose in preference a son of the king’s sister, conceiving that by this method the sovereign power is more sure to be transmitted to one of the blood royal“ (p. 105. Wenn nicht Caillié, sondern die Afrikaner selbst dort das sagten, beweists, dass die weibliche Nachfolge sich nur noch für die höchsten Funktionäre (chiefs) erhalten u. sie selbst den Grund nicht mehr wussten). In Northern Africa we find the same custom among the Berbers; and Burton mentions it as existing in the East. (105) Polybius (maternal ancestry in the female line) bemerkt dies mit Bezug auf Locrier; u. on Etruscan tombs descent is stated in the female line. (106)

[»]In India the Kasias, the Kocch, and the Nairs have the system of female kinship. Nach Buchanan , among the Buntar in Tulava a man’s property does not descend to his own children, but to those of his sister.« Nach Sir W. Elliot the people of Malabar, „notwithstanding the same diversity of caste as in other provinces, all agree in one remarkable usage – that of transmitting property through females only.“ He adds on the authority of Lieutenant Conmer Conner, that the same is the case in Travancore, among all the castes except the Ponans and the Namburi Brahmans. Latham states ( Descriptive Ethnology v. II, p. 463) „no Nair son known knows his own father, and vice versâ, no Nair father knows his own son. What becomes of the property of the husband? It descends to the children of his sisters.“ (106)

Among the Limboos (India), a tribe near Darjeeling, the boys become the property of the father on his paying the mother a small sum of money, when the child is named, and enters his father’s tribe; girls remain with the mother, and belong to her tribe“ . (Campbell, Trans. Ethn. Soc.) Marsden (History of Sumatra p. 376) tells: dass among the Battas of Sumatra, „the succession to the chiefships does not go, in the first instance, to the son of the deceased, but to the nephew by a sister; and that the same extraordinary (!) rule, with respect to the property in general, prevails also among the Malays of that part of the island, and even in the neighbourhood of Padang.“ (106, 107)

Sir John Richardson (Boat Journey, v. I, p. 406) tells dass unter den Kenaiyers of Cook’s Inlet a man’s property descends not to his own children, but to those of his sister. Selbes der Fall mit den Kutchin. ( Smithsonian Report, 1866, p. 326) p. 107. Carver (Travel in North America) mentions dass unter den Hudson’s Bay 3 Indians the children „are always distinguished by the name of the mother; and if a woman marries several husbands, and has issue of by each of them, they all are called after her.“ (107) Similar rule prevailed in Haiti u. Mexico. ⦗ F J. G. Müller, Amerikan. Urreligionen, p. 167, 539⦘ (p. 107)

Mit Bezug auf Polynesia Mariner states dass in den Friendly or Tonga Islands (in his „Tonga Islands“, v. II, p. 89, 91) „nobility descends by the female line, for when the mother is not a noble, the children are not nobles.“ (p. 107) (Nach einem andern passage bei Marsden Mariner scheint’s dass these islanders were passing the stage of relationship through females to that through males.) Die existence of inheritance through females is clearly indicated in the Fijian custom known as Vasu. (107, 108) So auch in Western Australia „children, of either sex, always take the family name of their mother“ (Eyre) (p. 108)

Nach Herrn Lubbock, stages in religions:

1) Atheism: in sense, that absence of any definite idea on the subject; 2) Fetichism; wo man supposes he can force Deity (the gods immer bösartiger Natur) to comply with his desires; 3) Nature-worship, or Totemism, wo natural objects, trees, lakes, stones, animals etc (celestial bodies etc) worshipped. 4) Shamanism; wo die superior deities are far more powerful than man, and of a different nature. Their place of abode also far away, u. accessible only to the Shamans. 5) Idolatry or Anthropomorphism; gods still more completely take the nature of men – more powerful; still amenable to persuasion; they are a part of nature, and not creators; are represented by images or idols. 6) Deity wird Author, not merely a part, of nature; wird for the first time a supernatural being. ⦗Dies meinte Herr Lubbock: wird ein Verstandesgespinnst⦘ 7) Morality wird associated mit religion. (119)

The savages almost always regard spirits as evil beings … a member of an invisible tribe. (129).

Vgl. über die dem Lubbock unbewusste Ueberlegenheit des „raisonnements“ der Wilden über das der gottesgläubigen Europäer. Lubb. p. 128 sqq.

The Sumatrans tell of a man in the moon who is continually spinning cotton, but that every night a rat gnaws his thread, and obliges him to begin his work afresh. (138)

Sacred dance der natives of Virginia zwischen cercle circle of upright stones, die, except that they are rudely carved at the upper end into the form of a head, exactly resemble our so-called Druidical temples. [157] (See Lubb. p. 156 fig., taken from Lafitau’s „Mœurs des Sauvages“ )

Interessant über die Indians in California u. ihren Urglauben u. equality etc (v. Father Baegert , a Jesuit Missionary: „Nachrichten von der Amerik. Halbinsel California“. 1773. transl. in Smithsonian Reports 1863 –4 ). [160]

Den Zulus – die Unglücklichen! – „it never entered“ sagt Callaway „their heads that the earth and sky might be the work of an invisible Being“ (162, 163), aber sie haben a belief in invisible beings, founded partly on the shadow, but principally on the dream. They regard the shadow as in some way the spirit which accompanies the body (ähnliche idea unter den Greeks). Glauben an die Reality der fathers or brothers (als still living), die ihnen im Traum erscheinen, grandfathers dagegen regarded as generally dead. (163)

Worship of Idols characterises a somewhat higher stage of human development; no traces of it among the lowest races of men u. Lafitau ( „Mœurs des Sauvages Américains“. v. I, p. 151) sagt mit Recht: „On peut dire en général que le grand nombre des peuples sauvages n’a point d’idoles“, sind nicht zu verwechseln mit Fetich; fetichism is an attack on the Deity, Idolatry an act of submission to him. (225)

The idol usually assumes the human form, and idolatry is closely connected with that form of religion which consists in the worship of ancestors. (p. 228) The worship of ancestors … more or less prevalent among all the aboriginal tribes of Central India. (229) The Kaffirs sacrifice and pray to their deceased relatives. (l.c.) Other races endeavour to preserve the memory of the dead by rude statues. Pallas (Voyages, v. IV , p. 79) mentions that the Ostyaks of Siberia „rendent un culte à leurs morts[.] Ils sculptent des figures de bois pour représenter les Ostiaks célèbres. Dans les repas de commémoration on place devant ces figures une partie des mets. Les femmes qui ont chéri leurs maris ont de pareilles figures, les couchent avec elles, les parent, et ne mangent point sans leur présenter une partie de leur portion.“ Erman („Travels in Siberia“, v. II p. 51) also mentions that when a man dies „the relatives form a rude wooden image representing, and in honour of, the deceased, which is set up in their yurt, and receives divine honours“ for a certain time. „At every meal they set an offering 4 of food before the image etc.“ (l.c.) In ordinary cases this semi-worship only lasts a few years, after which the image is buried. „But when a Shaman dies, this custom changes in his favour, into a complete and decided canonisation“; dann (fährt Erman fort) erhält „the dressed block of wood which represents the deceased“ nicht nur „homage for a limited period“, sondern „the priest’s descendants do their best to keep him in vogue from generation to generation; ⦗see den Phear , The Aryan Commune, wo ganz dasselbe noch heute in Bengal für Aristokraten etc⦘ and by well-contrived oracles and other arts, they manage to procure offerings for these their families’ penates, as abundant as those laid on the altars of the universally acknowledged gods. But that these latter (sagt Erman ) also have an historical origin, that they were originally monuments of distinguished men, to which prescription and the interest of the Shamans gave by degrees an arbitrary meaning and importance, sems seems to me not liable to doubt; and this is, furthermore, corroborated by the circumstance [that] of all the sacred yurts dedicated to these saints, which have been numerous from the earliest times in the vicinity of the river, only one has been seen (near Samarovo) containing the image of a woman.“ (p. 230. )

⦗Lubb. citirt den Salomon den Weisen (Wisdom, ch. XIV p. 12) wo dieser wiseacre folgendes orakelt über den origin des worship of statues as of deities.

13.) „Neither were they from the beginning, neither shall they be for ever.“

14) „For by the vain glory of men they entered into the world, and therefore shall they come shortly to an end.“

15) „For a father afflicted with untimely mourning, when he has made an image of his child soon taken away, now honoured him as a god, which was then a dead man, and delivered to those that were under him ceremonies and sacrifices.“

16) „Thus, in process of time, an ungodly custom grown strong was kept as a law, and graven images were worshipped by the commandments of kings“:

17) „Whom men could not honour in presence, because they dwelt far off, they took the counterfeit of the visage from far, and made an express image of a king whom they honoured, to the end that by this their forwardness, they might flatter him that was absent, as if he were present.

18) „Also the singular diligence of the artificer did help to set forward the ignorant to more superstition.

19) „For he (viz: the artificer), peradventure willing to please one in authority, forced all his skill to make the resemblance of the best fashion.

20) „And so [the] multitude, allured by the grace of the work, took him now for a god, which a little before was but honoured as a man.“⦘

The idol is by no means regarded as a mere emblem. In India ( Dubois, p. 407), when the offerings of the people have been less profuse than usual, the Brahmans sometimes „put the idols in irons, chaining their hands and feet. They exhibit them to the people in this humiliating state, into which they tell them they have been brought by rigorous creditors, from whom their gods had been obliged, in times of trouble, to borrow money to supply their wants. They declare that the inexorable creditors refuse to set the god at liberty, until the whole sum, with interest, shall have been paid. The people come forward, alarmed at the sight of their divinity in irons; and thinking it the most meritorious of all good works to contribute to his deliverance, they raise the sum required by the Brahmans for that purpose.“ (p. [230,] 231)

(Vgl. hierzu Don Quixote , 2 Theil, ch. XXIII, wo der Brave in der Höhle des Montesinos . Während er mit letzterem sich unterhält, sieht er [»]una de las dos compañeras de la sin ventura Dulcinea zu ihm kommen, y llenos los ojos de lágrimas, con turbada y baxa voz me dixo: mi señora Dulcinea del Toboso besa á vuesa merced las manos, y suplica á vuesa merced se la haga de hacerla saber cómo está, y que por estar en una gran necesidad, asimismo suplica á vuesa merced quan encarecidamente puede, sea servido de prestarle sobre este faldellin que aquí traygo de cotonía nuevo, media docena de reales, ó los que vuesa merced tuviere, que ella da su palabra de volvérselos con mucha brevedad. Suspendióme (erzählt Don Quixote dem Sancho Panza u. dem Studiosus) y admiróme el tal recado, y volviéndome al señor Montesínos, le pregunté: es possible, señor Montesínos, que los encantados principales, padecen necesidad? A lo que él me respondió: créame vuesa merced, señor Don Quixote de la Mancha, que esta que llaman necesidad, adonde quiera se usa y por todo se extiende y á todos alcanza, y aun hasta los encantados no perdona: y pues la señora Dulcinea del Toboso envía á pedir esos seis reales, y la prenda es buena, segun parece, no hay sino dárselos, que sin duda debe de estar puesta en algun grande aprieto. Prenda no la tomaré yo (sagt Don Quixote), le respondí, ni ménos le daré lo que pide, porque no tengo sino solos quatro reales, los quales le dí … y le dixe: decid, amiga mia, á vuesa señora, que á mí me pesa en el alma de sus trabajos, y que quisiera ser un Fúcar (Fugger) para remediarlos etc.«)

Die von Tyrus worshipped Statue des Herkules selbst[,] die als Gottheit betrachtet; daher während der Belagerung durch Alexander Magnus fast bound in chains to prevent him from deserting to the enemy. (p. 231, 32)

As civilisation advances u. die chiefs mehr despotisch werdend, exact more and more respect, the people are introduced to conceptions of power and magnificence higher than any which they had previously entertained (232) u. diese dann auch auf die Götter übertragen.

Idolworship zeigt higher mental condition als worship of animals or even the heavenly bodies. Selbst sun-worship generally, though not invariably, associated with a lower idea of the Deity than is the case with Idolatry. ⦗D.h. der Hofdienst gegen die Götter „lower“ als unter idolworship⦘. This arises partly from the fact that the gradually increasing power of chiefs and kings has familiarised the mind with the existence of a power greater than any which had been previously conceived. (l.c.) So, in Westafrika, the slave trade having added considerably to the wealth and consequently to the power of the chiefs or kings, they maintained much state, and insisted upon being treated with servile homage. No man was allowed to eat with them, nor to approach them excepting on his knees with an appearance of fear, which no doubt was in many cases sufficiently well-founded. (233) These marks of respect so much resembled adoration, that „the individuals of the lower classes are persuaded that the king’s power is not confined to the earth, and that he has credit enough to make rain fall from heaven etc.“ (233, citirt aus: „Proyart’s History of Loango etc“) The tyrants of Natal, says Casalis, „exacted almost divine homage.“ (233) The king and queen of Tahiti were regarded as so sacred that nothing once used by them, not even the sounds forming their names, could be used for any ordinary purpose. The language of the court was characterised by the most ridiculous adulation. The king’s „houses were called the aarai, the clouds of heaven etc.“ (l.c.)

Man[-]worship would not long be confined to the dead. In many cases it extends to the living also. Indeed, the savage who worship an animal or a tree, would see no absurdity in worshipping a man. ⦗As if the civilised Englishman did not „worship“ the Queen or Mr. Gladstone!⦘ His chief is, in his eyes, almost as powerful, if not more so, than his Deity. Yet man-worship does not prevail in altogether uncivilised communities, because the chiefs (flacher Hund!), associating constantly with his their followers, lack that mystery which religion requires, and which nocturnal animals so eminently possess. As however, civilisation progresses, and the chiefs separate themselves more and more from their subjects (!), this ceases to be the case and man-worship becomes an important element of religion. (235 234) The worship of a great chief seems quite as natural as that of an idol. „Why, said a Mongol to Friar Ascelin, ( Astley, Collection of Voyages, v. IV, p. 551) since you Christians make no scruple to adore sticks and stones, why do you refuse to do the same honour to Bayoth Noy, whom the Khan has ordered to be adored in the same manner as he is himself?“ This worship fast immer begleitet mit a belief in higher beings. (234)

Wo Shamanism noch nicht ganz replaced Totemism, the establishment of monarchical government with its usual pomp and ceremonial led to a much more organised worship of the old gold gods . Of this the serpent-worship in Western Africa, and the sun-worship in Peru, are striking examples. ([234,] 235) White men often taken for deities, so Captain Cook in the Pacific etc. „ Tuikilakila , the chief of Somosomo, sagte zu Mr. Hunt: ‚If you die first, I shall make you my god‘. … No certain line of demarcation between departed spirits and gods, nor between gods and living men, for many of the priests and old chiefs are considered as sacred persons, and not a few of them will also claim to themselves the right of divinity. ‚I am a god‘, Tuikilakila would sometimes say; and he believed it too.“ (Erskine, „Western Pacific“. p. 246)

Lubb. sagt: »It seems at first sight hard to understand how men can be regarded immortal ⦗meint hier: not capable of suffering a natural death; Lubbock spottet seiner selbst u. weiss doch nicht wie; er findet es quite natural, that they are ›capable‹ of an ›unnatural death‹, d.h. dass sie fortleben, obgleich eines natürlichen Todes verstorben⦘. Yet even this belief has been entertained in various countries.« (235).

Merolla tells (in Pinkerton’s „Voyages“ v. XVI, p. 226 sq.), that in his time the wizards of Congo were called Scinghili, that is to say Gods of the Earth. The head of them is styled „Ganga Chitorne, being reputed God of all the Earth. … He further asserts that his body is not capable of suffering a natural death; and, … to confirm his adorers in this opinion, whenever he finds his end approaching, either through age or disease, he calls for such a one of his disciples as he intends to succeed him, and pretends to communicate to him his great powers“; lässt sich von dem hängen od. todtschlagen coram publico etc“ . (p. 235, 36) So der Great Lama of Thibet. [236]

Sacrifices, to propitiate the Spiritual Beings for good or evil. (237) Erst supposed that the Spirits actually eat the food offered to them; aber observed that animals sacrificed did not disappear; hence geschlossen that the Spirit ate the spiritual part of the victim, leaving the grosser part to his devout worshipper. Thus the Limboos near Darjeeling (Indien) eat their sacrifices, dedicating as they forcibly express it, „the life-breath to the gods, the flesh to ourselves.“ (p. 237).

In New Zealand die fairies, when Te Kanawa gave them his jewels, carried off the shadows only, not caring for the earthly substance. ( Sir G. Grey: Polynesian Mythologie) In Guinea, nach Bosman, „the idol has only the blood, 6 because they like the flesh very well themselves.[“] Anderswo Fleisch von den Devotees gefressen, wie bei den Ostyaks, aber the idols smeared mit dem blood, on their mouths (in case der Ostyaks). Even this seems at length to be replaced in some cases by – red paint; so oft (Col. Forbes Leslie) die sacred stones in India; so in Congo die fetiches daubed mit red every new moon etc. (237, 38)

Bei den great offerings of food unter den Fijians „native belief apportions merely the soul thereof to the gods, who are described as being enormous eaters; the substance is consumed by the worshippers.“ (Williams: Polynesian Researches Fiji and the Fijians ) [238]

Abendmal vorgedeutet: In many cases it seems to be a necessary portion of the ceremony that the victim should be eaten by those present. Thus in India ( Dubois , p. 401) when the sacrifice „is over, the priest comes out, and distributes part of the articles which had been offered to the idols. This is received as holy, and is eaten immediately.“ Among the Redskins, ( Schoolcraft: „Indian Tribes“ v. III, p. 61, Tanner: „narrative“ p. 287) at the feast held when the hunting season begins, the victim „must be all eaten and nothing left.“ »Among the Algonquins … at the same feast … not a bone of the victim must be broken.« (239)

Oft curious Identification (er sagt »Confusion«) arises between the victim and the Deity, and the former is worshipped before it is sacrificed and eaten. So in ancient Egypt, Apis the victim was also regarded as the God ( Cox: Manual of Mythology , p. 213) u. Iphigenia was supposed by some to be [the] same as Artemis . (Nicht nur der Ox Apis, das victim, sondern auch das Opferlamm Christus the same as the God, his inborn son) F. J. G. Müller sagt von Mexico, dass in gewisser Zeit des Jahrs: „Die Priester verfertigen nämlich ein Bild von allerlei Samen, die mit dem Blute geopferter Kinder zusammengebacken wurden. Mancherlei religiöse Reinigungen und Sühnungen, Waschungen mit Wasser, Aderlassen, Fasten, Prozessionen, Räucherungen, Wachtelopfer, Menschenopfer bereiteten zur Feier vor. Alsdann schoss ein Priester Quetzalcoatls einen Pfeil gegen jenes Bild Huitzilopochtlis, und durchschoss den Gott. So galt dieser nun für todt, es wurde ihm wie den Menschenopfern vom Priester das Herz ausgeschnitten, u. vom Könige, dem Stellvertreter des Gottes auf Erden, gegessen. Den Leib aber vertheilten sie für die verschiednen Quartiere der Stadt so, dass jeder Mann ein Stückchen erhielt.“ (p. 239, 40)

Ebenso in Mexico jährlich grosses Opfer zu Ehren von Tezcatlipoca; a beautiful youth, meist a war captive, chosen as the victim; for a whole year treated and worshipped as a god etc. Anfang des letzten Monats erhielt er 4 schöne girls als wives; schliesslich am fatal day, placed at the head of a solemn procession, taken to the temple, dann sacrificed with much ceremony and every token of respect, dann eaten by the priests and chiefs. – Unter den Khonds of Central India ebenfalls solch Menschenopfermal. A stout stake is driven into the soil, and to it the victim is fastened, seated, and anointed with ghee, oil, and turmeric, decorated with flowers, and worshipped during the day by the assembly. Abends ist diese revelry is resumed; am 3t Morgen erhält das victim some milk to drink, when the presiding priest implores the goddess to shower her blessings on the people etc etc. The priest recounts the origin and advantage of the rite … and concludes by stating that the goddess has been obeyed and the people assembled etc. After the mock ceremony, nevertheless, the victim is taken to the grove where the sacrifice is to be carried out; and, to prevent resistance, the bones of the arms and legs are broken, or the victim drugged with opium or datura, when the janni wounds his victim with his axe … the crowd now press forward to obtain a piece of his flesh, and in a moment he is stripped to the bones. (240, 241)

So in some parts of Africa „eating the fetish“ ⦗was auch so far bei Eidnehmen z.B. symbolisch geschieht, by „rasping or grating a little of the fetish in water or of an on any edible, and so put it in their mouth without swallowing it“⦘ is a solemn ceremony, by which women swear fidelity to their husbands, men to their friends. (241)

The sacrifices as a general rule not eaten by all indiscriminately; in Feejee confined to the old men u. priests; women and young men being excluded from any share. Gradually the priests establish their claim to the whole; dies stimulirt die practice of sacrifice. Affects auch the character of the worship. Thus, as Bosman tells, the priests encouraged encouraged offerings to the Serpent rather than to the Sea, weil im letztren Fall, wie er sagt, „there happens no remainder to be left to for them.“ (241, 242)

Das feeling, das led to the sacrifice of animals culminated naturally in that of men, in Guinea, Pacific Islands, war captives in Brazil; various nations in India, ausser den Khonds, die bereits erwähnt; noch jetzt dort in einigen Plätzen, wo human sacrifices nicht mehr erlaubt, machen sie human figures of flour, paste, or clay, and then cut off their heads in honour of their gods. (242) Ebenso in ancient history bei Carthagern, Assyrians, Greeks; bei den Römern bis zum 2 od. 3 Jhdt nach Christ, 7 Peru, Mexico. In letztrem nach F. J. G. Müller jährlich in den Tempeln geopfert 2500 (a moderate estimate) but in one year über 100 000. Bei Juden system of animal sacrifices on a grand scale and symbols of human sacrifices, die hindeuten that they were once usual.

( Japhet Jephta’s daughter: see 7th 27th chapter of Leviticus. ) (241–43) (242–43)

Ursprünglich keine Tempel or sacred buildings; in New World nur in Central America u. Peru. (244 243) In India the tumulus has developed into the temple. (Fergusson „ Tree and Serpent Worship“.)

The Lower Races of mankind have no priests, properly so called. (244) In Greece priests, but no priesthood. (245)

In the Tonga Islands the chiefs regarded as immortal, the Toas Tooas or common people as mortal; as to the intermediate class or Moas Mooas there is a difference of opinion. (l.c.)

The belief in the soul (not identical with ghosts) in an universal, independent and endless existence is confined to the highest (?) races of mankind. (l.c.)

Der Reverend Lange Lang in his „The Aborigines of Australia“ had a friend, the which friend „tried long and patiently to make a very intelligent Australian understand (sollte heissen make him believe) his existence without a body, but the black never could keep his countenance … for a long time he could not believe („he“ is the intelligent black) that the »gentleman« (i.e. des Pfaffen Lange Lang silly friend) was serious, and when he did realise it (that the gentleman was an ass in good earnest), the more serious the teacher was the more ludicrous the whole affair appeared to be.“ (245, 246) (Spottet Lubbock seiner selbst u. weiss doch nicht wie.)

Caesar assures us that among the ancient Britons money was habitually lent on postobits – promises to pay in another world. (248)

Says Viech Lubbock:

»The immense service which Science has … rendered to the cause of religion … has not hitherto received the recognition which it deserves. Science is still regarded by many excellent, but narrow-minded (large minded philistine!), persons as hostile to religious truth, while in fact she is only opposed to religious error.« (256)

Remarkable custom in Tahiti that the king abdicated as soon as a son was born to him; and the landowners under similar circumstances lost the fee-simple of their land, and became mere trustees for the infant possessors. (See Ellis: Polynesian Researches v. II, p. 346, 47) The Basutos have a strict system of primogeniture, and, even during the father’s life, the eldest son has considerable power both over the property and the younger children. ( Cassalis Casalis : Bassutos Basutos ) ​ xxx ​ [315]

Among the Australians (not like the American Redkins Redskins [depending] on the larger game, with only tribal property in land, common to hunting communities) feeding on opossums, reptiles, insects, roots etc, generally only able to obtain food each on his own property – „every male has some portion of land, of which he can always point out the exact boundaries. These properties are subdivided by a father among his sons during his own lifetime, and descend in almost hereditary succession. A man can dispose of or barter his lands to others, but a female never inherits, nor has primogeniture among the sons any peculiar rights nor advantages.“ Some tracts of land peculiarly rich in gum etc, over which, at the period when the gum is in season, numerous families have an acknowledged right, although they are not allowed to come there at other times. ( Eyre: Discoveries in Australia, v. II, p. 297; Gray’s Grey’s Australia vol. II, 232, 298, 236, wo u.a.: »Even the water of the rivers is claimed [as property] by some Australian tribes … Trespass for the purpose of hunting is in Australia considered as a capital offence.« [)] [309, 310]

In Polynesia, where cultivation was carefully attended to, as in Tahiti, [„] every portion of land has its respective owner; and even the distinct trees on the land had sometimes different proprietors, and the a tree, and the land it grew on, different owners.“ ( Ellis: Polynesian Researches v. II, p. 362) In New Zealand there were 3 distinct tenures of land, viz. by the tribe, by the family, and by the individual. The common rights of a tribe were often very extensive, and complicated by intermarriages … Children, as soon as they were born, had a right to a share of the family property. ( Taylor: New Zealand and its Inhabitants p. 384) [310, 311]

​ xxx ​ Ebenso bei Basutos a strict system of primogeniture. Selbe System of Primogeniture, in combination with inheritance through females, is also in full force in Feejee, where it is known as Vasu; which 8 means a nephew or niece, „but becomes a title of office in the case of the male, who, in some localities, has the extraordinary privilege of appropriating whatever he chooses belonging to his uncle, or those under his uncle’s power … However high a Feejee chief may be, if he has a nephew, he has a master.“ (315)

Vielleicht mit ähnlichem zusammenhängend »the curious custom of naming the father after the child. In Australien sehr allgemein, when a man’s eldest child is named, the father takes „the name of the child, Kadlitpinna, the father of Kadli; the mother is called Kadlingangki, or mother of Kadli, from ngangki, a female or woman“.« In America the same habit. (Smithsonian Report. 1866) Thus with the „Kutchin the father takes his name from his son or daughter; des Vater’s Name gebildet durch addition des Worts tee to the end of the son’s name; z.B. Que-ech-et may have a son and call him Sah-neu. The father is now called Sah-neu-tee u. his former name Que-ech-et is forgotten.“ [315, 316]

In Sumatra ( Marsden, „History of Sumatra“ , p. 286) [„]the father, in many parts of the country is distinguished by the name of his first child, as ‚Pa-Ladin‘ or ‚Pa-Rindu‘ (Pa for bapa, signifying ‚the father of‘) and loses, in this acquired, his own proper name … The women never change the name given them at their birth; yet frequently they are called through courtesy from their eldest child: ‚Ma si ano‘, the mother of such an one; but rather as a polite description than a name.“ [316]

Bei lower races of men, the chiefs scarcely take any cognisance of offences, unless they relate to things directly concerning, or supposed to concern, the interests of the community generally. As to private injuries, every one must protect or avenge himself. Du Tertre ( History of the Caribby Islands , p. 316; see also Labat : Voyage aux Isles d’Amérique, v. II, p. 83) sagt: Die administration der Justice „among the Caribbians, is not exercised by the Captain, nor by any magistrate; but, as it is among the Tapinambous, he who thinks himself injured gets such satisfaction of his adversary as he thinks fit, according as his passion dictates to him, or his strength permits him; the public does not concern itself at all in the punishment of criminals, and if any one among them suffers an injury or affront without endeavouring to avenge himself, he is slighted by all the rest, and accounted a coward, and a person of no esteem.“

Among the North American Indians, if a man was murdered, „the family of the deceased only have the right of taking satisfaction; they collect, consult, and decree. The rulers of a town or of the nation have nothing to do or say in the business.“ (Trans. Americ. Antiq. Society) Indeed, it would seem that the object of legal regulations was at first not so much to punish the offender, as to restrain and mitigate the vengeance inflicted by the aggrieved party. (317)

The amount of legal revenge often strictly regulated. Z.B. in Australien: „crimes may be compounded for by the criminal appearing and submitting himself to the ordeal of having spears thrown at him by all such persons as perceive themselves to have been aggrieved, or by permitting spears to be thrust through certain parts of his body; such as through the thigh, or the calf of the leg, or under the arm. The part which is to be pierced by a spear, is fixed for all common crimes, and a native who has incurred this penalty sometimes quietly holds out his leg for the injured party to thrust his spear through.“ So strictly is the amount of punishment limited, that if in inflicting such spear wounds, a man, either through carelessness or from any other cause, exceeded the recognised limits – if, for instance, if, for instance, he wounded the femoral artery – he would in his turn become liable for punishment. ⦗Shylock Affaire!⦘ ( G. Gray Grey , Australia, v. II, p. 243) [318]

12

Egypt.

1) Mr. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, a member of the Diplomatic Service, not very long ago a British Consul in Egypt. See his paper in September 1882 number of the „Nineteenth Century“.

2) „The Contemporary Review“. October 1882.Egyptian Finance von M. G. Mulhall.

1863 at the accession of Ismail Pasha | debt = £3,300,000;
1879, when Ismail deposed | debt = about 100 millions £; rose so in 16 years von 15s. to 18£ per inhabitant.

In the following 9 loans also included those more properly mortgages on the Khedive’s personal estates:

Date | Bank | Nominal | Net Produkt | Issued at | Interest | Sinking Fund
1862 | Goschen | £.3,300,000 | £2,640,000 | 83½ | 7% | 1%
1864 | Goschen | 5,704,000 | £4,864,000 7 | 4
1865 | Anglo-Egyptian | 3,387,000 | 2,750,000 9 | 3
1866 | Goschen | 3,000,000 | 2,640,000 7 | 17
1867 | Imp. Ottoman | 2,080,000 | 1,700,000 9 | 3
1868 | Oppenheim | 11,890,000 | 7,193,000 7 | 1
1870 | Bischoffsheim | 7,143,000 | 5,000,000 7 | 2½
1873 | Oppenheim | 32,000,000 | 17,810,000 7 | 1
1879 | Rothschild | 8,500,000 | 5,992,000 7 | 1
£77,004,000 | £50,589,000

The Goschen loans were the least onerous, the interest on the net amount being 8¼% per annum, aber they were well secured, the railways, telegraphs etc, being „affected“ to them.

The Anglo Egyptian obtained 11% interest und 2 years later the Imperial Ottoman charged the same; then – the road to ruin – soon afterwards the Oppenheim loans 12%, then the advances followed from the Anglo-Egyptian Bank at 18%, u. afterwards 28%, besides commission charges. For the Bischoffsheim and Rothschild loans interest of 10%. Obgleich die Goschen loans die lightest interests, aber heavy sinking fund, in 1866 the Goschen took 17% on loan f. den sinking fund.

In 1870 the outstanding funded debt, incl. Bischoffsheim’s loan, | = £32,923,000,
darauf: | Interest | = £2,397,000
Sinking fund | = 1,423,000
Total: | = £3,820,000
Thus amounts the annual charge to almost 12%.

Khedive so soon entangled mit interest and compound interest, borrowing money on the security of wheat and sugar, plunging him deeper mit every effort in the morass of indebtedness. The works he was carrying out cost 80% extra, as the contractors required this margin for the risk of irregular payment.

In 1873 the country was virtually bankrupt; but even then the finances could be reconstructed by suspending all sinking funds ⦗mit dem usurious interest wuchs Gier für sinking fund, alias »the unwise haste of the bondholders to get back their money«⦘; sein Finanzminister Sadyk Pasha war »a Joseph without his integrity«.

1873 disastrous the Oppenheim’s loan of 32,000,000£; id est, der Khedive gab bonds for 32 mill. St wofür er nur erhielt 11 millions in cash u. 9 millions in depreciated scrip, worth 65, 13 or at most 70%. This scrip the The Khedive was forced to receive this scrip at the rate of 93% of its nominal value. Das net product nicht 20 millions as Mr. Cave stated, but less than 18 millions u. for this amount the Khedive saddled mit a fresh annual burthen of £2,560,000.

Danach unvermeidlich Bankerott u. nur attempts ihn aufzuschieben so lang als möglich.

1874 ordered the Rouznameh Internal Loan für £5,125,000, the subscribers to receive a perpetual annuity of 9%; but in spite of the bastinado the Mudirs were unable to place more than 2 millions.

1875 Sadyk Pasha proposed a general conversion of debt u. darauf agreement mit der Anglo-Egyptian bank, wonach diese erhielt the preference in launching a new loan, sie advancing 3 Mill. £. St. on various securities at 15% interest and 2% commission. – In dieser Zeit sandte Lord Derby under that ugly British crocodile, the Right Hon. Stephen Cave , the first commission of inquiry.

D. D. march 1876 Cave’s Report: this „crocodile“ »took a flattering view of Egypt«, u. boldly assured »that the country could easily pay interest on all existing debts.« Er nahm an die Revenue v. 1876 to 1885 would average £10,689,000 u. die cost of administration auf £ 4 Millionen, »but he had to content himself with such figures as the Khedive gave him.« Thereupon:

May 1876: Sadyk Pasha’s [»]coup de main«; viz. he suddenly converted all kinds of debt into what he termed »Unified«, the grand total amounting to £91,000,000. The holders of floating debt received £100 scrip for £80 of their claims, and the bonds of the Goschen loans were reduced to a level with the other . Grosse Indignation in England der Goschen bondholders. Der teutsch-britische usurer the Right Hon. G. J. Goschen was sent out, not by the Government ⦗aber wohlbemerkt in Egypten von engl. Generalkonsul als late member des Cabinet präsentirt⦘, but by 2,500 bondholders to remodel Egyptian finance on a different basis. Under the pressure of this Goschen Ghoul on November 18, 1876 decree des Khedive, reconstituting the debt as follows:

Title | Amount | Interest etc | Security
Unified | £59,000,000 | £4,130,000 | General Revenues
Preference | 17,000,000 | 886,000 | Railways etc
Daira | 8,825,000 | 450,000 | Khedive’s Estates
£84,825,000 | £5,466,000

The Preference Stock was specially created to cover the Goschen and Oppenheim’s loans of 1862 and 1868, the holders receiving a bonus of 25%, i.e. £3,400,000 in addition to 13½ millions balance due on these loans.

The Unified Stock was reduced to 6%, with 1% sinking fund, and the Daira was suppressed from the Budget, to be treated as a private mortgage on the Khedive’s estates. Der graus’ „Goschen“ vonwegen dies »brilliant result« erhielt bei return »ovation« von den bondholders; »but it was an impossible arrangement for Egypt, and lasted only a few months.« Kaum hat dieser nüchterne Wucherboy »Goschen« reached England, when the demands of Sir George Elliott and Messrs. Greenfield , in connection with the harbour-works of Alexandria, again reduced Khedive to straits. Die Fellaheen mehr noch »bastinoed bastinadoed« u. um das Geld zur Zahlung der bondholders zu haben, »the taxes were collected with energy, and in advance.« „The Khedive“ wrote Mr. Vivian (Generalconsul) „is „ compelled to collect 9 months’ taxes in advance, I fear this will cause the utter ruin of the peasantry, and that the bondholders will find out, perhaps, too late, that they have destroyed the working-bees that made the honey.“ Messrs. 14 Whitworth advanced £.500,000, secured on crops, and:

in July 1877 Khedive übermacht his Daira estates, mit net revenue of £450,000 a year, to meet the Daira coupons. The State revenues were already handed over to Mr. Romaine, Baron Maloret, and Captain Baring , aber sufficient nicht to meet the sums demanded by the Goschen arrangement.

February 1878: Romaine proposes [to reduce the] land tax; Captain »Baring« ! opposes on the part of the bondholders; both gnädig agreeing to abolish a number of village taxes, deren collection 90% des product cost.

May 1878: the bailiffs of the Alexandria courts attempt to seize the Khedives furniture in his palace of Ramleh. Unterdess arrive die 2 humbugs Sir Rivers Wilson u. M. de Blignières , der erste to assume the rôle of Finance Minister, the latter that of Public Works.

August 1878: Report of Sir R. Wilson ; danach debt risen to 92 millions, including the Daira and floating debts; this fellow Wilson impresses upon Khedive: 1) Raise another loan; 2) retrench expenditure, especially in the army; the resources unmortgaged were only the domains of the Khedivial princes and princesses, covering 426,000 acres, mit a rentroll of £430,000 a year; they included 145,000 acres of the Khedive’s mother u. 31,000 of Prince Tewfik ; diese verschiednen owners ceded them to the State u. der faiseur Wilson should go to Paris to negotiate a loan with Messrs. Rothschild for 8½ millions on the above security. Dieser loan concluded on:

November 1878, at the rate of 73, as:

Nominal Amount | £8,500,000
Commission 2½ per cent | 212,000
Discount of 27% | 2,296,000
Net Product | £5,992,000

Schmuhl Rothschild (Baron! wie heisst?) delayed paying the money, weil Schmul fand, dass eine Anzahl Gläubiger zu Alexandria had already obtained a lien on the „domains“ in question. In Folge dieses delay émeute zu Cairo in:

February 1879, by 2500 unpaid officers; would have resulted in murder of Ismail Pasha and the massacre of all Europeans, but for Schlauheit des Khedive – who dismissed diese 2 blacklegs, Sir Rivers Wilson u. M. de Blignières . Ergrimmung der 2 lumina Lord Salisbury and Mr. Waddington ; hence:

June 1879 Sultan induced to issue a Hatt deposing Ismail, and appointing his son Tewfik in his room.

⦗In April 1878 the holders of Egyptian Funded Debt was were:

In England | £42,200,000
France | 30,100,000
Egypt | 6,900,000
£79,200,000⦘

July 1880: By the The International Commission at Cairo converted the »floating debt« into Unified and Preference Stock, and fixed the total obligations of Egypt:

Title | Amount | Security | Observation
Unified | £57,776,340 | Landtax etc | Interest 4%
Preference | 22,587,800 | Railways etc | " 5
Daira | 9,512,870 | Khedive’s estates | Not in budget
Domain | 8,499,620 | Family do | "
Moukabalah | 7,500,000 | General revenues | Internal debt
£105,876,630

The Moukabalah was a forced loan, wodurch die Fellaheen compelled to pay some 10 millions of landtax in advance, and to »compensate them«, nennt er’s, by refunding them £150,000 a year for 50 years.

So erzählts soft-sawder M. G. Mulhall. In fact: um v. den landholders zu erhalten Pränumeration von 6 Jahren Rente (at once, or in certain instalments) sollte jeder landholder to redeem, for ever, one half of his rent to the State; die landholders paid under the Moukabala 17 Mill £. In 1880 this law was revoked. Dafür erhalten sie – statt at least stock für 17 Mill. £. – less than one per cent interest, nämlich 150,000£. jährlich, u. dies nur für 50 Jahre. If the Europeans induced the Khedive as the Egyptian method of dealing with debts it might, says Collet, utilised by applying it to the European, as well as to the Egyptian, creditors of the State.

Nach Abzug des Moukabalah, July 1879, bei Ismael’s Ismail’s Absetzung seine debt about 100 Mill.; but he had actually received only 42 millions.

Die Salisburys, Waddingtons u. ihre Patrons, die bondholders et d’autres Goschen, verbreiteten Ansicht der arge Ismail (der in der That Verschwender) habe alle das viele europäische „Gepumpte“ aufgefressen. In der That zweifelsohne beweist folgende Tabelle that the public works constructed by Ismail [cost] more than the total net proceeds of the loan .

Public Works from 1863 to 1879
Work | Amount | Observation
1) Suez Canal | £6,770,000 | After deducting value of shares sold
2) Nile Canals | 12,600,000 | Made 8,400 miles at £1,500 per mile
3) Bridges | 2,150,000 | Built 430 at £5,000 per bridge
4) Sugar mills | 6,100,000 | Built 64, with machinery etc
5) Harbour Alexandria | 2,542,000 | Greenfield and Elliott (Sir George) Contract
6) Suez docks | 1,400,000 | Dussaud Bros.
7) Alex. Waterworks | 300,000 | Price agreed by Paris Syndic.
8) Railways | 13,361,000 | Length 910 miles, new
9) Telegraphs | 853,000 | " 5,200 " "
10) Lighthouses | 188,000 | Built 15 on Red Sea and Mediterranean
£46,264,000

ad 1) In that Crocodile’s »Cave« Report, the Khedive credits himself for the Suez Canal with £16,075,000, but this, bien entendu, includes interest and the value of the shares sold to the Brit. Gvt. Thus dissected the account runs:

Sum in Khedive’s book | £16,075,000
Interest included above | 5,328,000
Received from British Gvt | 3,977,000
Correct item of outlay | £6,770,000

The Company expended £13,200,000; brings up the total cost of the Canal to 19£ millions 19 millions £ , the which corresponds to Lesseps’ statement on the subject. The canal was of no benefit to Egypt; increased neither its fiscal revenue, nor multiplied any of the country’s products. It is indirectly worth at least 100,000£ a year to Egypt, say 1½[%] on the Gvt outlay.

ad 2) Nile canals; of which Ismail constructed 112; do not figure in Crocodile’s »Cave« Report ; and why? Because Ismail had them »made entirely with corvée labour« , but the Khedive had to provide food for the labourers and is fairly entitled to a credit of £1,500 per mile on these canals; their length was 8,400 miles, and, nach Mr. Fowler, the excavations, as compared mit dem Suez canal, were at 165 to 100, judged by which standard would be worth 28 millions £.

»By means of these canals the people succeeded in reclaiming from the desert no less than 1,373,000 acres, representing a gross annual product of crops worth £11,000,000, or a rental value of £1,400,000 p. annum.[«]

ad 3) Bridges. Average per such bridge must be below £5,000; since one of them zwischen Cairo and Boulak costs £105,000. This item not mentioned in Crocodile’s »Cave« Report.

ad 4) Sugar mills. Ismail built 16 Sugar factories, with 4 mills to each; there was a lavish waste of money, the whole of the Daira loans going in this way. Nur Hälfte dieser mills kept at work, even partially; the total value of the sugar factories to the country (!) under £2,000,000.

ad 5) Harbour of Alexandria: Work executed by two British usurious wolves, namely Sir George Elliot and Messrs. Greenfield. This These fellows – these »noble« »undertakers« or »contractors« – as often happens in South America – charged 80% extra for risk. The cost entered in the Khedive’s books was £2,905,000; this included £363,000 interest. The other British crocodile, in his quality as an Egyptian »finance minister«, namely the infamous Sir Rivers Wilson (made a baronet for his »exploits« in Egypt!) himself »considered this an excessive charge, and caused a valuation of the works to be made which resulted in a sum of £1,420,000. Sir George Elliott (le compère of the Messrs. Greenfield) at one time feared the contract might be cancelled as leonine«, and »wrote to Lord Salisbury in support of Messrs Greenfield«; but the crocodile Sir Rivers Wilson »did not feel justified in arresting payment of the balance due.« ⦗The Salisbury and Wilson would not harm the British co-wolves. A fine risk! What risks chanced these fellows Elliott and Messrs Greenfield, if the British Gvt and the »Egyptian ›British‹ minister« fastened upon the Khedive, instead of cancelling the »leonine contract«, cancelled only the »risk«, the pretext for the 80%? What »risk« undergone by those wolfish usurers, by making payable the 80% by the British state power!⦘

»the net proceeds of harbour dues nur £35,000; the works may be said to produce only 1½%, but the advantage to shipping ⦗European, principally England and, in second instance, France⦘ is incalculable, the new harbour comprising 1,400 acres.« ⦗the advantage allowing besides both these pirates to send their iron ships thither and old saintly Gladstone to bombard Alexandria!⦘

ad 6 and 7) Cannot be measured by the net income (for Egypt) which they produce; the Khedive is entitled to be credited in each case with the amount paid.

ad 8 and 9) Railways and telegraphs; stand in Ismail’s books for £14,214,000 or about £14,000 per mile for the former u. £160 for the latter. The increase of revenue under these items is … nearly £700,000, or 5% on outlay, i.e. after deducting working expenses.

So spent Ismail Pasha in 16 years 46 millions sterling on public works of reproductive character. 17 Ausserdem Ismail Pasha established 4,632 public schools under Messrs. Dor and Rogers, with 5,850 teachers, whose salaries ranged von £24 to £84 p. an: the outlay under this head reaching £3,600,000 during his reign. He started village-banks on the Crédit Foncier system to save the Fellaheen from usurers, and lost £900,000 in the venture. He took shares in the Nile Steam Navigation Company and lost £155,000 therein. He spent over a million £. St. (and what is that to the more than 100 mill. £. St.!) in the construction of palaces and opera-houses, and entertaining European kings and emperors.

Progress of Egypt in 17 years under Ismail Pasha .
1862 (Last year of Said Pasha) | 1879 (Last year of Ismail Pasha)
Acres tilled | 4,052,000 | 5,425,000
Value of Imports | £1,991,000 | £5,410,000
" " Exports | 4,454,000 | 13,810,000
Revenue | 4,937,000 | 8,562,000
Public Debt | 3,300,000 | 98,540,000
No. of public schools 4,817
Railways, miles 1,185
Telegraphs 5,820
Canals | 44,000 | 52,400
Population | 4,833,000 | 5,518,000

We come now to the

Financial System under Tewfik (the British puppet and dastard)

Die fellows Baring and de Blignières (nach dem sneak Mulhall they »deserve the approval of mankind«)

in 1880 instituted a so-called »equitable system of taxation«.

July 1880 the raskals of the International Commission at Cairo (chairman: that same infamous Sir Rivers Wilson – ) – English, French, German, Austrian and Italian vagabonds – framed the so-called Liquidation Law. The Unified and Preference Stocks were fixed at 80½ millions; and the Daira and Rothschild loans as treated as mortgages on the Khedive’s and his family’s estates.

The budget of income and expenditure was based on an estimate of £8,400,000, as follows:

Revenue
a) Landtax | £5,250,000
b) Railways and Telegraphs | 1,150,000
c) Taxes and Customs | 2,010,000
£8,410,000

Expenditure
1) Consolidated debt | £3,520,000
2) Suez shares | 199,000
3) Moukabalah | 155,000
4) Tribute to Sultan | 700,000
5) Administration | 3,450,000
6) Surplus | 386,000
£8,410,000

ad a) Basis the landtax; average 1 £ per acre on the arable area of Egypt; this möglich (?) in ordinary years of a good Nile, but may [have] to be reduced 1/4 in times of drought or excessive flood. Vor der Annahme des Moukabalah the product of this tax in the earlier years of Ismail’s gvt was £4,793,000 per annum; dies war 18 7s. on Ouchory or tithe-lands und 23s. on Karadji or the ordinary Fellaheen tenure.

In 1879 the placeman Sir Rivers Wilson brought forward his scheme to tax all lands alike, the various tenures were:

Title | Acres | Tax | Per acre | Observations
Ouchour | 1,329,000 | £470,000 | 7sh. | Rich proprietors
Karadj | 3,514,000 | 3,850,000 | 22 " | Fellaheen
Abadieh | 620,000 | 500,000 (?) | 16sh. | Special grants
5,463,000 | 4,828,000

The Abadieh were exempt from corvée or compulsory labour for public works, being mostly new lands reclaimed from the desert, and also free from landtax during the first 6 years.

The Corvée presses heavily on the Karadji, all male peasants having to contribute 1/4 of their number in each village, for one month yearly, to make embankments and such like works.

The Zawats, or landed gentry, holding by Ouchour, get their labourers exempted by paying 12s. per head yearly.

Value of crops in an average year about 45 millions, say £8 per acre.

Agriculture, Average Nile (24 ft.)
Crop | Acres | Yield | Value of crop. | Observations
Maize | 1,884,000 | 55 mln. bush | £8,500,000 | Incl. £300,000 straw
Wheat | 1,150,000 | 33 " | 8,300,000 | ditto incl. straw
Beans | 1,220,000 | 23 " | 4,800,000 | " " stalks
Barley | 521,000 | 16 " | 2,500,000 | " " straw
Cotton | 872,000 | 290 ["] lbs | 9,900,000 | ginned cotton
" | " | 10 " bush seed | 1,800,000
" | " | 4 " load sticks | 400,000
Rice | 50,000 | 2 ["] bush | 800,000
Lentils | 150,000 | 3 " | 700,000
Sugar | 80,000 | 70,000 tons | 1,700,000 | including rum etc
Flax | 24,000 | 6,000 " | 400,000 | " seed
Clover etc | 390,000 | 5,000,000 | " dates
˟6,341,000 | £44,800,000

˟ The number of acres exceeds by a million acres the land under tillage, some lands counting for double crops.

The crop depends so much on the Nile, that one foot difference in flood-level is worth £2 Millions. The rise begins in June, reaching its highest in September, and then beginning to decline. Vom record of 100 years we find the proportion of floods as follows:

45 good years, v. 24–27 feet
15 excessive, über 27 "
40 feeble, von 10 to 20 "

In Folge der variation of flood-level kann in years of drought den Bauern die Zahlung der ganzen landtax verunmöglichen.

Artificial means for irrigation to supply for dry or deficient seasons. There are 476 steam pumps, some belonging to Zawats, others to jobbers, who charge £3 per acre in watering the crops of the Fellaheen. There are also 107,200 Persian waterwheels, employing 60,000 animals and 150,000 men, during 180 days in the year. On the whole, in good years of flood, the cost of irrigation averages 4s. an acre. Acceptirten Arabs windmills (they have prejudice dagegen), great good would accrue von 10–20,000 mills, 19 such as the Americans use for watering gardens. Nach den surveys noch 1,100,000 [acres] of cultivable land not still unused; where a canal opened the arid sands become at once converted into green fields.

ad c) Import dues 8%, export 1% per ad valorem. Custom revenue about 1 Mill. £, included tobacco.

Under expenditure, N. 4 , tribute to Sultan, more than 8% of the gross revenue, having been doubled in 1866, in order to secure the succession to Tewfik Pasha and his heirs male.

The interest on the Khedive’s Canal Shares is paid to Engld, but will cease in 1894.

Paid den European Beamten £373,000 jährlich or 4½% of the gross revenue.

In selber Nummer schlechter Artikel über Keay’s „Spoiling the Egyptians“ von Schwätzer Sheldon Amos ; zu bemerken nur über grosse eviction der Bauern (cf. E. Dicey: „England and Egypt“ ): in den ersten 12 years seines reign erweiterte Ismail by a serious series of adroit and unscrupulous acts his private estates von some 30,000 acres, to which he had succeeded, to some 1,000,000 acres, ⅕ part of the cultivable soil of Egypt –, wodurch er dann auch fertig brought the practice of extending the corvée which, according to Oriental habits, attached as a right to the sovereign’s private estates, to his enormously enlarged property. The result was that the Khedive was converted into a slavedriver on the largest scale.