Title: Heft 1880 bis 1881
Candidate ID: M5176449
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[Umschlag]
[Inhaltsverzeichnis von Engels]
1)
Lewis H. Morgan
,
Ancient
Society
p. 1
2)
J. W. B. Money
,
Java, or How to
Manage a Colony
" 99.
3) Sir
J. Phear
:
The Aryan Village in
India & Ceylon
" 128
4) Dr.
Rud. Sohm
,
Fränkisches Recht
& Römisches Recht
" 155.
5) Sir
H. S. Maine
,
Lectures on the Early
History of Institutions
" 160
6)
" 198.

[Bibliographische
Notizen]
W. F. Skene
:
„The
Highlanders of Scotland“, 1837
.
Idem:
see his edit. of the
Scotch
chronicler Fordun
(1872)
.
Post
:
„Anfänge des Staats- u. Rechtslebens“. Oldenburg.
1878
.
│
.│
│
Published by the Government of Madras:
„Papers on Mirasi
Right“ (Madras 1862)
.
Patterson
(
Fortnightly Review. N.
XCIV
XLIV
)
(House Community in Croatia, Dalmatia,
Illyria).
Dupin
(
1840
über
House Communities in
Departement of Nièvre
.)
Freeman
:
„Comparative
Politics“
.
Tocqueville
:
„Ancien
régime“
(see I. 18)│
Coote
:
„Neglected Fact in English History“
.
Rev.
H. Dugmore
:
„Compendium of Kaffir Laws and Customs“
.
│
Thorpe
:
„Ancient
Laws“
.
Sullivan
:
edition of O’Curry’s Lectures
, at the end of wich
translated the
Crith Gablach
, a
Brehon tract
.
Dasent
:
„Story
of Burnt Njal“
.
Coote
:
„Neglected Fact in English History“
.
;
Col.
Sleeman
(
Reise d
ur
ch Oude
).
Dr
Butter
’s Report on the Southern District of Oudh.
(1837)
Shore: „Notes on Indian Affairs“
u.
Id.
„Present State and Prospects of Oude“
(written
1835
).
Dr.
Butter
:
„Outlines of the
Topography and Statistics of the Southern Districts of
Oudh“
.
(1837)
Sleeman
:
„Tour in
Oude“
(3 months’ march through Oude (
1
st
of December 1849
bis
28 Febr. 1850
;
).
Major
Evans
Bell
:
„Retrospects and Prospects of Indian
Policy“
.
[1a]

Quoted by Morgan.
⎧
⎨
Peschel
:
„Races
of Men“
⎩
Foster
:
„Pre-historic races of the U. St.“
Jones
:
„Antiquities of the Southern Indians.“
Adair
„History of
the American Indians“ 1775
.
id.
„The League of the Iroquois“
ditto:
„The American Beaver and his Works“
.
Rev.
Hiram
Bingham
:
„Sandwich Islands“. Hartford. 1847
.
Dr.
Bartlett
:
„Historical Sketch of
the Missions etc in the Sandwich Islands“
.
Ueber d
ie
Australian classes
, organized upon sex, see:
Rev.
Lorimer
Fison
(English missionary in Australia):
„Proceedings
of the
Amer. Ac. of Arts and
Sciences“, for 1872
, vol. VIII, p. 412
; ditto
McLennan
:
Primitive
marriage
(p. 118) u.
Tylor
:
Early Hist. of
Mankind
.
Carver
„Travels in
North-America“.
Phil. ed. 1796
, p. 164
(über die
„Dakotas“).
Schoolcraft
:
History of Indian
Tribes
.
Dall
:
„Alaska and its
resources“
.
Brett
„Indian Tribes of
Guiana“
.
Acosta
(
visted
visited
Mexico in
1585
, his work publ. at Sevilla.
1589):
„The natural and moral history of the East and West
Indies“ Lond. 1604
.
Herrera
:
„General History of America“ Lond. edit. 1725
.
Clavigero
:
„History of Mexico“. Philad. ed. 1817
.
Freeman
:
„Comparative Politics“
.
Latham
:
Descriptive ethnology
.
Harrington
Harington
„Analysis of the Regulations, Calcutta. 1817.“
Grenier
’s
„Reports“ (Ceylon)
for
1874
: p.
Note of
Mr.
Nell
,
Appendix to Part
I
II
.
Ribeyro
,
Knox
,
(über
Ceylon
).
Growse
:
„Mathura“
(wegen der nonexistence der Kshatria caste).
„
Mr.
La Touche
“ recent:
„Settlement Report of
Ajmere and Mhairwarra“
.
Forbes
„Oriental Memoirs.“
(Darin II. 25 Lord
Teignmouth
’s description of
„sitting
dharna.“
)
.
1

Lewis H.
Morgan
:
„Ancient Society“. London
1877
.
Growth of
intelligence through inventions and
discoveries.
Part I. Ch. I.
I) Period of savagery.
1)
Lower Status.
Infancy of human race: lives
in its original restricted habitat;
subsists upon
fruits and nuts
; in this period
commencement of articulate speech
; ends with
acquisition of fish subsistence
and
knowledge of use of fire
. No tribes in this
condition to be found in
historical period of
mankind
.
2)
Middle Status:
commences mit
fish subsistence
and
use
of fire
. Mankind spreads from original habitat over greater
portion of earth’s surface. Such tribes existing still, f.i. the
Australians
and
greater
part of the Polynesians
, when discovered.
3)
Upper Status:
Commences with
invention of bow and arrow
, ends with
invention
of art of pottery
. In this state
the
Athapascan tribes
of
the Hudson’s Bay Territory
, the tribes of the
valley of Columbia
u. certain
coasts
coast
tribes of North
and
South
America
; with relation to the time of their discovery.
[9, 10]
II) Period of Barbarism.
1)
Lower Status
begins with
art of Pottery
. Für d
en
f
o
lg
en
den Status (middle) comes in Betracht
the
unequal endowment of the 2 hemispheres
,
; aber to
adopt equivalents
. In
Eastern hemisphere
the
domestication of
animals
, in the
Western
the
cultivation of Maize and plants by
irrigation
, zugleich mit
use of
adobe-brick
and
stone in house
building
. Im lower status z. B. the
Indian Tribes of the U. St. east of the Missouri river
,
and
such tribes
of
Europe
and Asia
practising
pottery
, but
were without
domesticated animals
.
2)
Middle Status.
Commences in Eastern sphere
with
domestication of animals
, in the
Western
with cultivation by irrigation and
the use of adobe-brick and stone in architecture; ends with
the process of smelting iron ore
. In this
state f.i. the
village Indians of New Mexico,
Mexico, Central America, Peru
u.
tribes
in
the Eastern hemisphere
possessing domestic animals, but
without
knowledge of iron
.
Ancient Britons
belong hierhin; they knew the
use of iron
and other arts of life – far beyond the state of development of
their domestic institutions – thanks
to the
vicinity of more advanced continental tribes
.
3)
Upper Status.
Commences with the smelting
of
Iron Ore, use of iron tools
etc, ends
with the
invention of a phonetic alphabet
,
and the use of writing in literary composition. In the
upper Status of Barbarism
the
Grecian tribes of homeric ages
,
Italian tribes
the founding
of Rome
, the
tribes of Caesar’s time
.
[10–12]
III. Period of Civilization.
Begins with
phonetic alphabet
and production
of literary records; as
equivalent
–
hiperoglyphical writing upon stone
.
Flint and stone implements
älter als
pottery
, found frequently in ancient
repositories
ohne pottery
. Eh diese
erfunden, commencement of
village life
,
with some degree of control over subsistence,
wooden vessels
u.
ustensils, finger
weaving
with
filaments of bark,
basket making
u.
bow u. arrow
vor appearance of pottery. Diese nicht z. B. bei d
en
Athapascans
, the
tribes of California
u. of the
village
valley
of Columbia
. It was unknown in
Polynesia
(except the islands of the
Tongans u. Fijians
), in
Australia, California
u. the Hudsons’s
Bay Territory.
Tylor
bemerkt, dass d
ie
„
art of weaving
unknown in most of the
islands away from Asia
“ u. „in
most
of the
South Sea
islands there was no knowledge of pottery
.“
Flint
and
stone
implements
gave the
canoe, wooden
vessels
and
ustensils
, and
ultimately
timber and plank
in house
architecture. Boiling of food – vor pottery – rudely
accomplished in
baskets coated with
clay
, and in
ground cavities lined with
skin, the boiling being effected with heated
stones
.
The
village Indians
– wie d
ie
Zuñians, the Azteks
u. d
ie
Cholulans
(in
Period II, (2) state
) manufactured
pottery
in large quantities, and in many forms of
great excellence; the partially
Village
Indians
of the U. St. in Period II (1) wie d
ie
Iroquois, Choctas, Cherokees
made it in
smaller quantities u. limited number of forms.
of Indianapolis, the
analyses of „ancient pottery“ „belonging to the
mound-builders age
, are composed of
alluvial clay and sand
, or a mixture of
the former with pulverized fresh
[-]
water
-
shells.“
[13–15]
.
Einige so geographisch isolirt, dass sie selbstständig
d
ie
verschiednen Phasen d
ur
chlaufen; andre
adultera
te
d d
ur
ch
external influence
. So
Africa
was u. is
and
an
ethnical chaos of savagery
u.
barbarism
;
Australia
u. Polynesia
were in savagery, pure and simple.
The
Indian family of America
–
unterscheidet sich dadurch v. jeder andern existirenden –
stellten
condition
of mankind in
three successive ethnical periods
dar.
When discovered, stellten sie jede der 3 conditions dar u.
namentlich
lower u. middle status of
barbarism
more elaborate u. complete als irgend andre
portion of mankind. D
ie
far Northern Indians
u.
some of the coast tribes of North and
Southamerica
were in the
Upper
Status of Savagery
;
the partially
Village Indians east of the
Mississippi
were in the
Lower Status
of Barbarism
,
the v
illage Indians of North and South
America
were in the
Middle
Status
.
Part I. Ch. II. Arts of subsistence.
Upon
their (men’s) skill in this direction –
arts of
subsistence
– the whole
question of human
supremacy on the earth
depended. Mankind are the only beings
who may be said
to have gained an absolute
control
over the production of food. (19) the
great epochs of human progress – identified, more or less directly, with
the
enlargement of the sources of subsistence
.
(l.c.)
1)
natural subsistence upon fruits or roots on a
restricted habitat.
Primitive period; invention of language.
Such kind of subsistence unterstellt a tropical or subtropical climate.
Fruit and nutbearing forests under a tropical sun. (20) Were at least
partially
tree-livers
. (
Lucret.
de rerum
natura
lib. V)
[l.c.]
2)
fish subsistence
; first
artificial
food, not fully available without cooking;
fire
first utilized for this purpose. – ⦗
hunt for game
too precarious ever to have formed
an exclusive means of human support.⦘ Upon this species of food mankind
became independent of climate and locality; by
following the shores of the seas and lakes
, and the
courses of rivers
could, while in the savage
state, spread over the greater portion of the earth’s surface. Of the
fact of these migrations … abundant evidence in the remains of flint and
stone implements found upon all the continents. In Interval bis zur
nächsten period important
increase
in the
variety and amount of food
;
bread roots
z. B. cooked in ground ovens;
permanent addition of game
through
improved
weapons
, especially the
bow and arrow
;
dies kam
nach spear
u.
war
club
; gab the first deadly weapon for the hunt, appeared late
in savagery; Bezeichnet
(Bogen u. Pfeil)
the
upper status of savagery
, was
iron sword
to barbarism,
firearms
to
the period of civilization.
bow u. arrow
were
unknown
to the
Polynesians
in general, and to the
Australians
. (21) (22)
In F
o
lge d
er
precarious nature of all
these sources of food, outside
of
the great fish areas, cannibalism
became the
resort of mankind. The
ancient universality of this
practice
is being gradually demonstrated. (22)
3)
Farinaceous food through cultivation.
D
ie
cultivation of cereals
scheint unbekannt gewesen
zu sein im
lower
u.
bis nah
zum Ende d
es
middle status of barbarism
… in der
Oestlichen Hemisphäre den tribes of Asia u.
Europe
. Dag
e
gen im
Lower Status of
barbarism
in d
er
Westlichen Hemisphäre
bekannt den
American aborigines
; sie hatten
horticulture
.
Beide Hemisphären ungleich endowed by nature: d
ie
Oestliche
besass
alle
Thiere
, save one,
adapted to
domestication
u. a
majority of cereals
;
the
Western
had
one cereal
(Maize)
fit for cultivation, but that the best. Gave the
advantage of condition in this period den American aborigines. Aber als
d
ie
most advanced Eastern tribes,
at the
commencement of the middle period of barbarism
, had
domesticated animals giving meat and milk
,
without a knowledge of the cereals, ihre condition much superior to that
of the American aborigines mit
maize u. plants
,
aber
ohne domesticated animals
. Mit d
er
domestication of animals
scheint
differen
tia
tion der Semitic u. Aryan
families
heraus aus der Masse der Barbaren begonnen zu
haben.
3
Dass d
ie
discovery
u.
cultivation of
cereals
d
ur
ch d
ie
Aryan family
später als domestication von animals
beweisen
common terms for these animals
in the
several dialects
der Aryan language, and
no common terms for cereals
or
cultivated plants
.
Ζέα
(einzige
s
dieser Worte), philologisch = Sanskrit
yavas
(b
e
d
eu
tet in Indian
barley
, in
Greek
„spelt“).
Horticulture preceded field culture
, as the
garden (
hortos
hortus
)
das
field (ager); the latter
implies
boundaries, the
former signifies directly an
„inclosed field“
.
Tillage
muss aber älter sein als d
er
inclosed
garden
;
erst: tillage of patches
of
open alluvial land
, 2)
enclosed space of
gardens
, 3)
field
by means of the
plow drawn by animal power
. Ob d
ie
Cultur solcher plants wie
pea, bean, turnip, parsnip,
beet, squash
u.
melon
, one or more of them, preceded the
cultivation of the cereals, wissen wir nicht. Einige v. diesen haben
common terms in Latin u. Greek, aber keines davon common term mit
Sanskrit.
Horticulture
im
in
seems to
have originated more in the
necessities of the
domestic animals
than
of
in
those of mankind. Commences in the Western hemisphere mit
Maize
; led in America to
localization and village life
; tended bes. under the
village Indians
to take the place of fish and
game. V
on
cereals u. cultivated plants mankind obtained their
first impression of the possibility of an abundance of food. – Mit
farinaceous food verschwindet cannibalism; it survived in war, practised
by war parties, unter d
en
American aborigines in the
Middle Status of barbarism
, z. B. unter
Iroquois
u.
Azteks
; but
the general practice had disappeared. (W
ur
de in savagery
practicirt upon
captured enemies
u. in times of
famine upon friends and kindred)
[22–24]
4)
Meat and Milk Subsistence. Absence of animals,
adapted to domestication
in
Westlicher
Hemisphäre
ausser
Llama
. D
ie
early
Span. writers
speak of a
„dumb dog“ found domesticated
in the
West Indian Islands
, ditto in
Mexico u. Central America
; sprechen auch von
poultry
u.
turkeys
on
the American continent; the
aborigines had
domesticated the turkey
u. d
ie
Nahuatlac tribes some species of wild fowl
.
Diese Differenz u. d
ie
specific differences in the cereals
beider Hemisphären producirte
n
essential difference with
that portion
ihrer inhabitants who had
attained to the Middle Status of Barbarism
.
The domestication of animals provided a permanent meat and milk
subsistence; tribes, die sie besassen, differentiated v. d
er
mass of other barbarians. D
en
Village Indians
ungünstig the limitation upon an
essential species of food; haben
inferior size of the
brain
verglichen mit den
Indians in the
Lower Status of Barbarism
.
Vorzüge d
er
Aryan u. Semitic families
d
ur
ch
maintenance in number
s
of domestic animals. D
ie
Greeks
milked their
sheep
as well as their cows u.
goats. (
Ilias
IV, 433) Aryans to noch greater
extent als Semites.
Domestication of animals
– in östl. Hemisphäre –
gradually introduced
pastoral life
, upon
the plains of the Euphrates
and of
India
u. d
en
steppes of Asia
; on the confines of one or the
other of which the domestication of animals first accomplished.
,
die, so weit entfernt
d
ie
cradle lands der human race zu sein
, were
areas they would
not have occupied as savages or
barbarians in the Lower Status of barbarism, to whom forest areas
were natural homes
. Nachdem sie sich gewöhnt an pastoral life,
unmöglich for either of these families to
reenter the
forest areas of Western Asia and of Europe with their flocks u.
herds
, without first learning
to cultivate
some of the cereals
with which to subsist the latter
at a distance from the grass plains
. Sehr
probable
that the cultivation of the cereals
originated in the necessities of the domestic animals
, and in
connection with these western migrations; and that the use of
farinaceous food by these tribes was a
consequence.
In d
er
Western Hemisphere
d
ie
aborigines
advanced generally into the
Lower Status of
Barbarism
, u. ein Theil davon in
Middle
Stat
u
s
ohne domestic animals,
ausser Llama in Peru
u. upon a
single
cereal, maize
, mit d
en
adjuncts of
bean, squash
u.
tobacco
u. in some
areas
cacao, cotton
u.
Pepper. „Maize“
from its
growth in the
hill
– which favoured direct cultivation – from its
useableness both green and ripe
, from its
abundant yield
u.
nutritive
properties
, was a richer endowment in aid of early human
progress als all other cereals together; hence remarkable progress
d
er
American aborigines
ohne domestic
animals
; the
Peruvians produced bronze
,
which stands next to the
process of smelting iron
ore
.
[24–26]
4
5)
Unlimited subsistence through field
agriculture.
The
domestic animals
supplemented
human
muscle
with
animal
power
, new factor of the highest value. Später
production of iron
gab
Pflug mit an iron point
u. a better
spade
u. axe
. Mit diesen u. aus d
er
früheren horticulture,
came
field agriculture
u. damit
zuerst unlimited subsistence
. D
er
plow drawn by animal power
; damit entsprang
thoughts of
reducing the forest
and
bringing wide fields into cultivation
.
(
Lucret.
v. 1369)
.
Dense
population in limited areas became possible.
Vor field
agriculture schwerlich dass ½ Million Menschen held together u.
developed under one government in any part of the earth.
Wo exceptions, they must have resulted
from pastoral life on the plains
od. von
horticulture improved by irrigation
, under
peculiar u. exceptional condition.
[26,
27]
1)
Consanguine family: intermarriage of brothers and
sisters in a group
; darauf founded (u. dient jetzt als
evidence davon
) das
Malayan
system
[of]
consanguinity
.
2)
Punaluan family:
name derived von d
er
Hawaiian
relationship of
Punalua
. Founded upon the
intermarriage of
several brothers to each other’s wives in a group; and of several
sisters to each other’s husbands in a group
. „Brother“ includes
here the first, second, third, and even more remote cousins, all
considered as brothers; u. „sister“ includes first, 2
nd
, 3
d
and even more
remote female cousins, all sisters to each
others
other
. Auf this form of family g
e
gründet the
Turanian
u.
Ganowánian
systems of consanguinity
. Beide Familienformen gehören zu
period of savagery
.
3) The Synd
y
asmian family:
Founded
upon
the pairing of a male and a female
under the form of marriage,
aber
ohne an exclusive cohabitation
; ist germ
der Monogamian family. Divorce or separation at the option of both
husband u. wife. Dies
e
Familienform gründet
kein besondres Verwandtschaft
s
system
.
4)
The Patriarchal family:
founded upon the
marriage of one man to several women
. In
Hebrew pastoral tribes
the
chiefs and principal men
practised polygamy. Little influence
on mankind for want of universality.
5)
Monogamian family: marriage of one man with one
woman, with an exclusive cohabitation
; preeminently the
family of civilized society, essentially modern
.
Auf diese Familienform gegründet
an independent
system of consanguinity
.
Part
III.
Ch. I. The ancient family.
D
as
älteste system of consanguinity
, bis jetzt
entdeckt, found unter d
en
Polynesians
, wovon d
ie
Hawaiian
als typical genommen; Morgan nennts
d
as
Malayan system
. Hier alle consanguinei fallen
unter d
ie
relationship:
parent, child,
grandparent, grandchild, brother u. sister
; keine andre
Blutverwandtsc
ha
ft
; ausserdem
d
ie
marriage relationships
. Dies system came in with
the
»consanguine« family form
u. beweist deren
alte Existenz; d
as
System prevailed sehr allgemein unter den
Polynesians
, obgleich d
ie
family
unter ihnen übergegangen aus
consanguine form in
punaluan
. Letztere von ersterer nicht genug
verschieden
, um eine
Modification
d
es
auf erstere gegründeten
Verwandtsc
ha
ft
s
systems zu produciren.
Intermarriage zwischen brothers u. sisters
noch
nicht g
an
z verschwunden aus d
en
Sandwichinseln
, als amerik. Missionäre sich vor
50 Jahren dort etablirten. Muss auch in
Asien
geherrscht haben, weil es d
ie
Basis des dort noch existirenden
Turanian system
.
[385,
386]
Turanian system
war allgemein unter d
en
nordamerik. aborigines
u. hinreichend auch in
Südamerika
nachgewiesen, found in parts
of Africa
, wo jedoch unter dessen tribes
Verwandtsc
ha
ft
s
system sich mehr dem Malayan
nähert.
Turanisches System
noch prevailing in
Südindien
unter d
en
Hindus der
Dravidian language
u., in modificirter Form in
Nordindien
unter d
en
Hindus
sprechend
dialects der Gaura language
;
eb
en
so in
Australien
in partially
developed form. In d
en
principal tribes der Turanian
u.
Ganowánian
families
producirt d
ur
ch
punaluan marriage in the group
u. d
ie
organization into gentes
, tending to repress
consanguine marriages, by
5
prohibition of intermarriage in the gens
,
w
o
d
ur
ch
[es]
own brothers u. sisters von marriage relation
ausschloss
.
The
Turanian system
recognizes all the
relationships known under the
Aryan system
, aber
auch diesem unbekannte. In familiar u. formal salutation the people
address each other
by the term of relationship
,
nie
by the personal name
; wo keine relationship
exists, d
ur
ch
„my friend“
.
Bei Entdeck
un
g d
er
American aborigines war d
ie
family
aus d
er
punaluan
in ihre
syndasmian
syndyasmian
form
übergeg
ang
en; so dass d
ie
relationships recognized by the system of
consanguinity
in zahlreichen Fällen
nicht
die waren die wirklich in d
er
syndasmian
syndyasmian
family
existirten; aber ebenso hatte
Malayan system of consanguinity
überdauert
den Uebergang der consanguine family in die
Punaluan
. Gradeso überdauerte
Turanian
system of consang
. den Uebergang der
punaluan family
in d
ie
syndasmian
synd
y
asmian
. D
ie
Familienform
als
systems of
consanguinity which follow to record the family relationships
.
to change the
Malayan system
in d
as
Turanian
;
property in the
concrete
, with its
rights of ownership u.
inheritance
, war nöthig, zusammen
mit
d
er
monogamian family which it created
, to
overthrow the
Turanian system
of consanguinity
and substitute the
Aryan
.
[387,
388]
The
Semitic, Aryan, od. Uralian system
of
consanguinity – defining the
relationships in the
monogamian family
– was nicht
based upon the
Turanian system
, wie dies war upon the
Malayan
, sondern
superseded it
among
civilized
nations.
Von d
en
5 family forms haben 4 existed in d
er
historic period
; nur d
ie
consanguine
disappeared; can aber be deduced v. d
em
Malayan system of consanguinity
.
Marriage between single pairs
had existed from
the older period of barbarism, under
the form of
pairing
during the pleasure of the parties; wurde stabiler mit
advance of society
, mit
into
higher successive conditions. Man began to exact fidelity from the wife,
under savage penalties, but he claimed exemption for himself. So unter
den
Homer
ic
Greeks
. F
or
tschritt v.
Homerisch.
Zeitalter bis dem von
Pericles
, with its gradual
settlement into a defined institution
.
;
. D
as
Turanian system of consanguinity
, which
records the relationships in punaluan family
,
blieb wesentlich unverändert bis zur
Etablir
un
g der monogamian family
, when
it became almost totally untrue to the nature of
descents, and even a scandal upon monogamy
. z. B. unter
d
em
Malayan system
nennt ein Mann seines Bruders
Sohn
seinen Sohn
, weil seines Bruders Frau auch
seine Frau ist; u.
seiner Schwester Sohn
ist
auch
sein Sohn
, weil seine Schwester auch
seine Frau
ist. Unter d
em
Turanian
system ist seines Bruder’s Sohn
immer noch sein
Sohn
, aus demselben Grund, aber
seiner
Schwester Sohn
ist jetzt
sein Neffe
,
weil under d
er
gentile organization seine Schwester aufgehört
hat
, seine Frau zu sein.
Unter d
en
Iroquois
, wo d
ie
family
syndasmian
syndyasmian
ist, nennt ein Mann seines Bruder’s Sohn seinen Sohn, obgleich
seines Bruder’s Frau
aufgehört hat,
seine Frau
zu sein u. so selbe Incongruenz mit
grosser Anzahl andrer relationships, die der
existing
form of marriage
aufgehört haben zu entsprechen.
D
as
System hat d
ie
Gebräuche
überlebt, worin es entsprang
u.
erhält sich
f
or
t unter ihnen
, obgleich in the main
untrue
, für
descents as they
now exist
. Monogamy kam auf to
assure the
paternity of children
and
the legitimacy of
heirs
. Turanian system konnte d
ur
ch keine Reform ihm
adaptirt w
er
den;
stand
in schreiendem Gegensatz zur Monogamie; d
as
System ward dropped; aber d
ie
descriptive method
, stets employed
d
ur
ch d
ie
Turanian tribes when they wished to make a
given relationship specific
, w
ur
de
substituted
. They fell back upon the bare
facts of consanguinity u. described the relationship of each person by
a combination of the primary terms
; sagten
so:
Bruder’s Sohn, Bruder’s grandson; father’s
brother; father’s brother’s son
; each phrase described a
person, leaving the relationship a matter of implication; so bei
d
en
arischen Nationen
, in d
er
ältesten Form
bei d
en
Griechischen, latein., sanskritischen,
celtischen
,
Traces des Turanian system unter
d
en
arischen u. semit. nations
down to the
historical period, aber essentially uprooted, Descriptive
6
substituted in its place.
[389–392]
Jedes der
systems of consanguinity
expresses the
actual relationships existing in the family
at the time of its establishment. D
ie
relations
v.
Mutter u. Kind,
Bruder u. Schwester, Grossmutter u. grandchild
were stets
versicherbar (seit Etablirung irgend einer Form von family), aber nicht
die von Vater u. Kind, Grossvater u.
grandchild
; letzteres nur
versicherbar in Monogamie.
[392,
393]
D
ie
systems of consanguinity
sind
classificatory
oder aber
descriptive
.
Unter d
em
ersten System
consanguinei
»classified«
into
categories
unabhängig
von ihrer
Nähe od. Entfernung in degree von Ego
;
d
er
selbe
term of relationship
applied to
all the persons in the same category
.
z. B.
meine eignen Brüder
u. d
ie
Söhne von d
en
Brüdern meines Vaters
sind alle gleichmässig
meine Brüder; meine eignen
Schwestern
u. d
ie
Töchter d
er
Schwestern meiner Mutter
sind alle gleichmässig
meine Schwestern
; such is
the classification in
Malayan u. Turanian
systems
. Im
descriptiven System
dag
e
gen d
ie
consanguinei bezeichnet d
ur
ch
d
ie
primary terms of relationship
od.
combination dieser terms
,
w
o
d
ur
ch d
ie
relationship jeder Person
specific
gemacht. So im
Aryan, Semitic
;
od. Uralian system
, which came in with monogamy;
später introducirt a small amount of classification d
ur
ch
inventions of common terms
, aber d
ie
earliest
form of the system – the Erse
u.
Scandinavian
–
typical
,
–
purely descriptive
. D
er
radicale
Unterschied d
er
Systeme resulted von
plural
marriages in the group
in one case,
from
single marriages
between single pairs in the other.
Relationships
zweifach: 1)
by
consanguinity
or
blood
; diese selbst
zweifach
, a)
lineal
u. b)
collateral
; a)
lineal
ist d
ie
connection unter Persons wovon
eine von der andern abstammt
; b)
collateral
ist sie, wo
persons descend von common ancestors
, aber nicht von einander.
2) by
affinity or marriage
;
marriage relationships
exist by custom. Wo marriage between
single pairs,
each person
the
Ego
from whom the degree of relationship of each person is
reckoned u. to whom it returns. His position in the
lineal line
, which
line is vertical
.
Upon it, above and below him,
ancestors and
descendants
in direct series from father to son; these persons
together constitute the
right lineal male line
.
Out of this
trunk line
emerge the several
collateral lines
, male and female, numbered
outwardly;
:
1
st
collateral line:
male
,
my
brother
and his descendants;
female:
my
sister
and her descendants.
2
nd
coll. line:
male
,
my
father’s brother
and his descendants;
female:
my father’s sister
u. her descendants.
male
,
my
mother’s brother
and his descendants;
female:
my
mother’s sister
und her
descendants.
3
d
coll. line:
on
the father’s side: male:
my
grandfather’s
brother
and his desc
en
d
an
ts;
female:
my g
ran
d father’s sister
and her descendants.
on
the mother’s side
:
my
grandmother’s brother
and his desc
en
d
an
ts;
female:
my g
ran
dmother’s sister
and her descendants.
4
th
coll. line:
great grandfather’s brother and sister
and their respective descendants.
great grandmother’s brother and sister
and … ditto … ditto.
5
th
coll. line:
great-great grandfather’s brother
and sister
and their respective descendants.
great-great-grandmothers brother and
sister
and …
ditto
…
ditto
.
Habe ich
several brothers u. sisters
, so
constituiren sie mit ihren descendants
so many
independent lines
, aber zusammen bilden sie my
first collateral line in 2 branches, a male and a
female
etc etc.
[394–396]
⦗
Pandects
lib. XXXVIII, title X.
De
gradibus, et adfinibus et nominibus eorum
; u.
Institutes of Justinian
lib. III, title
V
VI
: De gradibus cognationis
⦘; adoptirt d
ur
ch
principal European nations.
patruus
(for
uncle
on
father’s side) u.
amita
(for
aunt
on father’s side);
avunculus
(
uncle
on
mothers
mother’s
side) u.
matertera
(for
aunt
on mother’s side)
avus
, grandfather, giebt
avunculus
(a little grandfather);
Matertera
soll herkommen v.
mater
u.
altera
= another mother. – D
ie
Erse, Scandinavian
u.
Slavonic
haben nicht diese röm. method of description
angenommen.
The 2 radical forms – the
classificatory
u. the
descriptive
[–]
yield nearly the exact line of demarcation between the
barbarous
u.
civilized nations
.
[396, 397]
Powerful influences existed to
perpetuate the systems
of consanguinity
after the conditions
under
which each originated had been modified or had altogether
disappeared
.
7
In so complicated system wie d
as
Turanian
entwickelte sich natürlich
divergence in minor particulars
. D
as
system of consanguinity
des
Tamil people
of
South India
u. das der
Seneca-Iroquois
, of New York, sind
noch identisch
through 200 relationships; a
modified form of the system
– standing alone –
that of the
Hindi, Bengali, Marâthi
u. other
people of
North India
, ist combination
d
er
Aryan u. Turanian systems
. A civilized people,
the
Brahmins
, coalesced with a barbarous stock,
lost their language in the new vernaculars named, which retain the
grammatical structure of the aboriginal speech, wozu d
as
Sanskrit 90% of its vocables gab.
Ihre 2 systems of
consanguinity
came into collision, the one founded on
monogamy or syndyasmy
u. the
other upon plural marriages in the group
.
[398,
399]
Unter d
en
Indian tribes von North America
the
family syndyasmian
; aber lebten generally in
joint-tenement houses
u.
practised communism within the household
. Je mehr wir
niedersteigen in d
er
direction d
er
punaluan
u.
consanguine
families
, the
household group becomes
larger
, with more persons crowded together in the same
apartment. The coast
tribes in
Venezu
e
la
, wo d
ie
family punaluan gewesen zu
sein scheint, are represented by the Spanish discoverers
(
Herrera
’s
:
History of
America
)
as
living in
bell-shaped houses, each containing
160 persons. Husbands u. wives lived together in a group in the same
house
.
Part III. Ch. II. The Consanguine Family.
. Sie ist aber bewiesen
d
ur
ch a
system of consanguinity and
affinity
welches für zahllose Jahrhunderte überlebt hat the
marriage customs in which it originated: d
as
Malayan system
; it defines the relationships wie
sie
nur in einer consanguine family
existiren
konnten; es besitzt an antiquity of unknown duration; d
ie
inhabitants of Polynesia
included in this
system, obgleich d
ie
eigentlichen
Malays
es in einigen Punkten modificirt haben.
Hawaiian u. Rotuman forms
typical;
te
the
simplest, therefore the oldest. Alle consanguinei, near u.
remote,
classified
under 5 categories:
1
st
category:
Ego, my brothers u. sisters
, my
first, second and more remote male and female
cousins
, are all
without
distinction
my
brothers and
sisters
. (word
cousin
here used
in our sense, the relationship being unknown in
Polynesia.
[)]
2
t
category:
My
father and mother, together with their
brothers and sisters
, and
their
first, second, and more remote cousins
are all
my parents
.
3
t
category:
My
grandfathers
and
grandmothers
, on father’s side and mother’s side, with
their
brothers and sisters
, and their
several cousins, are my
grandparents
.
4
t
category:
my sons and daughters, with their several
cousins
, are all
my
children
.
5
t
category:
my grandsons and granddaughters
, with
their several cousins, are all
my
grandchildren
.
Ferner:
all
the individuals of the same grade or
category are brothers and sisters to each other
.
The 5 categories or grades in the Malayan system
appears
appear
auch in d
en
„Nine Grades of relations“
of the
Chinese
mit 2 additional ancestors u. 2
additional descendants.
[401–404]
The wives of my several brothers, own and collateral,
are my wives as well as theirs
; für d
ie
female
, the husbands of her several sisters, own
and collateral, are also her husbands.
The
several collateral lines
are brought
into and merged in the lineal line
, ascending as
well as descending; so that the ancestors and descendants of my
collateral brothers and sisters become mine as well as theirs.
All the
members of each grade are reduced to the same
level
in their relationships, without regard to nearness or
remoteness in numerical degrees. Auch bei
andren
Polynesian
tribes – ausser Hawaians u. Rotumans – dies System;
so unter den
Marquesas Islanders
u. d
en
Maoris of New Zealand
; den
Samoans, Kusaiens, King’s Mill Islanders of Micronesia
;
zweifellos in every
inhabitant
inhabited
island of Pacific except where it verges upon the Turanian.
[407–408]
System based auf:
intermarriage zwischen own brothers
and sisters, and gradually enfolding the collateral brothers and
sisters as the range of the conjugal system widened
. In dieser
consanguine family the
husbands
lived in
polygyny
u. d
ie
wives in polyandry
. It would be difficult to
show any other possible beginning of the family in
the primitive period
. All traces of it had not disappeared
among the Hawaiians at the epoch of their discovery –
The system also founded upon
the intermarriage
of
own and collateral brothers and sisters in a
group
.
[408, 409]
8
[410, 411]
The
marriage relationship
extended wherever the
relationship of brother and sister
was
recognized to exist; each brother having as many wives as he had
sisters, own or collateral, and each sister as many husbands as she had
brothers, own or collateral.
Wherever the
relationship of wife
is found in the
collateral line, that of husband must be recognized in the lineal, and
vice versa.
Unter d
en
Kaffern v. Südafrika
d
ie
wives meiner
–
father’s
brother
[’s]
son, father’s
sister’s son, mother’s brother
[’s]
son
, mother’s
sisters
sister’s
son
– are alike my
wifes
wives
.
The larger the group recognizing the marriage
relation, the less the evil of close interbreeding.
1820
the American missions established in the
Sandwich islands
, were
chocked
shocked
at the sexual relations; they fanden dort die
punaluan family
, with own sisters and brothers
not entirely excluded, the
males living
in
polygyny
, the
females
in
polyandry
; the people
had
not attained the organization in gentes
. Unwahrscheinlich dass
d
ie
actual family
among the Hawaiians was as large
as the group united in the marriage relation.
Necessity would compel its subdivision into smaller groups for the
procurement of subsistence, and for mutual protection
;
individuals passed w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich at pleasure
from one of these subdivisions into another
in the punaluan as well as consanguine families, giving rise to that
apparent desertion by husbands and wives of each other and by parents of
their children, mentioned by Rev.
Hiram
Bingham
. (Missionair, amerik., in
Sandwich
islands
)
Communism in living
must
have prevailed both in the consanguine and in the punaluan family als
requirement of their condition. It still prevails
generally among savage and barbarous
tribes. ⦗each smaller
family would be a miniature of the group.⦘
[414–416]
Ueber
Chinese System of 9 Grades
see
»Systems of consanguinity«
etc p. 415, p. 432.
[416, 417]
In
Plato
’s
Timaeus
(Ch. II) all consanguinei in the Ideal Republic
to fall into 5 categories, in which the women were to be in common as
wives and the children in common as to parents.
Hier
dieselben 5 primary grades of relations, Plato bekannt mit hellenischen
u. pelasgischen traditions, reaching back in the region of barbarism
etc. Seine
grades exact die der Hawaiians
.
D
er
state of society indicated by the consanguine
family
points to an
anterior condition
of
promiscuous intercourse
), trotz
Darwin
. (See
Descent of Man
II
,
360)
Sobald d
ie
Horde
would break up
into
smaller groups for subsistence
, it would fall von
promiscuity
into
consanguine
families
, welches die first
»organized form
of society«
.
[417, 418]
Part III. Ch. III. The Punaluan family.
Existed in
Europe, Asia, America
within the
historical period, in
Polynesia
within the
present century
; widely prevailing
in the Status of Savagery
, remained in
some instances among tribes advanced into the Lower
Status of barbarism
, u. im case der Britons, among tribes im
Middle Status of Barbarism
.
Geht hervor aus
consanguine family
d
ur
ch
gradual exclusion of own brothers
and
sisters
from the marriage relation
… Commencing
in isolated cases, introduced partially at first, then becoming general,
and finally universal among the advancing tribes, still in savagery …
illustrates the operation of the principle of natural selection.
[424, 425]
In dem
Australian class system
evident,
that their primary object
the exclusion of own
brothers and sisters
from the marriage relation,
w
ä
h
ren
d
the
collateral brothers and
sisters were retained
in that relation. In der
Australian punaluan group
wie in der
Hawaiian
the
brotherhood of
the husbands
formed the basis of the marriage relation of one
group, and the
sisterhood of the wives
of the
other … the
Australian organization into classes upon
sex
– which gave birth to the punaluan group, which contained
the germ of the gens – prevailed wahrscheinlich unter allen tribes of
mankind who afterwards fell under the gentile organization. Vor der
organization into gentes
, which permanently
excluded brothers and sisters from the marriage relation by an organic
law,
letztere noch frequently involved in Punaluan
family, wie bei den Hawaiians
, die keine organization in gentes
noch d
as
Turanian system of consanguinity
hatten.
[425, 426]
1) Punaluan family:
1860
said
Judge
Lorin
Andrews
,
of Honolulu, in a letter accompanying a schedule of the Hawaiian
system of consanguinity: „the
relationship of
pŭnalŭa
is rather amphibious. It
9
arose from the
fact that 2 or more brothers with their wives, or two or more
sisters with their husbands, were inclined to
possess each other
in common; but the modern use of the
word is that of
dear friend
, or
intimate companion
.“ What Judge Andrews says
they were inclined to do, and which may then have been a declining
practice, their system of consanguinity proves to have been once
universal among them
.
So schrieb Rev.
Artemus Bishop
, lately
deceased, one of the oldest missionaries in these islands, der dem
Morgan ebenfalls 1860 a
similar schedule
schickte: „This
confusion of relationships
is the result of the
ancient custom among
relatives of the living together of husbands and wives in
common
.“ Then
punaluan family group
consists of
: one group:
several brothers
and their wives
; other
group
:
several sisters with their husbands
; jede
group including the
children
of the
marriages.
[427, 428]
Bei d
en
Hawaiians
a man calls his
wife’s sister his wife
; all the sisters of his wife, own
as well as collateral, are also
his wives
.
But the
husband of his wife’s sister
he
calls
pŭnalŭa
, i.e.
his
intimate companion
; and all the husbands of the several
sisters of his wife the same.
They were jointly
intermarried in the group.
Diese husbands waren probably
keine Brüder
, sonst would the
blood relationship
have prevailed über die
affineal
;
but their
wives were sisters, own and collateral
; in such case the
sisterhood of the wives the basis upon which
the group was formed
, and the
husbands
stood to each other in the relation of pŭnalŭa
.
Die andre group rests upon the
brotherhood of the
husbands
, and a woman calls her husband’s brother
her husband
; alle Brüder ihres Mannes, own
and collateral, waren auch ihre husbands; but the
wife of her
husbands
husband’s
brother
stands to her in the relationship of
pŭnalŭa
. Diese wives
nicht sisters, obgleich
zweifellos
exceptions
in beiden Gruppen
. Alle
diese wives zu einander in relationship of pŭnalŭa.
Brothers ceased to marry their own sisters, and after the gentile
organization had worked upon society its complete results, their
collateral sisters as well.
But in the interval
they shared their remaining wives in common.
In like
manner, sisters ceased marrying their own brothers, and after a long
period of time, their collateral brothers; but they shared their
remaining husbands in common.
Marriages in pŭnalŭan groups explain the relationships of the
Turanian system of consanguinity
. Giebt nun
verschiedne Beispiele vom Ueberleben über savagery hinaus of
punaluan custom;
Barbarian mothers have not 10–12 sons, die als
Brüder
sich gemeinsc
ha
ftliche Weiber halten
könnten; aber d
as
Turanian system of consanguinity
liefert
viele Brüder
, weil
male
cousins
, near and remote, fall in this category with
Ego
.
Herodot
über
Massagetae
in
Middle Status
of
Barbarism
. (l. I, c. 216)
scheint auf Beginn d
er
syndasmian
syndyasmian
family hinzudeuten; jeder husband paired with one wife,
who thus became his principal wife, but within the limits of the
group husbands and wives continued in common.
Die Massagetae, obgleich ignorant of iron, fought on horseback
armed with battleaxes of copper and with copper-pointed spears, and
and
manufactured and used the wagon. (ἅμαξα) Also
nicht promiscuity
supposable.
Herodot
, l.
IV,
c. 104
, sagt auch v. d
en
Agathyrsi
:
.
Punaluan marriage in the group
erklärt
besser diese u. similar usages in other tribes mentioned by
Herodotus, than polygamy or general promiscuity.
[429–431]
Herrera
,
Hist. of America
, sagt: (das gilt
v. Zeit d
er
first navigators who visited the
coast tribes of Venezuela
) „They observe no
law or rule in matrimony, but took as many wives as they
wou
l
d, and they as many husbands, quitting one another
at pleasure, without reckoning any wrong done on any part. There was
no such thing as jealousy among them,
all living as best pleased
them, without taking offence at one another …
the
houses they dwelt in were common to all, and so spacious that
they contained 160 persons, strongly built
, though covered
with palmtree leaves, and shaped like a bell.“
10
These tribes used
earthen vessels
, were in
Lower State of Barbarism
. ⦗derselbe
Herrera
, speaking of the
coast tribes of Brazil
:
„they live in
bohios
, or
large thatched cottages
, of which there are about 8 in
every village, full of people, with their nests or hammocks to lye
in … they live in a beastly manner, without any regard to justice or
decency.“
[⦘]
Bei d
er
Entdeckung of North America
in its several
parts, the
punaluan family seems to have entirely
disappeared;
syndasmyan
syndyasmian
form of family
, aber environed
with the remains
of the ancient conjugal system. Eine
custom z. B. noch jetzt anerkannt in mindestens
40 North American Indian tribes
. Heirathete ein Mann
d
ie
älteste Tochter
einer family, so
d
ur
ch custom entitled
to all her
sisters as wives when they attained the mar
r
iageable
age
. Dies Recht selten enforced wegen d
er
Schwierigkeit several families to maintain, obgleich
Polygmy
Polygamy
allgemein anerkannt as privilege of the males
.
Früher – pŭnalŭa – own sisters went into the marriage relation on
the basis of sisterhood; nach Absterben d
er
pŭnalŭan family
the right remained with the husband of the eldest sister to become
the husband of all her sisters, if he chose. Dies genuine
of the ancient
pŭnalŭan custom.
2) Origin of the Organization into gentes.
Partial development
of gentes in the
Status of savagery
, complete development in
the
Lower Status of barbarism
. Germ of
gentes found in the
Australian classes
wie
in d
er
Hawaiian punaluan group
. The
gentes
are also found among the Australians,
based upon the classes,
with the apparent manner
of their organization out of them
… Its (the gentile
organization’s) birth
must be sought in
pre-existing elements of society
, and its
maturity
would be expected to occur long
after its origination.
Two of the fundamental rules of the gens in its
archaic form
found in the
Australian
classes
, the
prohibition of
intermarriage between brothers and sisters
, and
descent in the
line
… und when
gens
appeared,
the
children are found in the gens of their mothers
. Natural
adaptation of the classes to give birth to
the gens sufficiently obvious
Germ of gens
eb
en
so found in
Hawaiian punaluan group
, aber confined
to the female branch
of the custom, wo
several sisters, own and collateral, shared their husbands in
common. Diese Schwestern, mit ihren Kindern u. descendants through
females,
liefern the exact membership of a gens
of the archaic type
. Descent hier
nothw
en
d
i
g traced d
ur
ch females, da
paternity d
er
children
nicht
mit certainty ascertainable. Sobald diese specifische Form der Ehe
in the group etablirte Institution, the
foundation for a gens existed
. D
ie
Hawaiians did
not turn this natural punaluan group into a
gens
, d.h. in
eine Organisation
beschränkt auf diese Mütter, Kinder u. Abkommen in der weiblichen
Linie. Aber zu einer analogen Gruppe,
resting
upon the sisterhood of the mothers
, or to the similar
Australian group, resting upon the same principle of union, the
origin of the gens
must be ascribed.
It took this group as it found it
, and
organized certain of its members
, with
certain of their posterity,
into a gens on the
basis of kin
.
[433, 434]
The gens sprang up in a
family
, which
consisted of a group of persons coincident
substantially with the membership of a gens
.
Sobald
sich d
ie
gens voll entwickelt u.
ihren full influence on society ausübte »wives became scarce in
place of their former abundance«
, weil d
ie
gens
tended »
to contract the size of the punaluan
group
, and finally to overthrow it.« D
ie
syndyasmische Familie
w
ur
de
gradually produced within the punaluan, nachdem d
ie
gentile
organization became predominant over ancient society. Als
d
ie
syndyasmische Familie zu erscheinen begann u.
d
ie
punaluan groups zu verschwinden, w
ur
den
wives sought by purchase and capture
.
.
[434, 435]
3) The Turanian or
Ganowanian
Ganowánian
System of Consanguinity.
This system u. d
ie
gentile organization, when in its archaic
form, werden gewöhnlich zusammen gefunden.
D
ie
family active principle, steht nie still, passes
von a lower form into a higher one.
Systems of
consanguinity
sind dag
e
gen passiv;
recording the progress made by the family at long
intervals apart, and only changing radically when the family has
radically changed
.
11
D
as
Turanian system of consanguinity
drückt aus
d
ie
actual relationships wie sie in der Punaluan
family
existiren; es beweist seinerseits die
dieser Familie. D
as
System geht
herab bis
auf
unsre Zeit in Asien u. America, nachdem
d
ie
Familienform
, hence
Eheform
, aus der es entsprang, verschwunden u.
d
ie
punaluan family ersetzt d
ur
ch d
ie
syndyasmische. Die substantiell identischen Formen des
Verwand
t
sc
ha
ft
s
system
s
der
Seneca-Iroquois
(used as
typical
für d
ie
Ganowanian
Ganowánian
tribes of America
) u. d
es
Tamil people v. Südindien
(als typical f.
d
ie
Turanian tribes of Asia
) haben gemein über
200 relationships of the same person.
Natürlich einige, aber
nicht substantielle diversities d
er
Systems bei different
tribes u. nations. All alike salute by kin; unter d
en
Tamil people
, when the
person addressed is younger than the speaker
, the term of
relationship must be used; when
older
,
salute by kin or by the personal name; bei d
en
American aborigines
, the address must always
be
by the term of relationship
. Dies System
was also the means by which each individual in the ancient gentes
was able to trace his connection with every member of his gens, bis
monogamy d
as
Turanian system niederwarf.
[435,
436]
Bei d
en
Seneca-Iroquois the relationships of Grandfather
(Hoc’-sote), grandmother (Oc’-sote), grandson (Ha-yä’-da) u.
granddaughter (Ka-yä’-da) sind d
ie
most remote recognized
in aufsteigender u. absteigender Linie.
D
ie
relationships of brother and sister sind nicht abstract,
sondern in d
er
doppelten Form v. »älter« u. »jünger«, mit
special terms for each:
Elder Brother Ha’-je; Younger Brother:
Ha’-gă
;
Elder sister:
Ah’-jē;
Younger Sister:
Ka’-gă
.
The relationship of the same person to Ego in many cases different
mit change of the sex of the Ego.
I
st
collateral
line:
Für
male
Seneca
his brother’s son and
daughters
daughter
are
his son and daughter
(Ha-ah’-wuk u. Ka-ah’-wuk)
u. beide nennen ihn
Vater (Hä’-nih)
. Ebenso
seines brother’s grandchildren
his
grandsons
(
Ha-yä’-da
(singular)
[)]
u.
granddaughters
(Ka-yä’-da); beide nennen ihn
(Hoc’-sote)
grandfather
. Also his
brothers
brother’s
children u. grandchildren in
same
category with his own
.
Ferner: für
male Seneca his sister’s
son and
daughter are his
nephew (
Ha-yă-wan-da
Ha-yă’-wan-da
)
u.
niece (
Ka-yă-wan-da
Ka-yă’-wan-da
)
, each calling him
uncle
(
Hoc-no’-sch
Hoc-no’-seh
). So
relationships of nephew and niece
restricted
to the children of a
man’s
sisters
, own and collateral.
The
children of this nephew and niece
are his
grandchildren, as before, u. he their
grandfather
.
Für
Seneca female
einige dieser relationships
different; her
brother’s
sons
son
and daughter
are her
nephew
(Ha-soh’-neh) und
niece
(Ka-soh’-neh) u. beide nennen sie
aunt
(Ah-ga’-huc)
. (andre terms als für nephew u. niece des
male
Seneca) The children dieser nephews u.
nieces sind ihre
grand-children
.
Her
sister’s son and daughter
are her son and
daughter, jeder v. beiden nennt sie
Mutter
(Noh-yeh’) u. deren children sind ihre grand-children, nennen sie
grandmother
(Oc’-sote). The
wives
of these
sons and
nephews
are her
daughters-in-law
(Ka’-sä) u. d
ie
husbands
dieser daughters u. nieces are her
sons in law
(Oc-na’-hose) u. they apply
to her the proper correlative.
II
nd
collateral line.
For male u. female Seneca: father’s brother his or her
father
, calls
[him or]
her son or
daughter. Also
all the brothers of a father
are placed in the relation of a father. Their sons and daughters
are his or her brothers and sisters
, elder
or younger. Alias:
the children of brothers
are in the relationship of brothers and sisters.
Für
male Seneca
, the
children of these brothers
are
his sons
and daughters
, their children his
grandchildren
; die
children of these
sisters
his
nephews
and
nieces
, and the children of the latter his
grand-children
.
Für
female Seneca
: the
children of these brothers
her
nephews
u. nieces
, the children of these sisters
her sons and daughters
, and their children alike her
grandchildren.
D
es
father’s sister
ist d
es
Seneca’s
aunt
, calls him
nephew
, if he is a male. The relationship of
aunt
restricted to the
father’s sister
and the
sisters of such
other persons
as stand to Seneca in the relation of a
father, to the exclusion of the
mother’s
sisters
. The
father’s sister’s
children
are
cousins
(Ah-gare’-seh)
.
Für male Seneca:
the
children of his male cousins
are
his
sons and daughters
u.
of his female
cousins
his
nephews and nieces
.
.
All children of the latter his or her grandchildren.
12
Für male Seneca: mother’s brother
is
uncle
, calls him
nephew
; the relationship of uncle hier restricted to the
mother’s brothers
, own and collateral,
to the exclusion of the father’s brothers.
His
children
sind d
es
male Seneca’s
cousins
, the children of his
male
cousins
are his sons and daughters, of his
female cousins
his
nephews and nieces
;
Female:
The mother’s sisters
are
my mothers
, the
mother
mother’s
sister’s children
my
brothers
and sisters
, elder and younger. The
children of these brothers
are my
sons
and
daughters
, of these
sisters
my nephews and nieces; and the
children of the latter
my grandchildren
.
Für female:
reversed the same relationships
as before.
Für male Seneca:
Each
of
the wives of these several brothers
and of
these several male cousins
is his
sister-in-law
(Ah-ge-ah’-ne-ah), each of
them calls him:
brother-in-law
(Ha-yă’-o).
Each of
the husbands
of these
several sisters and female cousins
is my
brother-in-law
.
Traces of the punaluan
custom remain here and
there in
the marriage relationship
of the
American aborigines
;
.
In
Mandan
my brother’s wife is
my
wife, in
Pawnee u.
Arickaree
the same; in
Crow
my
husband’s brother’s wife
is
„my comrade“
; in
Creek
my
„present occupant“
, in
Munsee „my friend“
, in
Winnebago u. Achaotinne „my sister“
. My
wife’s sister’s husband
is in some tribes
„my brother“
, in others „my
brother-in-law“, in
Creek
,
„my little separater“
whatever that may
mean.
my
fathers
father’s
father’s brother
is my
grandfather
, calls me his
grandson
. It places these brothers in the relation of
grandfathers and thus prevents
collateral
ascendants from passing beyond this relationship
. The
principle which
merges the collateral lines in
the lineal line works upwards as well as downwards
. The son
of this grandfather is my father, his children my brothers and
sisters, the children of these
sisters
brothers
are my sons and daughters, of these sisters my
nephew
s
and nieces; and their children my
grandchildren. With Ego being a female the same relationships
reversed as in previous cases.
IV
th
collateral
line.
Auch nur eine branch dieser line betrachtet.
My
grandfather’s father’s brother
is my
grandfather; his
son
also
my grandfather
; the son of the latter my
father
; his son and daughter my brother and
sister, elder or younger; and their children and grandchildren
follow in the same relationships to Ego as in other cases.
V coll.
line:
Classification same as in the
corresponding branches of II
d
, except of
additional ancestors.
In
Seneca-Iroquois
terms for
father-in-law
(Oc-na’-hose), for a wife’s
father, and
Hä-gä’-sä
for a
husband’s father
. Former term also used for
a son-in-law. Terms also for
stepfather
(Hoc’-no-ese) u.
stepmother
(Oc’-no-ese),
stepson (Ha’-no) u.
stepdaughter
(Ka’-no).
In a number of tribes 2 fathers-in-law and 2 mothers-in-law are
related, and terms to express the connection.
[436–441]
In about one half of all the relationships named, the
Turanian system
is
identical with the Malayan
.
Seneca u. Tamil
unterscheiden sich von
Hawaiian in d
en
relationships which depended on
intermarriage or non-intermarriage of brothers and sisters. In
d
en
2 ersteren z. B. my sister’s son is my nephew, in
d
em
latter my son.
The change of relationships resulting from the
substitution der punaluan in place of the consanguine
family
turns the
Malayan
in the
Turanian
system.
In
Polynesia
family punaluan;
system of consanguinity
bleibt
Malayan
;
In
family
syndyasmian, system of consanguinity
bleibt
Turanian
;
In
Europe u. Western Asia family becomes
monogamian
, system of consanguinity
blieb
für Zeitlang
Turanian
, bis
fallend in decadence
u.
succeeded by the
Aryan
.
[441, 442]
13
The
Malayan system
must have prevailed
generally in Asia
before the Malayan migration to
the Islands of the Pacific
; the system (Turanian)
transmitted in the Malayan form to the ancestors of the three
families, with the streams of the blood,
from a
common Asiatic source
; afterward modified into its present
form by the remote ancestors of the Turanian and
Ganowanian
Ganowánian
families.
The principal relationships of the
Turanian
system
created by
punaluan family
;
several of the marriage relationships have changed. The brotherhood
of the husbands and the sisterhood of the wives formed the basis of
the relation fully expressed by the Hawaiian custom
of pŭnalŭa
. Theoretical
l
y the
family of the period
was
coextensive
with
the group united in
the marriage relation
; but practically, it must have
subdivided
into
a number
of smaller families
for
convenience of
habitation and subsistence
. The brothers, by 10 and 12, of
the
Britons
, married to each other’s wives,
may indicate the
size of an ordinary subdivision
of a pŭnalŭan group
.
[445, 446]
Communism in living
seems to have
originated
in the necessities of the consanguine
family
, to
have been continued in
the
punaluan, and transmitted to the
syndyasmian
unter d
en
American aborigines, with
whom it remained a practice down to the epoch of their discovery.
Part III. Ch. IV. The Syndyasmian and the Patriarchal
families.
Syndyasmian
od.
pairing
family
gefunden bei Entdeckung d
er
American aborigines
unter der
Portion derselben
who were in
the Lower
State of Barbarism
;
married pairs
,
forming clearly marked
though but partially
individualized families
. In dieser family der
germ der monogamian family
.
Verschiedne d
er
Syndyasmischen families usually found in one
house
,
forming a communal household
, worin
the
principle of communism in living was
practised
.
Dies fact
beweist
that the family was too feeble an
organization
to face alone the hardships of life; aber founded
upon
marriage between single pairs
. D
ie
woman war jetzt
etwas mehr
als d
as
principal wife of her husband
;
birth of children
tended to cement the union and
make it permanent.
[453, 454]
Marriages
hier founded not upon »sentiment«, but
upon convenience and necessity. D
ie
mothers arranged the marriages of their
children
, ohne deren previous consent od. knowledge; oft so
strangers
brought into marriage relation; at the
proper time they were informed when the simple nuptial ceremony was to
be performed. So usages bei
Iroquois
u. many
other Indian tribes.
Prior to the marriage
,
presents
to the
gentile
relatives of the bride,
partaking
in
the nature of purchasing gifts
, became feature
of these matrimonial transactions.
The relation
continued only at the pleasure of the parties
, Mann oder Frau.
Nach u. nach gebildet u. Kraft gewinnend public sentiment gegen diese
separations; when
dissension
arose, erst Vermittlung versucht d
ur
ch d
ie
gentile kindred
of each party. Half das nicht,
so
verliess Weib d
as
Haus ihres Manns
,
nahm mit ihren
personal effects auch d
ie
Kinder, regarded as exclusive her own
;
wo
d
es
wife’s kindred predominated in the
communal household
, was gewöhnlich der Fall, the
husband left the home of his wife
.
So
continuance of
marriage relations at the option of the parties
.
[454,
455]
Rev.
Arthur
Asher
Wright
, many years
a
missionary among the Senecas
, wrote to Morgan
in 1873 hierüber:
„
As to their
families, when occupying the old long-houses … some one clan
predominated, the women taking in husbands from
the
other
other
clans
; and
sometimes
, for a
novelty,
some of their sons bringing in their young
wives
until they felt brave enough to leave their mothers.
Usually, the female portion ruled the
house
…
the stores were in
common
; but woe to the luckless husband or lover who was too
shiftless to do his share of the providing. No matter how many children,
or whatever goods he might have in the house, he might at any time be
ordered to pick up and budge, durfte nicht attempt to disobey. The house
would be too hot for him, … he must retreat to his own clan; or, as was
often done, go and start a new matrimonial alliance in some other.
The women were the great power among the clans, as
everywhere else.
They did not hesitate, when occasion required,
‘to knock off the horns’
, as it was
technically called, from the head of a chief, and send him back to the
ranks of the warriors.
The original nomination of the
chiefs also always rested with them
.“ Cf:
Bachofen
:
„Das
Mutterrecht“
, wo gyneocracy discussed.
14
Unter d
en
Iroquois
, barbarians in
Lower
Status of barbarism
, but of high mental grade, and among the
equally advanced Indian tribes generally, verlangten d
ie
Männer
under severe penalties
Keuschheit v.
d
en
Weibern, aber nicht reciprocal obligation;
polygamy
universally recognized as the right of
the males, was in practice limited from inability to support the
indulgence. In
syndyasmian family
– absence of
exclusive cohabitation. The old conjugal system remained, but under
reduced u. restricted forms.
[455, 456]
Aehnlich unter d
en
Village Indians in the Middle Status of
barbarism
. Nach
Clavigero
(
Hist. of
Mexico
) settled the parents all marriages. „A priest tied a
point of the
huepilli
(gown) of the bride with
the
tilmatli
(mantle of the bridegroom) and in
this ceremony the matrimonial contract chiefly consisted.“
Herrera
(
History of
America
)
says „
all that the bride
brought
was kept in memory, that in
cases
case
they should be unmarried again, as was usual among them, the
goods might be parted;
the man taking the daughters,
and the wife the
son
sons
, with liberty to marry again
.“ Polygamy a
recognized right of the males among the Village Indians, more generally
practiced, than among the less advanced tribes.
[456,
457]
In the
punaluan family was more or less of
pairing
from the necessities of the social state, each man
having a
principal wife
among a number of wives
and vice versa; so that
tendency in the direction of
the syndyasmian family
. Dies result
h
au
pts
ä
c
h
lich hervorgebracht
d
ur
ch d
ie
organization into gentes
. In dieser
organization:
1)
Prohibition of intermarriage in the gens
excluded
own brothers and sisters, and also the
children of own sisters
, da diese alle in der gens. Bei
subdivision der gens
the prohibition of
intermarriage – with all the descendants in the female line of each
ancestor in the gens – followed its branches, for long periods of time,
as shown was the case among the Iroquois.
2) The structure der gens created a prejudice ag
ain
st the
marriage of consanguinei
; war schon sehr general
unter d
en
American
origines
aborigines
zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung. z. B. unter d
en
Iroquois
none of the blood relatives enumerated were marriageable. Since es ward
nöthig to seek wives from other gentes they began
to
be acquired by negotiation u. by purchase
; scarcity of wives
statt previous abundance; so
gradually contracted the
numbers
of
in
the punaluan group
. Such groups have now disappeared,
obgleich d
as
[Turanian]
system of consanguinity remains.
3) In seeking wives they
did not confine themselves
to their own, nor even
friendly tribes
;
captured them by force from
hostile tribes
; hence
Indian usage
to
spare the lives of female captives, while the
males were put to death
. When wives acquired by purchase and by
capture, they not so readily shared
. This tended to cut off
that portion of the theoretical group not immediately
associated for subsistence
; reduced still more the size of the
family and the range of the conjugal system. Practically group limited
itself, from the first, to own brothers who shared their wives in common
and own sisters who shared their husbands in common.
4) Gens created a higher structure of society than before known. Die
marriage of unrelated persons created a more vigorous stock physically
and mentally; 2 advancing tribes blended, the
new
skull and brain would widen and lengthen to the sum of the
capabilities of both
. –
The
propensity to pair
, now so powerful in the
civilized races, also
nicht normal to mankind
,
but
a growth through experience
, like all the
great passions u. powers of the mind.
[457–460]
Warfare under barbarians
– from more improved
weapons and stronger incentives – zerstört more life als
Krieg unter savages
; the
males
trieben stets the trade of fighting; left
females in excess
; this strenghtened the
conjugal system created by marriages in the group;
retarded the advancement der syndyasmian family
.
Dag
e
gen
improvement in subsistence
,
following the
cultivation of maize u. plants
,
favored the general advancement der family (bei d
en
American
aborigines). The more
stable such a family, the more
its individuality developed
. Having taken a refuge
in a communal household
, in which a
group of such families succeeded the punaluan
group
, it now drew its support from itself, from the household
and the gentes to which the husbands and wives respectively belonged.
Syndyasmian family
springing up on the
confines of savagery and barbarism, it traversed the
Middle and greater part of the Later Period of barbarism
, bis
superseded by a
low form
of
the monogamian
. Overshadowed by the conjugal system of the
times, it gained in recognition with the gradual progress of society.
[460, 461]
(in the
middle status of barbarism)
»they seem to have been
savages in their brains, while wearing the art apparel of more
advanced tribes.«
Iron has been smelted from the ore
by a number of
African tribes, including the Hottentots, as far back as our knowledge
of them extends.
After producing the metal by rude
processes acquired from foreign sources
, they have succeeded in
fabricating
15
rude instruments and weapons.
(463)
D
ie
Entwicklungen müssen studirt werden in areas where the
institutions are
homogeneous
.
Polynesia u. Australia
best areas for the
study of savage society
.
North u. South
America
für condition of society in the
Lower and Middle Status of Barbarism
.
M
. nimmt an
„Asiatic origin of the
American aborigines“. Their advent in America
could not have
been
resulted from a
deliberate migration
,
but due to the accidents of the sea, and to the great ocean currents
from Asia to the Nortwest coast. (464)
Middle State of barbarism
– in 16
t
century –
exemplified by the
Village Indians of New Mexico, Mexico, Central America, Grenada,
Ecuador and Peru
, with its
advanced arts and
inventions, improved architecture, nascent manufactures
and
incipient sciences
.
Upper Status of barbarism – Grecian, Roman
, and
later on the
German tribes
.
Patriarchal family of the Semitic tribes
belongs
to the
Later Period of Barbarism
and remained
for a time
after the commencement of
civilization
.
Chiefs
lived in
polygamy
; dies
nicht the
material principle of the patriarchal institution
. Was diese
Familienform
wesentlich charakterisirt:
Organization of a number of persons, bond and free,
into a family, under paternal power, for the purpose of holding
lands, and for the care of flocks and herds
. Those
held to servitude
, and
those
employed as servants
, lived
in the marriage
relation
, and
with the patriarch as their
chief
, formed a patriarchal family.
Authority over its members and over its property was the material
fact.
Paternal power over the group; with it a
higher individuality of persons.
[465, 466]
So auch d
ie
Roman family under patria potestas
; Macht
d
es
pater über Leben u. Tod seiner Kinder u. descendants,
wie über
slaves und servants
who formed the
nucleus of the family
and furnished
its name
; his
absolute
ownership of all the property they created
. Without polygamy,
the Roman
pater familias was a patriarch
and his
family
a patriarchal family
. In mindrem Grad
selbe Charakteristik der ancient family der
Grecian
tribes
.
The
patriarchal family
marks the peculiar epoch
in human progress when the
individuality of the
person began to rise above the gens
, in which it previously had
been merged; its general influence tended powerfully to the
establishment of the
monogamian family
… Its
Hebrew and Roman forms
exceptional in human
experience.
Paternal authority »impossible«
in
the
consanguine
and
punaluan
families
; began to appear as a feeble influence in the
syndyasmian family
, w
ar
d fully
established under
monogamy
u. beyond all bounds
of reason
in the patriarchal family of the Roman
type
.
[466, 467]
Part III. Ch. V. The Monogamian Family.
.
The
gens
, as it appeared in the later period of
barbarism, was understood, but erroneously supposed to
be subsequent in point of time to the monogamian
family
. The gens was treated as an aggregation of families;
aber gens
entered ganz
in phratry, phratry in
tribe, tribe into the nation; aber
family could not
enter entirely into the gens, because husband and wife were
necessarily of different gentes
. The wife, down to the latest
period, counted herself of the gens of her father, and bore
the name of his gens
under the Romans. As all
the parts must enter into the whole,
the family
could not become the
unit of the gentile
organization
, that
place was held by the
gens
.
[468, 469]
family
– modern appearence unter
tribes; beweist d
ie
Bedeut
un
g von
familia
, contains
same element as
famulus
=
servant
.
Also in seiner primären
Bedeutung
family
unbezogen auf d
as
married pair
od. dessen
children
, sondern in relation
to the body
of slaves and servants
who labored for its maintenance and were
under the power of the
pater familias
. In
einigen testamentarischen dispositions ist
Familia
used als
Equivalent
für
patrimonium
, the inheritance which passed to the
heir.
W
ur
de
introducirt in Lateinische Gesellsc
ha
ft to define a new
organism, the head of which held wife and children, and a body of
servile persons under paternal power.
Mommsen
nennt d
ie
familia
a „body of servants“. (
Roman Hist.
) Dieser term also nicht älter als
the iron-clad family system
16
of the Latin tribes,
which came in after
field agriculture and after legalized servitude
, as well as
after the separation of
the
Greeks and
.
[469, 470]
Mit der
syndyasmischen Familie
Keim der
väterlichen Autorität, entwickelt sich je mehr d
ie
neue Familie
monogamische Charaktere
annimmt.
Sobald
property began to be created in masses
u. the
desire for its transmission to children had
changed descent from the female line to the male, w
ur
de
zuerst a real foundation for paternal power gelegt
.
Monogamy appears in a
definite form
in the
Later
Period of Barbarism
.
[470, 471]
Old Germans:
their institutions
homogeneous and indigenous
. Nach
Tacitus
marriages strict
among them;
contented themselves with a single wife
, a very few excepted
on account of their rank
; husband brought
dowry to his wife (not vice versa), nämlich a
caparisoned horse and a shield, with a spear and sword
; by
virtue of these gifts the wife was espoused
.
(
Germania
, c. 18) The
presents in the nature of purchasing gift – zweifelsohne früher
für gentile kindred of the
wife – damals schon
went to bride.
u. d
ie
Weiber
Wahrscheinlich family »
sheltered itself in a
communal household
composed of related families
.
When slavery became an institution, these households would
gradually disappear.
[«]
[471, 472]
Homeric Greeks: Monogamian family of a low type.
the treatment of their female captives reflects the culture of the
period with respect to women in general;
tentlive
tent life
of
Achilles
u.
Patroclus
; whatever of
monogamy existed, was
through an enforced constraint
upon wives
⦗some degree of seclusion⦘
;
.
[472, 473]
D
er
change of descent von d
er
female line to the
male
schädlich für Position u. Rechte d
er
Frau u.
Mutter; ihre Kinder transferred von ihrer gens zur gens ihres husband;
sie verlor d
ur
ch marriage
ihre agnatic
rights
, erhielt kein Equivalent dafür; vor dem change,
d
ie
Glieder ihrer eignen Gens predominated
in the household
; dies gave full force to the maternal bond u.
machte
women rather than men the center of the
family
. Nach dem change stand sie allein im household ihres
husband, isolated from her gentile kindred. Under the prosperous classes
her condition of enforced seclusion
u. als
primary object der marriage to beget children in
lawful wedlock (παιδοποιεῖσθαι γνησίως)
.
[473,
474]
Von Anfang bis End unter d
en
Griechen a principle of studied
selfishness among the males, tending to lessen the appreciation of
women,
scarcely found among savages
… the usages
of centuries stamped upon the minds of Grecian women a sense of their
inferiority.
blieben
barbarians
in their treatment of the female sex at the height
of their civilization; their education superficial, intercourse with the
opposite sex denied them, their inferiority inculcated as a principle
upon them, until it
came to be accepted as a fact by
the women themselves
. D
as
wife not companion equal to
her husband, but
in the relation of a daughter
.
[474, 475]
See
Becker
:
Charicles
.
the new
usage:
the seclusion of wives
; plan of
[domestic]
life among the civilized Greeks –
a system of female confinement and restraint
.
17
Roman family: Mater familias
was mistress of the
family; went into the streets freely ohne restraint by her husband,
frequented with the men the theaters and festive banquets; in the house
not confined to particular
appartments
apartments
, nor excluded from the table of the men; Roman females daher
mehr personal dignity u. independence als griechische; aber
marriage
gave them
in manum
viri
; war = daughter des husband; he had the power of
correction u. of life u. death in case of adultery (mit concurrence of
the council of her gens).
[477, 478]
Confarreatio
,
coëmptio
,
usus
, alle 3 Formen d
er
röm. Ehe,
gaben Frau in manus d
es
Mannes, fell out
under the Empire
, when
free marriage
generally adopted, not placing the wife in manus d
es
Mannes.
Divorce
, von frühster Periode, at the option of
the parties, (w
a
hrsc
hein
lich transmitted v.
Syndyasmian family
Period), selten in Republik.
(
Becker
:
Gallus
)
Licentiousness – so auffallend in Grecian u. Roman cities at the height
of civilization – in all probability
remains of an
ancient conjugal system
, never fully eradicated, had followed
down from barbarism as a social taint u.
now
expressed its excesses in the new channel of
haeterism
hetaerism
.
Gentes
had their natural origin in the
punaluan
family.
The principal branches of the Aryan
organized into gentes
when first known
historically;
,
still found connected with the
gens in its archaic form
among the American aborigines. Also
auch dies ursp
rün
gliches system der Aryans. Im
Aryan system of consanguinity
– Armuth of
original nomenclature
for relationship erklärt
d
a
d
ur
ch dass a
large portion of
the nomenclature of the Turanian system would fall out under
monogamy
.
Common
unter d
en
several Aryan dialects nur:
father
u.
mother, brother
u.
sister,
son u. daughter
u. a
common term
applied indiscriminately to
nephew, grandson and
cousin (Sanscrit: naptar, lat. nepos, Greek: ἀνεψιός)
. In so
advanced Cultur, wie Monogamy voraussetzt, they could not have arrived
mit such a scanty nomenclature of blood relationships. Erklärt with a
previous system wie d
as
Turanian, d
ur
ch
impoverishment.
[480–482]
Im
Turanian
system brothers u. sisters – younger
u. elder u. the several terms applied to categories of persons including
persons not own brothers and sisters. Im
Aryan
,
on basis of
monogamy
, terms for brother u.
sister now
in the abstract
for the first time u.
inapplicable to collaterals.
Remains of a prior Turanian system still appear: So bei
Hungarians
brothers u. sisters classified als
elder
u.
younger
by
special terms.
French frère
(
aîné
\älter,
pûné
puîné
u.
cadet
\junger);
aînée u. cadette
älter u. junger sister.
Sanskrit:
älter
Bruder u.
jüngerer
(
agrajar
u.
amujar
), ditto für Schwester (
agrajri
u.
amujri
). If common terms once existed in
Greek, Roman etc dialects für elder u. younger brother and sister, their
former application
to
categories of persons
, machte sie unanwendbar als exclusiv für
own brothers and sisters.
Für
grandfather
no
common term
in the Aryan dialects. Sansk. pitameha, Gr. πάππος, lat. avus, Russ.
djed, Welsh: hendad
. Der term in a
previous
system
(Turanian) was applied nicht nur zu grandfather proper,
his brothers and several male cousins, sondern auch to brothers u.
several male cousins of his grandmother; konnte daher nicht be made to
signify a
lineal grandfather and progenitor under
monogamy
.
Kein term für uncle u. aunt in the abstract
u.
no special terms für uncle u. aunt
väterl.
u. mütterl. Seite in d
en
Aryan dialects.
Sansk. pitroya, Gr. πάτρως, lat. patruus, Slavonic: stryc;
Anglo-Saxon, Belgian, German: eam, oom, oheim
for paternal
uncle. In d
er
Aryan original speech
no term für Onkel
mütterlicher Seite
, a relationship made so
conspicuous
by the gens
among barbarous tribes.
If the previous system
Turanian
, necessarily a
term hierfür, aber restricted
to the own brothers of
the mother, and her several male cousins
; d
ie
Categorie
schloss numbers of persons ein wovon
viele could not be uncles under the monogamian system.
[482,
483]
Jede relationship under monogamy is
specific
; persons, under the new system,
described by
means of the primary terms
or
combinations of them
as
brother’s son
für
nephew, father’s
brother
für Onkel,
father’s brother’s
son
für cousin. Dies war the
original
of the present system of the Aryan, Semitic u. Uralian families. The
generalizations they now contain
18
were of later origin.
All the tribes
, die d
as
Malayan u.
Turanian system besassen,
described their kindred by
the same formula
, when asked in what manner one person was
related to another; nicht as a system of consanguinity, but as a means
of tracing relationships.
Schluss
daraus: nach
allgemeiner
Errichtung d
es
monogamian systems unter Aryans etc, fielen
diese
back upon the old descriptive form
, always in use under the
Turanian system u. dropten diesselbst als
useless u.
untrue to descents
.
[483, 484]
Beweis dass d
as
original des present system
purely descriptive: Erse
– typical Aryan form,
Esthonian
– typical
Uralian
– are still descriptive. Im
Erse
the only terms for the bloodrelationships
the primary
:
father and
mother, brother and sister, son and daughter
. Alle andre
kindred
described
vermittelst dieser terms,
commencing in
the reverse order
. z. B.
brother, son of brother, son of son of brother
.
The Aryan system exhibits the actual relationships under monogamy,
assumes that the paternity of children is known.
Später a
method of description
, materially
different from the Celtic, was
engrafted upon the new
system
; but without changing its radical features; introduced
by the
Roman civilians
, angenommen
d
ur
ch verschiedne Aryan nations, unter denen Roman influence
extended.
Slavonic System
has some features
entirely peculiar, of
Turanian origin
(see:
Systems of consanguinity
etc p. 40).
Römische Aenderungen:
unterschieden
väterlichen u. mütterlichen Onkel
mit besondern
terms dafür, erfanden
term für Grossvater
als
correlative of nepos
. Mit diesen terms u.
d
en
primary, in connection mit suitable augments, konnten
sie systematize the relationships in the lineal u. the first 5
collateral lines, which included the body of the kindred of each
individual.
The
Arabic
system passed through processes
similar to the Roman u. mit similar results.
[484,
485]
Von
Ego
to
tritavus
, in
the lineal line,
6 generations of ascendants
u.
von
Ego to trinepos
the
same
number of descendants
, in deren description nur
4 radical terms
used. Wäre es nöthig to ascend
farther,
tritavus
would become the new starting
point of description:
tritavi pater
bis
tritavi tritavus
; the 12
th
ancestor of Ego in the lineal line, male; ebenso
trinepotis trinepos
etc.
1
st
collateral line male:
frater; fratris filius; fratris nepos; fratris pronepos
bis
fratris trinepos
; wenn zum 12
t
descendant
fratris
trinepotis trinepos
. D
ur
ch diese simple Method
frater
is made the root of descent in this
line.
Same line: female:
soror, sororis filia, sororis
neptis, sororis proneptis
bis
sororis
trineptis
(6
th
degree) u.
sororis trineptis trineptis
(12
th
descendant).
Beide Linien descend von pater; aber, by making the brother and sister
the root of descent in the description, the line and its two branches
are maintained distinct, and the
relationship of each
person to Ego
is specialized.
2
nd
collateral line:
male on
the father’s side: father’s brother, patruus; patrui filius, p.
nepos, p. pronepos, p. trinepos
, bis
patrui
trinepotis trinepos
.
patrui filius
heisst auch
frater patruelis
, u. in gewöhnl. Volkssprache
consobrinus
(cousin).
female on the father’s side
.
:
father’s sister; amita, amitae
filius
filia
, a. neptis, a. trineptis, a. trineptis trineptis
;
special term for amitae filia
amitina
.
3
d
collateral line: male on
the father’s side
[:]
grandfather’s brother –
patruus magnus
(keine
existing language has an original term for this relationship);
patrui magni filius, nepos
, trinepos, ending
with patrui magni trinepotis trinepos.
19
same line female
(on father’s side) commences
with
amita magna
, great paternal aunt etc.
4
th
and 5
th
collateral lines
on the father’s
side commence
respectively
mit
patruus major
(great grandfather’s brother) u.
patruus maximus
(great-great-grandfather’s
brother). Geht dann wie vorhin:
patrui majoris
filius, bis
trinepos
u.
patrui maximi filius bis trinepos
.
Female branches
(on paternal side) commence
respectively mit
amita major
u.
amita maxima
.
d
ie
relatives
on the mother’s side,
the first collateral line
remains the same,
w
ä
h
ren
d the
female
lineal line
is
substituted for the
male
.
Second collateral line
(on mother’s side):
avunculus
(maternal uncle),
In the female branch
(on mother’s side):
matertera
(maternal aunt),
materterae filia, neptis, proneptis,
trineptis
etc.
Third collateral line,
male and female
(on mother’s side),
begin respectively mit:
avunculus magnus
u.
matertera magna
;
Fourth
mit
avunculus major
u.
matertera major
.
Fifth
avunculus maximus
u.
matertera maxima
.
[485–489]
it must advance as society advances, and change as
society changes
, even as it has done in the past. It is the
creature of the social system
supposable
that it is capable of still farther improvement
until
the equality of the sexes is attained
. Should the monogamian
family in the distant future fail to answer the requirements of society,
assuming the continuous progress of civilization, it is impossible to
predict the nature of its successor. (491, 492)
Part III. Ch. VI. Sequence of Institutions connected with
the family.
First stage of sequence:
I)
Promiscuous Intercourse.
II)
Intermarriage of Brothers and Sisters, own
and collateral, in a group; gives:
III)
The Consanguine Family (first stage of the
family
[)]
; gives:
IV)
The Malayan System of Consanguinity u.
Affinity.
Second Stage of Sequence:
V)
The organization upon the Basis of Sex, and
the Punaluan Custom, tending to check
the
intermarriage of brothers and sisters;
gives:
VI)
The Punaluan Family (Second Stage of the
Family)
, gives:
VII)
The Organization into Gentes, which
excluded brothers and sisters from marriage.
Gives:
VIII)
The Turanian and
Ganonian
Ganowánian
System of Consanguinity and Affinity.
Third Stage of Sequence.
IX)
Increasing influence of Gentile
Organization and improvement in the arts of life, advancing
a portion of mankind into the Lower Status of
Barbarism
, gives:
X)
Marriage between single pairs, but without
an exclusive cohabitation
; gives:
XI)
Syndyasmian Family (Third Stage of the
Family).
Fourth stage of Sequence.
XII)
Pastoral life on the plains in limited
areas
, gives:
XIII)
Patriarchal family (Fourth, but exceptional
Stage of family)
Fifth Stage of Sequence:
XIV)
Rise of Property, and settlement of lineal
succession to estates
, gives:
XV)
The Monogamian family (Fifth Stage of the
family)
, gives:
XVI)
The Aryan, Semitic and Uralian system of
Consanguinity and Affinity, and overthrows the
Turanian.
[498, 499]
I)
Promiscuous intercourse. Leben in Horde
; no
marriage; far below the lowest savage now living; The
ruder flint implements
found over part of the earth’s surface,
and not used by existing savages, attest extreme rudeness of man’s
condition, after he had emerged from his primitive habitat, and
commenced, as a fisherman, his spread over continental areas. –
Primitive Savage
.
20
The
consanguine family … recognized promiscuity within
defined limits, and those not the narrowest
, and
its point
it points
through its organism to a
worse
condition
against which it interposed a shield.
ad V) In the
Australian male and female classes united
in marriage, punaluan groups
are found. Among the
Hawaiians
, the same group is also found, with
the marriage custom it expresses. The
pulanuan
punaluan
family included the same persons found
in
the previous
sanguine
consanguine
,
with the exception of own
brothers and sisters
, who were theoretically if not in every
case excluded.
[502, 503]
ad VII
Organization into
gentes.
Unter d
en
Australian classes
, the
punaluan group
is
fond
found
on a broad and systematic scale; the people were also
organized in gentes. Here the punaluan family
older
than the gens
, because it rested upon classes which preceded
the gentes. … The
Turanian system
requires both
the
punaluan family and the gentile organization
to bring it into existence.
ad X and XI
Tendency to reduce the
groups of married persons to smaller proportions
before the close of savagery, because the
syndyasmian
family
became a constant phenomenon in the
Lower Status of Barbarism
. Custom led the more advanced savage
to
recognize one among a number of
wifes
wives
as his principal wife
; this ripened in time into the
custom of
pairing
, and in making this wife a
companion and associate in the maintenance of family. …
The old conjugal system
, now reduced to narrower
limits by the gradual disappearance of
punaluan
groups
, still environed the advancing family, which it was to
follow to the verge of civilization. …
It
finally disappeared into the new form of hetaerism,
which still follows mankind in civilization as a dark shadow upon
the family.
… Syndyasmian family subsequent
to the gens, which was largely instrumental in its production. From the
Columbian
Columbia
River
to the
Paraguay
, the
Indian
family was
syndyasmian
in general,
punaluan
in
exceptional areas, u.
monogamian
perhaps in
none.
[503, 504]
ad XIV
It is impossible to overestimate the
influence of property
in the civilization of
mankind. It was the power that brought the Aryan and Semitic nations out
of barbarism into civilization. …
Governments and
laws are instituted
with primary reference to its creation,
protection and enjoyment.
It introduced human slavery
as an instrument in its
production
… With the establishment of the inheritance of
property in the children of its owner, came the first possibility of a
strict monogamian family.
ad XV
The Monogamian
family:
As finally constituted, this family assured the
paternity of children,
substituted the individual
ownership of real as well as personal property for joint
ownership
,
and
an exclusive inheritance by children in the place of
agnatic inheritance
. Modern society reposes upon the Monogamian
family.
– darunter
Sir
Henry Maine
– nehmen
Hebrew u. Latin types (patriarchal family) an as producing the earliest
organized society … damit hängt zusammen the hypothesis of
human degradation
to explain the
existence of barbarians u. savages
. Aber
inventions u. discoveries came one by one
; the
knowledge of a
chord
cord
must precede the
bow and
arrow
, wie gunpowder the musket, steam engine the railway and
steamship; so
the arts of subsistence
followed
each other at long intervals u.
human tools passed
through forms of flint and stones
before they were formed of
iron. Ebenso
institutions
[506–508]
Part IV. (The Growth of the Idea of Property)
Ch. I. The three rules of inheritance.
»Earliest ideas
of property«
intimately associated mit
procurement of subsistence, the primary need
.
D
ie
objects of ownership
vermehren sich natürlich in
jeder »successive ethnical period« mit der
multiplication der arts wovon d
ie
Subsistenzmittel
abhängen.
Wachsthum v. Eigenthum
hält so Schritt
mit
Fortschritt von Erfindungen u. Entdeckungen
.
Jede ethnische Periode zeigt so
marked advance upon
its predecessors
, nicht nur in der
Zahl der
Erfindungen
, sondern ebenso in
variety and
amount of property
which resulted therefrom. The
multiplicity of the forms of property
would be
accompanied by the
growth of certain regulations with
reference to possession and inheritance
. The
customs
upon which
these rules
of
proprietary possession and inheritance depend
,
are
determined
by the
condition and progress of social organization
. The growth of
property is thus closely connected with the increase of inventions
21
and discoveries
, and the
improvement of social institutions
which mark the several
ethnical periods of human progress.
(525,
526)
I) Property in the Status of Savagery.
Mankind, when
ignorant of fire
, without
articulate language
, and without
artificial weapons
… depended …
upon the spontaneous fruits of the earth
.
Langsam u. fast unbemerkbar, in d
er
Period of savagery,
avanciren sie von
Gebärdensprache
u.
unvollkommnen sounds
to
articulate speech
; von dem
club
, als erster
Waffe
, zu
spear
pointed with flint, u. schliesslich zu
arrow u.
bow
; von
flint-knife
u.
-chisel
to
stone axe u.
-hammer
; von
ozier
u.
cane basket
to the
basket coated with clay
, which gave a
vessel for boiling food with fire
; and,
finally, to the art of pottery
.
In the means of subsistence
, they advanced
from
natural fruits in a restricted habitat
to
scale and shell fish of the sea
, and
finally to bread roots and game
.
and string-making
from filaments of bark
; a
species of cloth made of vegetable
pulp
; the
tanning of skins
to be
used as apparel
and as a
covering for tents
; finally the
house constructed of poles and covered with
bark
, or
made of plank split by stone
wedges
.
fire-drill
,
moccasin
, u. the
snow-shoe
.
In
socialer Organization
Fortschritt von
consanguine horde
zu
tribes organized into gentes
, so
possessed of the germs of the principal governmental
institutions
.
[526, 527]
D
er
entwickeltste Theil der savages, had
finally organized gentile society
u.
developed small tribes with villages here and there
… ihre
rude energies and ruder arts chiefly devoted to subsistence; noch
nicht the
village stockade
for defence, no farinaceous food
, still
cannibalism
. – Der progress was
immense »potentially«
, trug in sich
d
ie
rudiments
of language, government, family,
religion, house architecture, property; ditto the principal germs of
the arts of life.
Property of savages inconsiderable; rude
weapons, fabrics, ustensils, apparel, implements of flint,
stone, and bone
u.
»personal ornaments«
their chief items of property
. Wenige Gegenstände des
Besitzes, keine passion für Besitz; kein
studium
lucri
, now such a commanding
force in
the human mind
.
Lands owned by the tribes in common
, while
tenement-houses owned jointly by their
occupants
.
D
ie
passion of possession
nourished
its nascent powers upon
articles purely
personal
, increasing with the slow progress of
inventions
. Those
esteemed most valuable deposited in the grave of the deceased
proprietor for
their
his
continued use in spirit-land
.
Inheritance
:
its first great rule
came in with the
institution of the gens, which distributed
the effects of a deceased person among his gentiles
.
Practically they were
appropriated by the nearest
of kin
; but the
principle general that
the property should remain in the gens of
decendent
decedent
,
and be distributed among its
members
. ⦗
Blieb in
civilazt
civilization
. v. Greek,
gentes.
⦘
Children
inherited from their mother, but took nothing from their reputed
father.
[527, 528]
II) Property in the Lower State of Barbarism.
Hauptinventions:
art of pottery
,
finger
weaving
and the
art of cultivation in
America
which gave farinaceous food
(maize)
u. plants by irrigation (in Eastern hemisphere
beginning as equivalent:
domestication of
animals
), keine great inventions.
Finger
weaving
, with
warp and woof
scheint dieser Periode anzugehören, ist eine der greatest
inventions; but it cannot be certainly
attained
affirmed
that
the art was not attained in
savagery
.
The
Iroquois
u. other tribes of America in
the same status manufactured
belts
u.
burden-straps with warp and woof of excellent
quality and finish
; using
fine twine
made of filaments of elm and basswood bark
.
Principles dieser Erfindung
, which since
clothed the human family,
were perfectly
realized
; but sie were
unable
to
extend it
to the production of the woven
garment
.
Picture writing
seems to have made its first
appearance in this period;
wenn früheren
Ursprungs
, erhielt es jetzt sehr beträchtliche Entwicklung.
D
ie
series of connected inventions
in this
department:
1)
Gesture Language or language of personal
symbols.
2)
Picture writing, or
idiographic symbols.
22

3)
Hieroglyphs
, or
conventional symbols
. 4)
Hieroglyphs of
phonetic power
, or
phonetic symbols used
in a syllabus
. 5)
Phonetic Alphabet
or written sounds.
The characters on the
Copan monuments
apparently hieroglyphs of the grade of
conventional symbols
; beweisen, dass d
ie
American aborigines, who practised the 3 first
forms
, unabhängig auf Weg in direction of a phonetic
alphabet.
[528, 529]
Stockade as a means of village defence
u. of
a
raw-hide shield
als
denfence
defence
gegen
arrow
, which had now become
a deadly missile, of the
several varieties of
war-club, armed with an encased stone or with a point of
deer-horn
, scheinen zu dieser Periode zu gehören.
Jedenfalls waren sie in
common use
among the
American Indian Tribes in the Lower Status of Barbarism when
discovered. Der
Speer, pointed mit flint or
bone
kein customary weapon with the
forest-tribes
, though sometimes used; z. B. d
ie
Ojibwas
used the
lance or
spear
, She-mä’-gun, pointed with flint or bone.
Bow u. arrow
, und
war-club
Ha
u
ptwaffen d
er
American
Indians in diesem Status.
[529, 530]
Einiger Fortschritt in pottery
, nämlich im
increased size der vessels produced
u.
in
their ornamentation
; the
Creeks
made
earthen
vessels
von 2 to 10 gallons; d
ie
Iroquois
ornamented their
jars u. pipes mit miniature human faces attached as
buttons
; im ganzen blieb pottery extremely rude bis Ende
dieser Periode.
Bemerkbarer Fortschritt in House architecture
in
size
u.
mode of
construction
.
Unter
minor inventions: air-gun for bird shooting,
wooden mortar for reducing maize to flour
u. d
er
stone mortar for preparing paints
;
Earthen u. stone pipes, with the use of
tobacco
;
Bone and stone implements
of higher grades,
with
stone hammers and mauls
, the
handle
and
upper part of the stone being encased in raw hide; and
moccasins u. belts ornamented with porcupine
quills
.
Einige dieser Erfind
un
gen wahrscheinlich
geborgt from tribes in the Middle Status
;
denn es
war d
ur
ch diesen Process
constantly repeated that the more advanced tribes lifted up
those below them
, as fast as the latter were able to
appreciate and appropriate the means of progress.
The cultivation of maize and plants
gave the
people
unleavened bread
, the
Indian succotash
u.
hominy
; tended
also to
,
or
in the group, which became a subject of
inheritance
. The
group united in a
common household were mostly of the same gens
, and the rule
of inheritance would not allow it to be
detached
from the kinship
.
The
property u. effects v. husband u. wife kept
distinct
, remained after their demise
to
in
the gens wozu sie respective gehörten. Weib u. Kinder
nahmen nichts von husband u. father u. vice versa. Starb unter den
Iroquois
ein Mann leaving wife and
children, so w
ur
de
sein Eigenthum
vertheilt
unter seine gentiles
so dass
seine Schwestern u. deren children u.
ihre
his
maternal uncles
would receive the most of it;
his brothers
might receive a small portion.
Starb a wife
, leaving husband and
children, so
ihre effects
geerbt von
ihren Kindern, Schwestern, Mutter u.
Mutterschwestern
;
d
ie
greater
portion
assigned to her children; in jedem Fall
blieb property in der gens
. Unter
d
en
Ojibwas
d
ie
effects der Mutter
vertheilt unter ihren Kindern, wenn alt genug to use them; sonst,
od. in default of children, they
went to her
sisters
, ihrer
Mutter u.
Mutterschwestern
, to the
exclusion of
her brothers
. Obgleich d
ie
Ojibwas had changed descent to the male
line
, the inheritance
followed the rule
which prevailed when descent was in the female line
.
D
ie
variety u. amount of property grösser als in
savagery
, aber noch nicht stark genug to develop a strong
sentiment in relation to inheritance.
In d
em
distributionsmodus
germ d
er
2
nd
great rule of
inheritance, which gave the property to the agnatic kindred, to
the exclusion of the remaining gentiles
. Agnation and
agnatic kindred assume jetzt
descent in the male
line
; Princip selbes in beiden cases, aber
the persons included – different
. Mit
descent in the female line,
agnates
Personen
who can trace their descent through females exclusively vom
23
same common ancestor with the intestate; im andern
Fall, who can trace their descent d
ur
ch males exclusively.
It is the blood connection of persons within
the gens by direct descent, in a given line
, vom
selben common ancestor
which lies at
the foundation of agnatic relation
.
Gegenwärtig
unter advanced Indian tribes
hat
begun sich zu manifest
repugnance gegen gentile
inheritance
; einige haben sie ganz über Bord geworfen u.
exclusive inheritance in children
substituirt
. Evidence of this repugnance unter
Iroquois, Creeks, Cherokees, Choctas, Menominees,
Crows
u.
Ojibwas
.
[530–532]
In dieser älteren Periode of barbarism
sehr
b
e
d
eu
tende Abnahme of cannibalism
;
w
ur
de aufgegeben
als common
practice
; blieb als
war practice
in
dieser u. d
er
Middle Period. In dieser Form ward
Cannibalism
gefunden in d
en
principal
tribes der U. St., Mexico
, u.
Central
America
. Erwerbung v. farinaceous food
Hauptmittel
to extricate mankind von this savage custom.
I) u. II),
status of savagery
u.
Lower Status of barbarism
, diese
2 ethnischen Perioden
, cover mindestens ⅘
der ganzen Existenz der Menschheit auf der Erde.
Im Lower Status beginnen d
ie
higher attributes of mankind
sich zu entwickeln:
Persönliche Würde,
Beredsamkeit, religious sensibility, rectitude, manliness
u.
courage
jetzt
common
traits of character
, aber auch
Grausamkeit, treachery
u.
fanaticism
.
Element worship in
religion
, with a
dim conception of
personal gods
, and of a
Great Spirit,
rude verse making, joint-tenement houses
, and
bread from maize
belong to this period. It
produced also
syndyasmian family
u.
confederacy of tribes, organized into phratries
u. gentes
. D
ie
imagination
, that great faculty so largely
contributing to the elevation of mankind, was
now
producing
an
unwritten literature of
myths, legends u. traditions
, already become powerful
stimulus upon the race.
III) Property in the middle Status of Barbarism.
D
ie
Evidence dieser Periode more completely lost than that
of any other.
It was exhibited by the
Village Indians of North
and South America
in barbaric splendour at the epoch of
their discovery.
Diese Epoche eröffnet in
Eastern Hemisphere
mit
domestication of animals
, in
d
er
Western
mit der
Erscheinung d
er
Village Indians, living in large
joint-tenement houses of adobe
brick
u., in some areas, of
stone
laid in courses.
Cultivation of maize
u.
plants by irrigation, which required artificial canals
, u.
garden beds laid out in squares, with raised
ridges
to
contain the water until
absorbed
.
Ein Theil dieser
Village Indians
, when
discovered,
had made bronze
, bringing them
near dem Iron smelting process.
The
joint-tenement house
in the
nature of a fortress
, hatte intermediate
position zwischen der
stockades
stockaded
village of the Lower
u.
the
walled city of the Upper Status
. Als entdeckt
no cities
, in the proper sense of the word,
in America
.
In Kriegskunst
kein grosser Fortschritt
ausser
in defence
, d
ur
ch
d
ie
construction of great houses
generally
impregnable to Indian assault. Sie hatten
erfunden:
quilted mantles (escaupiles), stuffed with
cotton
, as a further
shield
ag
ain
st the arrow
u. the
two-edged sword (macuahuitl), each edge having a row of angular
flint points imbedded in the wooden blade
. They still used
bow u. arrow, spear, war club, flint knives
u. hatchets
u.
stone implements
,
obgleich they had
the copper axe u. chisel
,
which for some reason came never into general use.
Zu maize, beans, squashes u. tobacco
nun
added
cotton, pepper, tomato, cacao
u. the
care of
certain fruits
. A
bear
beer
was made
by fermenting the juice of the
maguey
. D
ie
Iroquois hatten jedoch
ein ähnlich Getränk
producirt d
ur
ch
fermenting maple
sap
.
D
ur
ch improved methods in the ceramic art produced
earthen vessels of capacity to hold several
gallons
, of fine texture and superior ornamentation.
Bowls, pots, water jars
manufactured in
abundance.
Discovery and use of the native
metals
,
erst for ornaments
, finally
for
implements and ustensils
, wie copper axe
and
chisel
, dieser Periode
angehörig. Melting dieser metals in
crucible
, with the probable use of
blow-pipe
and
charcoal
, and
casting
them in moulds
, the
production of
bronze, rude stone sculptures
, the
woven
garment of cotton
, (
Hakluyt
:
Coll. of Voyages.
III
, 377),
houses of dressed stone, ideographs or
hieroglyphs cut on the grave-posts of deceased
chiefs
,
the
calendar for measuring time
, the
solstitial stone for marking the seasons
,
cyclopean
walls
, the
domestication of the llama,
of a species of dog, of the turkey and other fowls
belong
to same period in America.
A
priesthood
, organized in a
hierarchy, distinguished by a
customs
costume
;
personal gods with idols to
represent them
, u.
human sacrifices
erscheinen zuerst in dieser Periode.
24

Two large Indian pueblos, Mexico
u.
Cusco
jetzt, containing über 20,000
inhabitants, number unknown in the previous period.
Aristocratic element
in society, in feeble
forms, among the
chiefs, civil
and
military
, through
increased numbers under the same government
, and the
growing complexity of affairs.
[533, 534]
Eastern hemisphere:
we find its
native tribes
in dieser Periode mit
domestic animals
, yielding them a
milk and meat subsistence
, aber
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich ohne horticultural u.
farinaceous food.
. Der
effect w
ur
de erst allgemein
, sobald
pastoral life
established for the
creation
u.
maintenance
of flocks. Europa
, als hauptsächlich
Wald area
, unadapted to the pastoral state; aber
d
ie
grass plains of high Asia
u. upon the
Euphrates, the Tigris
u. other rivers of
Asia,
natural homes
der
pastoral tribes
. Thither they would naturally tend; there
the remote Aryan ancestors found confronting like pastoral Semitic
tribes.
Cultur v. cereals u. plants muss vorhergegangen
sein ihrer migration von den grass plains in d
ie
Forestareas
v.
Westasien u. Europa
.
Diese Cultur
forced upon them by the necessities
of the domestic animals
now incorporated into their plan of
life. (Dies vielleicht nicht Fall bei d
en
Celts
)
Woven fabrics of flax and wool u.
bronze
implements u. weapon
s
erscheinen in dies
e
r Period
auch in d
er
oestlichen Hemisphäre.
To cross the barrier into the
Upper Status of
barbarism
unentbehrlich
metallic tools
able to hold an edge and point
; dazu nöthig
Invention d
es
process of Iron
smelting
.
[534, 535]
Grosser Zuwachs v. personal property
u.
einige changes in the relations of persons to
land
. D
as
territorial domain gehörte noch d
er
Tribus in common
; aber
a portion
now set apart für
support of the government
,
andrer für
religious uses
, u. noch
wichtigere portion – das, wovon Volk seine
Subsistenz bezog, divided unter the several gentes
, or
communities of persons who resided in the same
pueblo
. Niemand owned lands or houses in his own right mit
Macht zu verkaufen u. übermachen in fee simple, wem er wollte.
Individual ownership of houses and lands
excluded by
gemeinsch
a
ftliches Eigenthum
on lands d
ur
ch gentes
od.
communities of persons, joint-tenement houses
u.
mode of occupation by related families
.
[535, 536]
Rev.
Sam.
Gorman
, Missionär unter d
en
Laguna Pueblo Indians
, in
address to the
Historical Society of New Mexico
says:
„
the right of property
belongs to the female
part of the family, and descends in that line from mother to
daughter.
Their land is held in common
,
[…]
but after a person cultivates a lot he
has
personal claim to it, which he can sell to
one of the community
… Their
women
,
generally,
have control of the granary
, are
more provident than
their Spanish neighbours
about the future.
Ordinarily they try to have a
year’s provision on
hands
hand
.
It is only when
two years of
scarcity
succeed each other, that Pueblos,
as a community
, suffer hunger.
[“]
Morgan
p. 536, N
o
te
.
Possessory rights
, existing in individuals or
families,
inalienable
ausser d
ur
ch
inheritance to his or her gentile heirs.
The
Moqui Village Indians
, ausser 7 large
pueblos u. gardens, haben jetzt
flocks of sheep,
horses and mules
u. considerable other
personal property
; manufacture
earthen
vessels of many sizes
u. excellent quality, u.
woolen blankets in looms
u. mit
yarn
of their own production. Major
J.
W. Powell
noticed the following case
showing that dort still
the husband acquires no rights over the property
of the wife
, or
over the children of the
marriage
. A
Zunian
married an
Oraybe woman
, and had by her 3 children; er
wohnte mit ihnen zu
Oraybe
, bis sie †. The
relatives of his deceased wife
ergriffen
Besitz ihrer Kinder u. household property leaving
[to]
him
his horse,
clothing u. weapons
, mit certain blankets, die ihm
gehörten, nicht die seiner Frau. Er left the Pueblo mit Powell um
nach
Santa Fé
zu gehn u. dann to return to
his own people at
Zuñi
. –
Women as well as men
, not unlikely, had a
possessory right
to such rooms and sections
of the pueblo houses as they occupied u. überliessen sie ihren next
of kin, under
certain
regulations.
[536, 537]
25
The
Spaniards
(writers) have left the land
tenure of the southern tribes in inextricable confusion. In
unveräusserlichem common land
, belonging to
a
community of persons
sahn sie
feudal estate
, im chief the
feudal lord
, in people
his vassals
; sie sahen, dass d
as
land owned in
common; nicht die
community ihrer owners
selbst
– die
gens
od.
division of a gens
.
[537,
538]
Descent in the female line
remained still in
some of the tribes
of
Mexico u. Central America
, w
ä
h
ren
d im
andern, probably larger Theil, überg
e
g
an
gen in a
descent in the male line
; letztres
caused d
ur
ch d
en
influence of property. Unter
d
en
Mayas
descent was in
male
line, dagegen schwer zu bestimmen in welcher line bei
Aztecs, Tezcucans, Tlacopans
u.
Tlascalans
.
Unter d
en
Village Indians
probable descent in the male
line with
remains of the Archaic rule
wie in
the case of the office of Teuctli. Unter ihnen zu erwarten the
second
grand rule of inheritance
which
distributed the property among the agnatic kindred. With descent in
the male line
children of a deceased person at
the head of the Agnates
,
.
never entered
last (Upper) Period of Barbarism
.
Ch. II (part IV) The three rules of inheritance
continued.
commenced
in the
Eastern Hemisphere
.
Process of smelting Iron
; trotz
Bronze
progress arrested d
ur
ch want of
a
metal of sufficient strength and hardness for
mechanical purposes
; found zuerst in
iron
.
IV) Property in the Upper Status of Barbarism.
Ende dieser Periode property in masses
verallgemeinert – consisting in many kinds, held
by individual ownership
– d
ur
ch
settled agriculture, manufactures, local trade,
foreign commerce
; aber:
Old common tenure of lands
had not given
place, ausser in part, to
Separateigenthum
.
In
diesem Status
entsprang
Slavery; it stands directly connected with the production of
property
. Out of it
came the
patriarchal family
of the
Hebrew
type
u. the
similar family der
Latine
Latin
tribes under paternal power
, wie auch a
modified form of the same family
unter den
Grecian tribes
.
Hence, nam
en
tlich aber
von increased
abundance of subsistence, through field agriculture
,
nations began to develop, zählten
viele 1000
nds
unter one government, wo
früher nur
a few 1000
nds
. Struggle
für d
ie
possession der most desirable territories
intensified d
ur
ch d
ie
localization of tribes in fixed areas
, u.
in fortified cities
, mit d
em
increase der Volkszahl. Advanced
Kriegskunst
u. vermehrte d
ie
rewards of prowess
. Diese changes indicate
the approach of civilization.
Ersten Gesetze
der
Griechen, Römer, Hebräer – nach Beginn der Civilization
–
verwandelten chiefly nur
in legal enactments
the results die
ihre previous experience
verkörpert hatte in usages u. customs
.
Gegen Ende der
Tendenz zu
2 Formen von Ownership
, nämlich,
durch Staat
u.
durch
Individuen. Lands
, unter d
en
Griechen
, still held,
einige d
ur
ch d
ie
tribes in common
, andre
d
ur
ch d
ie
phratry in
common
für religious uses,
andre
d
ur
ch die
gens in common
, aber
d
ie
bulk der lands
had
fallen
under individual ownership in severalty
. Zur
Zeit
Solon
’s
war
Athenian
society
noch
gentil, lands
in
general held d
ur
ch individuals who had
learnt to mortgage
them. (
Plut.
in
Solon
c. XV.
»Σεμνύνεται γὰρ Σόλων ἐν τούτοις, ὅτι τῆς τε
προϋποκειμένης
γῆς
The
Roman tribes, from their first
establishment
, had a
public domain, Ager
romanus
; while lands were held by the
curia
for religious uses, by the
gens
, u. by
individuals in
severalty
. Nachdem diese
social
corporations
ausgestorben,
the lands
held by them in common gradually became private
property
.
Diese several forms of ownership
show dass
d
ie
älteste land tenure was die in common
d
ur
ch den tribe
; nach Beginn
ihrer Cultivation
, ein
Theil der tribe lands divided unter d
ie
gentes
,
jede wovon
held their portion in common
;
diesem
folgte
n
im Lauf der Zeit
allotments to individuals
u. diese
allotments finally ripened into
individual ownership in severalty
.
[540–542]
26

Personal property
, generally, was subject to
individual ownership
.
Monogamian family
erschien in
Upper Status of barbarism
herausentwickelt
aus
Syndyasmian
family; hing intimately zus.
mit
increase of property
u.
usages in respect to its inheritance. Descent
changed to the male line
;
aber alles
Eigenthum, real u. personal
, blieb, wie seit time
immemorial,
hereditary in gens
.
In der
Ilias
(V,
20
90
) mentioned
fences
around cultivated
fields
,
(IX, 577)
an
enclosure of
50 acres
(πεντηκοντόγυος)
half for
vines
, remainder for
tillage
,
XIV (121)
(XIV, 121)
Tideus
Tydeus
lives in a mansion rich in resources, and
had corn producing fields in abundance.
Breeds of horses
already distinguished for
particular excellence.
„sheep of a rich man standing countless in
the fold.“ (IV, 433)
Coined money unknown
, daher
trade
noch
by
barter
, wie in f
o
lg
en
den lines:
»
,
.«
(
Il.
l. VII v. 472–75
;
)
[Zusatz von Marx.
Siehe
Faksimile der S. 26.]
Erz
hier
Eisen
Felle
= wine.
(III
Aequivalentform
wo wine =
Geld
.)
; u.
wine = Erz od. Eisen od. Felle od. Ochsen
Sklaven
Gold in bars
named as
passing by weight and estimated by talents
. (
Il.
XII,
274,
Mentioned:
manufactured articles of gold, silver, brass and iron, textile
fabrics of linen and woolen
in many forms,
houses, palaces
etc.
[542, 543]
Nach Erreich
un
g so grosser Quantität in
Upper Status of Barbarism
v.
houses u. lands, flocks u. herds
, u.
exchangeable commodities
and
held by individual ownership question of
inheritance
pressed
. D
ie
domestic animals
a
possession of greater value
than alle früheren Arten
property zusammen;
served for food, exchangeable
for commodities, usable for redeeming decaptives
, for
paying fines
, and in
religious sacrifices
;
capable of
indefinite multiplication in numbers – their possession revealed
to the human mind the first conception of wealth
. Folgte in
course of time the
systematical cultivation of
the earth, tending to identify the family mit d
em
soil
, and
render it
a
property-making
organization
; fand bald expression in
Latin, Grecian, Hebrew tribes
, in the
patriarchal family, involving slaves u. servants. Labor of
father and children
became more and more
incorporated with the land
, the
production of domestic animals
, and the
creation of merchandise
, it tended to
individualize the family
u. suggested
the superior claims of children to the inheritance of the
property they had assisted in creating
. Vor d
er
Landkultur
flocks u. herds
fiel naturally
under the joint ownership of persons united
in a group
, on a
basis of kin, for
subsistence. Agnatic inheritance
was apt to assert itself
in this condition. Aber sob
a
ld
land had
become the subject of property
, and
allotments to individuals had resulted in individual
ownership
, was sure to
supervene upon
agnatic inheritance: Third great rule of inheritance, giving
property to the children of the deceased owner
.
[543, 544]
When
field culture
bewiesen hatte, dass
d
ie
ganze Oberfläche der Erde could be made the
subject of property owned by individuals in severalty
u.
Familienhaupt
became
the natural center of accumulation
, the
new property career of mankind
inaugurated;
fully done
before the close of the Later Period of
Barbarism
; übte einen grossen
Einfluss
auf human mind
, rief
new elements of
character
wach;
barbarian
des heroic age.
Dagegen
nicht haltbar
archaic
u.
later usages
.
Monogamy
had
assured
the
paternity of
27
children
u. maintained u. asserted their
exclusive right to inherit the property of their
deceased fathers
.
Germans
, when discovered, in
Upper Status of Barbarism, used iron
, in
limited quantities; had
flocks and herds;
cultivated cereals; manufactured coarse textile fabrics of linen
and woolen
, had
not attained
[to]
the idea of individual ownership in
lands
. Folgt daher:
individual property
in land unknown in Asia u. Europe
in
Middle Period of Barbarism
, came in in
.
Bei
Hebrew tribes
individual ownership in
lands existed before the commencement of their civilization. They
came out of barbarism, wie d
ie
Aryan tribes, mit possession
of
domestic animals
u.
cereals, iron u. brass, gold and silver, fictile wares u.
textile fabrics
. Aber ihre
knowledge of
field agriculture
limited in Zeit
Abraham
s. Nach Reconstruction d
er
Hebrew
Society, nach dem Exodus, on
basis of consanguine
tribes
, to which on reaching Palestine
territorial areas
were assigned, shows that civilization
found them under
gentile institutions
, below
a knowledge of
political society.
Inheritance
was strictly in the
phratry
u. probably in
the gens
„the house of the father“
… After children
had acquired an exclusive inheritance,
daughters
succeeded in default of sons; marriage
would then
transfer their own property from their own gens
to that of their husband
, unless some restraint, in
the case of heiresses
, was put on the right.
Presumptively u. naturally
marriage within the
gens
prohibited; question came
before
Moses
as a
question of Hebrew inheritance
, vor
Solon
as
a
question of Athenian inheritance
, the
gens claiming a
paramount right to its
retention within its membership
; u. beide
entschieden in demselben Sinn. Same question must have turned up in
Rome
u. in part met by the rule that a
marriage of a female
worked a
diminutio capitis
u. with it a
forfeiture of agnatic rights
.
[544–546]
Andre question involved in this issue:
war
marriage to be restricted by the rule
forbidding it within the gens
, or
become
free
, the
degree
, and not the
fact of kin
, being the
measure of limitation
Letztre Lösung siegte.
Zelophelad
Zelophehad
starb,
liess
Töchter
, keine
Söhne
u. die
inheritance given to the former. Später diese Töchter about to marry
ausserhalb the tribe of
Joseph
, wozu sie belonged;
the members of the tribe
objected to
such a
transfer of property
, brachten Sache
vor
Moses
.
:
„If they be married to any of the sons of the
other
tribes of the children of Israel, then
shall the inheritance be taken from the
inheritance of our fathers
, and shall be
put to the inheritance of the tribe
whereunto they are
received:
so shall it be taken from the lot of
our inheritance.
“ (
Numbers
, XXXVI,
IV
III
)
antwortet:
„The
tribe
of the sons of
Joseph
has spoken well. This
is
the thing which the Lord doth command
concerning the daughters of
Zelophehad
, saying, „Let them
marry to whom they think best: only
to the family
of the tribe of their father
shall they marry. So shall not
the inheritance of the children of Israel
remove from tribe to tribe
: for
every
one of the children of Israel
shall keep himself to the
inheritance of the tribe of his fathers
. And
every daughter that possesseth an inheritance in any tribe of the
children of Israel shall be wife unto
one of the
family of the tribe of her father
, that the children of
Israel may enjoy every one the inheritance of his
fathers
.“ (
) They were required to marry
into their own phratry, not necessarily into their own gens. The
daughters of Zelophehad were
„married to their
father’s brother’s sons“
(
) who were not only members of
their
own phratry
, but also
to
of
their
own gens
; they were also
their next agnates.
[546, 547]
Früher hatte
Moses
etablirt
d
ie
rule of inheritance u. reversion
thus:
„And thou shalt speak to the children of Israel, saying,
If a man die
and
have no
son
, then you shall cause
his
inheritance to pass unto his
his
daughters
. And if he have no
daughter
, then you shall give his inheritance
unto his brothers
. And if he have
no brethren
, then you shall give his
inheritance unto
his father’s brethren
. And
if his father have
no brethren
, then you
shall give it
unto his kinsman
, that is
next to him of his family
, and he shall
possess it.“
)
Hier heirs: 1) the
children
; aber scheint
that
the sons took the property
subject to
the obligation of maintaining the daughters. Wir finden elsewhere
that the
eldest son
had a
double portion
.
2)
the agnates in their order of nearness
: a)
the
brethren of the deceased
, in default of
children
des Verstorbnen; u., wenn er
keine brethren
hatte b) the
brethren of the father of the deceased
.
3) the
gentiles
, also in the order of
nearness „the kinsman that
is next to him
of
his family“. The
„family of the tribe“
is
the analogue of the
phratry
; also
property
, in default of children u. agnates,
went to
the nearest phrator
des defunct
owner, – diese Erbfolge
excludes cognates von
inheritance
; a
phrator
, more
distant than a
28
father’s brother
, would inherit
in preference to the children of a sister of the
deceased
. Descent in the male line and the property must be
hereditary in the gens. The
father did not
inherit from his son
, nor the
grandfather from his grandson
. Hierin u. f
a
st in
allem übrigen
Mosaic Law
agrees mit
d
em
Law of Twelve Tables
.
[547,
548]
Später the
Levitical law
established
marriage upon a new basis, independent of gentile
law
; verbot Ehe
innerhalb gewisser Grade
v. consanguinity u. affinity
, declared it
free
beyond these degrees; dies entwurzelte
gentile usages mit Bezug auf Ehe bei d
en
Hebräern,
w
ur
de später
the rule of Christian
nations
.
Solon
’s
Gesetze über inheritances
substantiell selben wie die von
. Beweist, dass
d
ie
früheren usages, customs, institutions
d
er
Hebräer u.
dieselben in Bezug auf Eigenthum. In
Solon’s Zeit, 3
d
great
rule of inheritance
fully established unter
Atheniensern
;
sons took
the estates
ihres deceased
father
mit obligation of
maintaining the daughters
u.
apportioning them suitably
for
on
their marriage
. Wenn
no
sons
, erbten d
ie
Töchter equally
; dadurch created
heiresses (ἐπικλήρες)
by
investing women mit estates
; Solon enacted that
the heiress should marry her nearest male
agnate
, although they belonged
to the
same gens
, and
Ehe unter ihnen
früher
verboten
d
ur
ch usage.
Instances occurred wo d
er
nächste Agnat, obgleich verheirathet, put away
his wife
, in order to marry the heiress, and thus gain the
estate.
Protomachus
im
Eubulides
des
Demosthenes
Beispiel.
(
Demost.
ag
ain
st Eubulides
, 41)
Wenn keine
children,
estates to the agnates
, in their
default
to the gentiles
des defunct.
Property was retained within the gens
as
inflexibly among the Athenians
wie unter
Hebrews
u. Romans.
Solon
turned into law, was vorher established usage.
[548, 549]
Plutarch
sagt es sei
früher nicht erlaubt
gewesen.
This law recognized the
absolute individual
ownership of property by the person while living
, to which
jetzt
added
testamentar. Verfüg
un
g
, when
no children
da; aber d
as
gentile right
remained paramount so long
[as]
children existed to represent him in the
gens
. At all events muss d
ie
custom früher
dagewesen sein (testamentliche), da
Solon
in
positive law – customary
law
verwandelte.
[549,
550]
Roman Law of 12 tables
, first promulgated
449 a. Ch.
; d
ur
ch sie
anerkannt:
Intestaterbrecht:
(mit d
en
children war
wife
des
defunct
coheiress
)
Seems a
reasonable inference
dass
hereditas
wirklich
grade
in d
er
umgekehrten Ordnung
primitiv bei
d
en
Römern existirt hatte als in d
en
12 Tafeln;
inheritance by gentes
vor der der
Agnaten;
die der Agnaten
vor der exclusiven
der Kinder.
In
d
er
later Period of Barbarism
kam
Aristocratie
auf, d
ur
ch
Entwickl
un
g d
er
individuality
of persons, increase of wealth now possessed by individuals in
masses
;
slavery
, by permanently
degrading a portion of the people,
tended to
establish contrasts of condition unknown in the previous
ethnical periods
; dazu, with
property
and official position
– schuf sentiment of aristocracy,
antagonistisch
den
democratical principles fostered by the gentes
.
Im Upper Status of Barbarism
, the
office of chief
in its different grades,
originally hereditary in the gens and elective
among its members
, passed, very likely, unter
Grecian u. Roman tribes
von father to son as
a rule. Aber keine evidence,
dass so by
hereditary right
.
29
D
ie
possession
jedoch der
offices
of
archon, phylo-basileus
or
βασιλευς
βασιλεύς
unter d
en
Griechen, u. v.
princeps
u.
rex
unter d
en
Römern
, hatte Tendenz to strengthen in their
families the sentiment of aristocracy. Obgleich es permanent
existence gewann, nicht stark genug to
change
essentially the democratic constitution of the early governments
of these tribes
.
Heutzutag, wo property so immense u. seine forms so
diversified
, it has become, on the part of
the people, an
unmanageable power
. »
The human mind stands bewildered in the presence
of its own creation.
The time will come, nevertheless,
when
human intelligence
will rise to the mastery over property
… A
mere property career is not the final destiny of
mankind
. The
time which has passed away
since civilization began
is but a fragment
of the past duration of man’s
existence; and but
a fragment of the ages yet to
come
.
The dissolution of society bids
fair to become the termination of a career of which property is
the end and aim; because such a career contains the elements of
self-destruction
… It (a higher
of society)
.« (552)
»With one
principal
principle
of intelligence and one physical form, in virtue of a
common origin, the results of human experience have been
substantially
the same in all times and areas in
the same ethnical status
.« (552)
Part II (Growth of the Idea of Government.)
[p. 47]
Ch. I. Organization of Society upon the Basis of
sex.
Organization into male and female classes (also
organization upon the basis of sex)
now found in full vitality
among the
Australian aborigines
. Low down in
savagery
community of husbands and
, within prescribed lines, was
the central principle of the social system
: the
marital rights (jura conjugialia)
⦗Romans
distinguish:
connubium
, related to
marriage
as a
civil
institution
, u.
conjugium
, the
mere physical union
)
⦘
established in the group
. ⦗Emancipation von
diesen »rights« etc slowly accomplished d
ur
ch
movements resulting in unconscious reformations
;
»worked out unconsciously through natural
selection«.
⦘
[49, 50]
In Darling River District – north of Sydney
– die
nachfolgende
organization into classes on the basis
of sex
and the
inchoate organization into
gentes on the basis of kin
unter d
en
Australian aborigines
speaking the
Kamilaroi language
. Wide spread selbiges unter
other Australian tribes; evident from internal considerations,
that the male u. female classes older than the
gentes
, die, among the Kamilaroi, are in
process of overthrowing the classes
. The
class in its male and female branches
is the
unit of the social system
u. the
central position
, w
ä
h
ren
d
d
ie
gentes inchoate
u. advancing to completeness
through encroachments upon the former. Selbe
Organization upon sex
not yet been found under savage tribes
out of Australia
, weil diese
slowly developing in their secluded habitat,
[50, 51]
The Kamilaroi
divided
in
6 gentes
, standing with relation to
maritime
marriage
in
2 divisions
:
I)
1)
Iguana (Duli)
II)
4)
Emu
(
Dinoun
)
2)
Kangaroo
(
Murriira
). ⦗
Padymelon
, a species of Kangaroo⦘
5)
Bandicoot
(
Bilba
)
3)
Opossum
(Mute)
6)
Blacksnake
(
Nurai
)
Ursprünglich d
ie
ersten 3 gentes
not
allowed
to
intermarriage with each
[other]
, weil sie waren
subdivisions of one original gens
, durften aber
marry into either of the other gentes u. vice versa. Dies nun modified
unter d
en
Kamilaroi, aber nicht so weit dass marriage erlaubt
mit allen gentes ausser dem gens des individual.
Absolute prohibition for males or females to marry into their own
gens. Descent in female line, which assigns children to the line of
their mother.
These features of
archaic form
of gens
.
Aber ausserdem existirt weitere u. ältere division des people in
8 classes
,
4 exclusively of
males
u.
4
t
4
exclusively of females
. It is
accompanied with a
regulation in respect to marriage
and descent
which
[obstructs]
the gens
(zeigt, dass deren organization
later
…
[)]
Marriage
is restricted to
a portion of the males of one gens
with a portion of the females of another gens
,
w
ä
h
ren
d in entwickelter
gentile
organization
members of each gens allowed to marry persons of
the opposite sex in all the gentes except their own.
30
Die Klassen sind:
Male
Female
1) Ippai
1) Ippata
2) Kumbo
2) Buta
3) Murri
3) Mata
4) Kubbi
4) Kapota
Ferner all
Ippais u. Ippatas Brüder u. Schwestern
von einander, ob sie nun
children der same mother or
collateral consanguinei
,
meet, die sich nie vorher gesehn, begrüssen
sie sich als Bruder u. Schwester. D
ie
Kamilaroi sind also
organized in
4 great primary groups of brothers and
sisters
, each
group being composed of a male
and female branch
, but
intermingled over the
areas of their occupation
. The classes
embody the germ of gens
, so far as z. B.
Ippai u. Ippata
in fact a
single class
in 2 branches bilden
u. not can intermarry with each
other
; aber keine realisirte Gens, weil sie fall unter
2 names
(wie
Ippai
u.
Ippata), each of which is integral for certain purposes, u. weil
their children take different names from their
own
.
[51–53]
D
ie
classes
stand to each other in a
different order with respect
to
right of marriage or rather cohabitation
(since
brothers and
sister
sisters
are not allowed to intermarry),
viz.
so:
Ippai
can marry
Kapota,
and no other
Später – as shown hereafter, dies scheme so far
modified, that
each class
of
males
gets right of intermarriage mit an
additional class of females; dies encroachment von gens upon
class.
Kumbo
" "
Mata
" "
Murri
" "
Buta
" "
Kubbi
" "
Ippata
" "
Each male in the selection of a wife so limited to ¼ of all the Kamilaroi
wifes
wives
.
Theoretisch
jede Kapota the wife of
every Ippai.
Quotes
von a letter of
Mr.
T. E. Lance
(der lange
in Australien gelebt): „if a Kubbi meets a stranger Ippata,
the
they
address each other as
Goleer
=
Spouse
… A Kubbi thus meeting an Ippata, even though she were of
another tribe, would treat her as his wife, and his right to do so would
be recognized by her tribe.“
Under this
conjugal system
¼ aller males united
in marriage mit ¼ aller females of the Kamilaroi tribes.
[53,
54]
W
ä
h
ren
d d
ie
Kinder
blieben in
gens ihrer
Mutter
, gingen sie über in
eine andre
Klasse
, in
selber gens, different from that
of either parent
.
Male
Female
Male
Female
Ippai marries
Kapota;
their children are
Murri
u.
Mata
Kumbo
"
Mata
" " "
Kubbi
u.
Kapota
Murri "
" "
Buta " " "
" " "
Ippai
u.
Ippata
Kubbi
" "
Ippata " " "
" " "
Kumbo
u.
Buta.
Folgt man d
er
female line
, so Kapota
(4)
ist die Mutter of
Mata
(3) u.
Mata
(5) ist hinwiederum die Mutter of Kapota; ebenso Buta (2)
Mutter von Ippata (1) u. hinwiederum Ippata (1) die Mutter von Buta (2).
Selbes mit male class; da aber
descent
in
the female line
, leiten sich d
ie
Kamilaroi tribes
selbst ab von
2 supposed female ancestors
, which laid the
foundation for 2 original gentes. – By tracing the descents still
further found
that the blood of each class passes through all
classes
.
Obgleich jedes Individuum einen d
er
oben erwähnten class names
führt, so
daneben the single personal name
common among savages as well as barbarous tribes.
The gentile organization supervened naturally upon the classes as a
higher organization,
by simply enfolding them
unchanged
, encroaches then upon them.
31
The
classes
are in
pairs
von
brothers u. sisters derived from each other
u. d
ie
gentes
, vermittelst der classes, sind auch in
pairs wie folgt:
Gentes
Male
Female
Male
Female
1) Iguana
all are
Murri
u.
Mata
oder
Kubbi
und
Kapota
2) Emu
" "
Kumbo
u.
Buta
oder
Ippai
u.
Ippata
3) Kangaroo
" "
Murri
und
Mata
od.
Kubbi
u.
Kapota
4) Bandicoot
" "
Kumbo
u.
Buta
oder
Ippai
u.
Ippata.
5) Opossum
" "
Murri
u.
Mata
oder
Kubbi
u.
Kapota
6) Blacksnake
" "
Kumbo
u.
Buta
od.
Ippai
u.
Ippata
The connection of children with a particular gens is proven by the law of
marriage. So
Iguana-Mata
must marry
Kumbo
; her children are
Kubbi
u. Kapota
, u. nothwendig Iguana in gens, because descent in the
female line.
Iguana-Kapota
must marry
Ippai
, her children are
Murri
u. Mata
u. ditto Iguana in gens. So
Emu-Ippata
must marry
Kubbi
, her
children are
Kumbo u. Buta
u. of the
Emu gens
. So die gens maintained by keeping in
its membership the children of all its female members. Ebenso mit
d
en
remaining gentes. Each gens is made up theoretically of
2
supposed female ancestors
, and contains 4 of
the 8 classes. Wahrscheinlich ursprünglich nur 2 male u. 2 female
classes, set opposite to each other in respect to the right of marriage;
and that the 4 afterward
subdivided
into 8. The
classes evidently as an anterior organization nachher arranged within
the gentes, not formed by the
subdivision of the
gentes
.
Da d
ie
Iguana, Kangaroo u. Opossum gentes
are
counterparts to each other in the classes they contain, so
subdivisions of an original gens
; ebenso
andrerseits
Emu, Bandicoot u. Blacksnake
; so
2 original gentes
mit d
em
right in
each to marry into the other
, but
not in itself
. Dies confirmed d
ur
ch
d
as
fact, dass 1), 3), 5) originally nicht intermarry
durften unter einander, ebensowenig wie 2), 4), 6). When the three
were one gens
intermarriage unter ihnen
verboten; dies followed the
subdivisions
,
because they were of the same descent, although under different gentile
names. Dasselbe exact gefunden bei den Seneca-Iroquois.
[55–57]
Da marriage restricted to particular classes, when there were but
2 gentes, one half of all the females of one were the wives of one half
of all the
females
males
of the other. After their subdivision into 6 the benefit of
marrying out of the gens was neutralized by the presence of the classes
mit ihren restrictions; hence continuous in-and-in marriages, beyond the
immediate degree of brother and sister.
z. B.
descents of
Ippai u.
Kapota
giving to each intermediate pair 2 children, a male and
a female, dann:
1)
Ippai
marries
Kapota
;
their children
Murri u. Mata
. Die letztern 2
können nicht einander heirathen.
2)
Murri marries Buta
… their children:
Ippai u. Ippata
;
Mata
marries Kumbo
… their children:
Kubbi u.
Kapota
;
3)
Ippai
marries his cousin
Kapota
u.
Kubbi
marries his cousin
Ippata
; their children are respectively
Murri u. Mata
u.
Kumbo u.
Buta
; von diesen d
ie
Murris
marry the
Butas
,
second cousins,
etc.
In this condition the classes not only intermarry constantly, but are
compelled to do so through this organization upon sex. –
The organization into classes seems to have been
directed to the single object of breaking up the intermarriage
of brothers and sisters. –
Innovation:
allowing
each triad of gentes to intermarry
with each
other, to a limited extent; and secondly, to
marry
into classes
, not before permitted
[.]
So
Iguana-Murri
can now marry
Mata
in the
Kangaroo
gens, his collateral sister
etc.
Each
32
class of males in each triad of
gentes seems now to be allowed one additional class of females in the 2
remaining gentes of the same triad, from which they were before
excluded.
[57, 58]
Wherever the middle or lower
of savagery is uncovered,
marriages of entire groups
under usages defining
the groups, have been discovered … the necessities of their condition
would set a practical limit to the size of the group living together
under this custom.
»
Cases of physical and mental deterioration in tribes
and nations
must be admitted, for reasons which are known,
but they never interrupted the general progress of
mankind
…
The arts by which savages maintain
their lives are remarkably persistent. They are never lost until
supersed
ed
by others higher in degree.
By
the practice of these arts
, and
the experience gained through social organizations,
mankind have advanced under a necessary law of development
,
although their progress may have been substantial
ly
imperceptible for centuries … tribes and nations have perished through
the disruption of their ethnic life.« (p. 60) Among other tribes
(non-Australian)
the gens
seems to have advanced
in proportion to the
curtailment
of
the conjugal system
.
»We have the
same brain, perpetuated by reproduction,
which worked in the skulls of barbarians and savages in by-gone
ages
; and it has come down to us
ladened and
saturated
with the thoughts, aspirations and passions, with
which it was busied
though
through
the intermediate periods. It is the same brain grown older and
larger with the experiences of the ages … Outcrops of barbarism
are so many revelations of its ancient
proclivities …
a species of mental
avatism
atavism
.« (61)
P. II Ch. II The Iroquois Gens.
Aelteste
organization – social
, founded upon
gentes, phratries, tribes
; so gentile society
created, wo government dealt with persons through their
relations to a gens or tribe
. These relations
purely personal
. Kömmt nachher a
political organization
, founded
upon territory u. property
; hier government
deals with persons through their relations to territory, wie z. B.
the township, the county, and the state
.
(62)
Gentile Organization
found in Asia, Europe,
Africa, America, Australia; dauert bis
political
society
, die erst mit der Civilization eintritt. Irish
Sept
, Scottish
Clan
,
d
ie
phrara
der Albanians,
ganas
des Sanscrit etc selbes was American Indian gens.
Gens
,
γένος
u. ganas (lat. gr. Sansk.)
bed
eu
ten
alike
kin
; enthalten dasselbe Element as
gigno, γίγνομαι, ganamai
(
beget
alle 3); implying an immediate common descent of the
members of a gens. A gens daher a
body of
consanguinei
. Descended from the same common ancestor,
distinguished by a gentile name, and bound together by affinities of
blood. It includes a
moyety
moiety
only of such descendants; wo
descent in
female line
, wie überall in archaic period, gens
zusammengesetzt of
a supposed female ancestor and her
children
, with the
children
of
her female descendants
, through females, in
perpetuity; umgekehrt, wo
descent in the male line,
into which
the female
line was changed after the appearance of property
in masses.
D
er
moderne
Familienname
ist selbst
a survival of the
gentile name
, with descent in the male line.
The modern family
, as expressed by its name,
is an unorganized gens
; with the
bond of
kind
kin
broken
, and its members as widely dispersed as the
family name is found.
Final form of gens
enthält
two changes: 1)
change from female to male line of
descent
; 2)
change of the inheritance of the
property
of a deceased member
from his
gentiles
to his
agnatic kindred
u.
finally
to his children
.
[62–64]
Gens in its archaic form now exists among the American
aborigines.
Wo
gentile institutions prevailed
– and prior to
the establishment of political society – we find
peoples or nations in gentile societies
, and nothing beyond.
»The state did not exist.«
(p. 67) As the
gens
, the unit of organization, was
essentially democratical
, so necessarily the
phratry
composed of gentes, the
tribe
composed of phratries, and the gentile
society formed by the
confederation
or
coalescencing
coalescing
of tribes
. ⦗
, the
4 tribes of the
Athenians in Attica
, the
3 Dorian
tribes
in Sparta, all of them on some
common
territory
⦘
[66, 67]
In der
archaic form der gens
die children einer
Frau gehören
zu ihrer gens
; ebenso d
ie
children ihrer Töchter, Grosstöchter etc aber d
ie
children ihrer Söhne
, deren Gros
s
söhne
etc belong to
other gentes, nämlich denen ihrer
Mütter
. In the
Middle Status of
Barbarism
(mit
Syndyasmian
family)
began d
ie
Indian tribes
to
change the
female line to the male
; selbes im
Upper
Status of Barbarism
bei
Greek
tribes
(except the
Lycians
), u. d
en
Italian tribes
(except
the
Etruskans
).
[67, 68]
33
Intermarriage in Gens prohibited.
Die
Gensinstitution beginnt nothwendig mit 2 gentes
;
the males and females of one gens marrying the females and males of the
other; the
children
, following
the gentes of their respective mothers, would be
divided between them
.
Resting on the bond of
kin
as its
cohesive principle
, gens
verleiht jedem individual member
that personal
protection which no other existing power could give
.
Gentes of the Iroquois
taken as standard
exemplification in der
Ganowánian
family. When
discovered the
Iroquois
in the
lower status of barbarism
;
manufactured nets twine and rope from filaments of bark; wove
belts
and
burden straps
, with
warp and woof
, vom selben Material; machten
earthern vessels
u.
pipes
von
clay mixed with siliceous
materials
u.
hardened by fire
, some of
them
ornamented
mit
rude
medallions
;
cultivated maize, beans,
squashes
u.
tobacco in garden beds
,
made
unleavened bread von pounded maize which they
boiled in earthern vessels
(these
loaves
or
cakes
about 6 inches in
diameter u. an inch thick);
tanned skins
into
leather
with which they manufactured
kilts, leggins
u.
moccasins
; used
bow and arrow
and
warclub
als Hauptwaffen; used
flint, stone u. bone implements
, wore
skin
garments
, were expert
hunters u.
fishermen
.
Constructed
long joint-tenement houses
large enough to accommodate
5, 10, 20 families
u.
each
household practised communism in living
; were
unacquainted
mit the
use of
stone or adobe-brick in house architecture u. mit d
em
use
der native metals
.
In mental
capacity u. general advancement waren they d
er
representative branch d
e
r Indian family
north of New Mexico
.
Military
„their
career was simply terrific
.
They were the scourge of God upon the aborigines of
the Continent.
“
[69, 70]
In lapse of time
number u. names
der
respective gentes
have slightly varied, their
largest number being 8.
I)
Senecas:
1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7)
Heron. 8) Hawk.
II)
Cayugas:
1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7) Eel. 8) Hawk.
III) Onondagas:
1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7)
Eel. 8) Ball.
IV) Oneidas.
1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle.
V) Mohawks.
1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle.
VI) Tuscaroras.
1) Gray Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Great Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Yellow Wolf. 6) Snipe. 7) Eel. 8) Little Turtle.
D
ie
Changes zeigen, dass certain gentes in some of the tribes
became extinct u. dass andre
formed by segmentation
of overfull gentes
.
Das
jus gentilicium
besteht
[in]
:
1)
The right der gens of electing its sachem und
chiefs.
F
a
st bei allen American Indian tribes
2 grades of chiefs, sachem
u.
common
chiefs
;
von diesen 2 primary grades all
other grades
were varieties;
elected in each
gens from among its members
, a
son
could not be elected to succeed his father, wo
descent in the female line
, weil er
belonged to a different gens
.
Office of
Sachem
hereditary in the gens, insofern it was filled so oft
als a vacancy occur
r
ed;
office of chief
non-hereditary, weil bestowed in reward of personal merit u. died with
the individual.
Duties of Sachem
confined to
peace
, konnte nicht in Krieg ziehn as a Sachem.
The
chiefs
, raised to office for personal
bravery, wisdom in affairs, or for eloquence in council, gewöhnlich
d
ie
superior class in ability, aber
nicht in authority over the gens
. The relation des
Sachem
was primarily
to the
Gens
, wovon er
the official head
; die
des Chief
primarily
to
the tribe
, – von dessen council er wie der Sachem members.
[71, 72]
The office of Sachem
älter als gens
, gehört
ebenso zu
punaluan group
or even the
anterior horde
. In the
gens
the duties of this office
paternal
; in the gens elective among its male members. Dem
Indian system of consanguinity entsprechend
office of
Sachem
passed von
brother zu brother
,
or from
uncle to nephew
u. sehr selten von
grandfather to grandson
. The choice, by
free suffrage of both males and females of adult
ages
, fiel gewöhnlich auf einen
Bruder des
deceased Sachem
od.
einen der Söhne
einer Schwester; sein eigner Bruder od. d
er
Sohn einer eignen
Schwester meist preferred. Zwischen
several
brothers
, own or collateral, on the one hand u. d
en
sons of several sisters, own or collateral, on the other, no priority of
right, da alle male members der gens equally eligible.
Hatte d
ie
gens
einen gewählt
(Sachem)
(unter d
en
Seneca-Iroquois z. B.), so noch
erfordert assent der 7 remaining gentes. These met for the purpose by
phratries; wenn sie d
ie
Wahl to confirm verweigerten, musste
die gens neu wählen; w
ur
de er accepted, so election complete;
aber der neue Sachem musste still
»be
raised up«
(i.e. invested with his office),
d
ur
ch a
council of the confederacy
,
before he could enter upon
; it was their method of conferring the
imperium
.
34
Der
Sachem of a gens
was
ex
officio a member of the council of the tribe, and of the higher
council of the confederacy
. Selbe Method of election u.
confirmation for the
office of a chief
; aber a
general council never
convened
to
raise up chiefs
below the grade of a sachem;
they awaited the time when sachems were elected.
[72,
73]
Chiefs in each gens
usually proportioned to the
number of its members; unter d
en
Seneca-Iroquois 1 chief for
about every 50 persons; der Seneca nun in New York einige 3000, haben
8 Sachems u. about 60 chiefs; the proportionate number jetzt grösser als
früher.
Anzahl der gentes
in a tribe meist
entsprech
en
d der Bevölkerungszahl des tribe; die Zahl der
gentes varies in different tribes von 3 unter Delawares u. Munsees to
über 20 unter Ojibwas u. Creeks; 6, 8, 10 waren gewöhnlich
e
Anzahlen.
2)
Recht Sachems u. Chiefs abzusetzen.
Dies Recht reserved by the members of the gens; office nominally »for
life«, tenure practically »during good behaviour«. Die installation
eines Sachem hiess:
„putting on the horns“
,
seine Absetzung
„taking off the horns“
. Sobald
ein Sachem od. chief in due form abgesetzt d
ur
ch gens, war er
von nun
Privatperson
.
Council
of the tribe
konnte auch
Sachems u. chiefs
absetzen
, ohne zu warten auf action der gens, and even against
its wishes.
3)
Obligation not to marry in the gens.
Diese rule noch inflexible bei d
en
Iroquois. – Bei Entstehung
der gens
brothers were intermarried to each
other’s
wives in a group, and sisters to each
other’s
husbands in a group
; gens sought to exclude
brothers and sisters from the marriage relation
by prohibiting
to marry in the gens.
[74, 75]
4)
Mutual rights of inheritance of the property of
deceased members der gens.
Im
Status of Savagery property
beschränkt auf
personal effects
; im
Lower
Status of Barbarism
kam
en
noch hinzu
possessory rights in joint-tenement houses u.
gardens
. The
most valuable personal articles
buried mit body des deceased owner
.
Im übrigen:
property to remain in the gens
and to
be
distributed among
the
gentiles des deceased owner
. Dies theoretisch noch rule
bei d
en
Iroquois
; praktisch the effects
einer deceased person appropriated by his nearest relations within the
gens. In
case
of a
male
his
own brothers and sisters and maternal
uncle
uncles
divided his effects amongst each other; in
the case of a female
her property inherited by
her
children u. her sisters, to the exclusion of her
brothers
. In beiden
Fällen blieb property in
gens
. Deshalb nahm husband nichts von wife u. vice versa.
These mutual rights of inheritance strengthened the
autonomy of the gens.
[75, 76]
5)
Reciprocal obligations of help, defense, and
redress of injuries.
Individual depended for security upon his gens; bond of kin powerful
element for mutual support; to wrong a person was to wrong his gens.
Herrera
:
„History of
America“
erzählt von d
en
Mayas of Yukatan
: wo satisfaction to be made for
damages, if he
[who was]
adjudged to pay
was like to be reduced to poverty, the kindred
contributed;
selbe
sagt v.
Florida
Indians
: Stirbt ein Bruder od. Sohn, so verhungern eher the
people of the house than seek anything to eat during 3 months, aber
kindred u. relations send it all in.
Persons,
removing von one village to
an other
another
,
could not transfer their
possessory right to cultivated lands
or to
a section of a joint-tenement house to a stranger; must leave them
to his gentile kindred. Herrera
refers to this usage under the
Indian tribes of Nicaragua
.
Garcilasso de la
Vega
⦗
Royal
Commentaries Lond. ed. 1688, Rycaut’s Trans.
p. 107
⦘
bemerkt über d
ie
tribes der
Peruvian
Andes
, dass „when
the commonalty
, or
ordinary sort, married,
the communities
( =
gentes
)
of the people
were
obliged to
build and provide them
houses
.“
The
ancient practice of blood revenge … had its
birthplace in the gens
. Tribunals for the trial of criminals
and laws prescribing their punishment, came late into existence in
gentile society. Unter d
en
Iroquois
and other
Indian
tribes
generally, the
obligation to avenge
the murder of a kinsman
universally recognized. Vorher
Beilegungsversuch zwischen gens of the slayer u. gens
des
slayed
slain
; a
council of the members of each
gens held separetely
, propositions made on behalf of the
murderer for a condonation of the act meist in Form of expression of
regret u. presents of considerable value;
,
weil gentile kindred der slain person implacable, so ernannte die gens
(des slain) unter ihren members
one or more
avengers
, die d
en
criminal to
pursue, until discovered, and then to slay him wherever he might be
found. If they did so, this no ground of complaint by any member of the
gens of the victim.
[76–78]
35
6)
The right of
bestowing names upon the members of the gens.
Unter savage u. barbaric tribes there is
no name for
the family
. The
personal names
von
individuals derselben family indicate no family connection between them.
⦗
family name
ist
nicht
älter
als d
ie
Civilization⦘
Indian
personal names
, however, usually
indicate
the gens of the individual to persons of other gentes in the same
tribe
. As a rule
each gens had names for
persons that were its special property
, and, as such, could not
be used by other gentes of the same tribe.
A gentile
name conferred of itself gentile rights.
After birth of the child his
mother
selected for
him
a name, not in use, belonging to the gens
,
with the concurrence of her nearest relatives. The child
not fully
christened until
its birth u. the name of its father, had been announced at the next
ensuing council of the tribe
. Bei Tod einer Person, konnte
deren
Namen
Name
nicht wieder used w
er
den in the life-time of his
oldest surviving son, without the consent of the latter
. ⦗Dies
wie alles particulare, wenn nicht direct Gegentheil gesagt, gilt von
d
en
Iroquois
⦘
Zwei classes of names in use
, one adapted to
childhood, the other to adult life; one „being taken away“ (ihre
expression) u. d
er
andre „bestowed“. Im Alter v. 16 od. 18 der
erste Name weggenommen,
usually d
ur
ch a
chief der gens
u. einer der 2
ten
Klasse statt dessen gegeben. At the next council of the tribe the
change of names
was publicly announced, after
which the person, if a male, assumed the duties of manhood. In some
Indian tribes the youth was required to go out upon the war-path
and earn his second name
by some act of personal
bravery. After a severe illness nicht ungewöhnlich for a person, from
superstitious considerations, to solicit and obtain a second change of
name. When a person was elected a
Sachem
od. a
chief, his name was taken away, and a new one
conferred at the time of his installation
.
D
as
Individual had no control over the question of a change; was
prerogative der female relatives u. der chiefs; but an adult person
might change his name provided he could induce a chief to announce it in
council.
A person having the control of a particular
name
, wie der eldest son of that of his deceased father,
might lend it to a friend in another gens
; but
after the death of the person thus bearing it the
name reverted to the gens to which it belonged
. The names
jetzt in use unter d
en
Iroquois u. andern Indian tribes
meist ancient names handed down in the gentes from
time immemorial
.
In familiar intercourse u. formal salutation the American Indians address
each other by the
term of relationship
the
person spoken to sustains to the speaker. When related they
salute by kin
; wenn nicht, they substitute
„my friend“
. Gälte für lümmelhaft
to address an Indian by his personal name
,
or to
inquire his name directly from
himself
.
hatten bis
Norman
Conquest
nur
single personal names
,
no name
to designate the family
. Zeigt an
späte
Erscheinung der Monogamie
; u.
Existenz in
früherer Periode
von
a Saxon gens
.
[78–80]
7)
The right of adopting
strangers into the gens.
Captives taken in war either put to death, or adopted into some gens;
.
Adoption
not only
conferred gentile rights
, sondern auch
d
ie
nationality of the tribe
.
The person adopting a captive placed him or her in the relation of a
brother or a sister; if a mother adopted, in that of a son or a
daughter; and ever afterwards
threated
treated
the person in all respects as though born in that
relation.
Slavery
, which in the
Upper
Status of Barbarism
became the fate of the captive,
was unknown among tribes in the Lower Status in the
aboriginal period
. Captives when adopted were often assigned in
the family the places of deceased persons slain in battle, in order to
fill up the broken ranks of relatives.
Ausnahmsweise
declining gens
so replenished, z. B. at certain time die
Hawk gens
der
Senecas
so
much thinned, dass dem Erlöschen nah; to save the gens,
a number of persons from the Wolf gens
by mutual
consent were transferred in a body by adoption to that of
of
the Hawk. D
as
Adoptionsrecht left to the discretion
of each gens.
Unter d
en
Iroquois
d
ie
Adoptionsceremonie performed at a public council of the
tribe, w
o
d
ur
ch turned practically in a religious
right
rite
.
[80, 81]
8)
Religious
in the
Gens?
Kann kaum gesagt w
er
den, dass
any Indian gens
had special religious rites
; aber their
religious worship
[had]
mehr od. minder
direct connection with the gentes
; religious ideas germinated
u. forms of worship instituted in gens, expanded from the gens over the
36
tribe, statt
special
to remain
to the gens. So bei den
Iroquois
6 annual
religious festivals ⦗
Maple, Planting, Berry,
Green-Corn, Harvest u. New Year’s Festivals
⦘ common to all the
gentes united in a tribe, observed at stated seasons of the year.
Jede gens
furnished a number of
„Keepers of the Faith“
, male and female, charged
mit celebration jener festivals; conducted in selben d
ie
ceremonies zus. mit d
en
Sachems u. Chiefs der Tribes who,
ex officio
[,]
„Keepers of the Faith“. With no official head, none of the marks of a
priesthood, their functions equal. Die
„female
keepers of the faith“
bes. charged mit preparation of the
feast, provided at all councils at the close of each day for all persons
in attendance; was
a dinner in common
. – Their
worship was one of thanksgiving, with invocations d
e
s
Great Spirit
u. der
Lesser
Spirits
to continue to them the blessings of life. (
Cf.
Morgan
’s:
League of
the Iroquois
, p. 182)
[81,
82]
9)
A common burial place.
Ancient – aber
nicht exclusive
– mode of burial:
by scaffolding the body until the flesh had
wasted
, danach d
ie
bones collected
u. preserved in
bark barrels in a house constructed for their
reception
; die belonging zur selben gens usually placed in the
same house.
Rev. Dr
Cyrus
Byington
found these practices unter
d
en
Choctas, 1827
; so sagt
Adair
⦗
Hist. of the Americ. Indians
, p. 183⦘ von
d
en
Cherokees
: „I saw three of them, in one of their
towns pretty near each other … Each house contained the bones of one
tribe separately, with the hieroglyphical figures of each family
(gens)
on each of
the
oddshaped arks
.“
D
ie
Iroquois
in ancient times used scaffolds u. preserved the
bones of deceased relatives in bark barrels, often keeping them in
the house they occupied
. They
also buried in
the ground
; im letztern Fall die same gens not always buried
locally
together, unless
they had a common cemetery for the village
.
, a missionary among the
Senecas
, wrote to
Morgan
:
„I find no trace of the influence of clanship in the burial places of
the dead … buried promiscuously … they say
that
formerly the members of the different clans more frequently resided
together than they do at present time. As one family they were more
under the influence of family feeling, and had less of
individual interest.“
At the Tuscarora reservation
(near Lewiston),
obgleich d
ie
Tuscaroras now »Christians«, hat
tribe one common cemetery
, aber d
ie
individuals of the same gens
– of Beaver, Bear,
Gray Wolf
–
etc
[–]
are
buried in a row by themselves
. Dort
husbands u. wives
separated u. buried in separate rows;
ebenso fathers u. their children
; aber
found in the same row mothers and their children u.
brothers u. sisters
.
Unter d
en
Iroquois
u. andern Indian tribes in same status
of advancement, bei d
em
funeral of a deseased gentilis,
all the members of the gens are mourners
;
d
ie
addresses at the funeral
, the
preparation of the grave
, u. the
burial of
the body
were performed by members of other gentes.
D
ie
Village Indians v. Mexico u. Central America
,
practiced a
cremation
⦗confined to chief and principal men⦘, ebenso
scaffolding u. burying in the ground.
[83,
84]
10)
A Council of the Gens.
The Council
– instrument of government u. supreme
authority über
gens, tribe, confederacy
.
Ordinary affairs adjusted d
ur
ch d
ie
chiefs
;
those of general
interest
submitted to the determination of the council u.
d
er
council
sprang from the gentile
organization – the Council of Chiefs
; its history,
gentil, tribal, u. confederate
, bis political
society
intervened, changing
Council
in
Senat
.
Simplest u. lowest form of the Council – that of the
Gens
; a democratic assembly, wo
every adult
male u. female member
had a voice upon all questions brought
before it; it
elected u. deposed
its
sachems u. chiefs
, ditto
„Keepers of the Faith“
, it
condoned
or
avenged
the murder of a gentilis, it
adopted
persons into the
gens
. It was the
germ of the higher council
of the tribe, and of that still higher of the confederacy, each of
which was composed exclusively of chiefs as representatives of the
gentes
.
37
So dies bei
Iroquois
u. selbe Rechte der
gentes der Grecian u. Latin tribes
⦗save Punkt
1, 2, 6, deren ancient existence doch presumirt w
er
den muss⦘.
[84, 85]
All the members of an Iroquois gens
personally
free
, bound
to defend each other’s
freedom
;
equal in privileges u. personal
rights
; Sachem u. chiefs claiming no superiority; a
brotherhood bound together by the ties of kin
.
Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity
, though
never formulated, were
cardinal principles der
Gens
u. diese d
ie
unit of a social u. governmental system
, the
foundation, wor
au
f
Indian society
organized
. Erklärt
sense of
independence
u.
personal dignity universally
an attribute of Indian character
.
Zur Zeit der europäischen Entdeck
un
g waren d
ie
American Indian tribes
generally organized
into gentes, with descent in the female line
;
in einigen
Tribes
, wie den
Dacotas, the gentes had
fallen out
; in andern, wie unter
Ojibwas
, d
en
Omahas
u.
Mayas of
Yucatan
, descent has changed from female to male line.
Throughout aboriginal America
die
gens
nahm ihren
Namen von
some animal
, or
inanimate object, never from
a person
; in this early condition of society, the
individuality of persons was lost in the gens
;
d
ie
gentes der Grecian u. Latin tribes
in der
relativ späten Periode
wo sie under
historical notice
kommen,
were
(bereits)
named after persons
. In
einigen der tribes, wie bei
Moqui Village Indians of
New Mexico
, the
members of the gens claimed
their descent from the animal whose name they bore
– their
remote ancestors having been transformed by the Great Spirit von animal
into human form.
Personenzahl d
er
gentes
varied:
3000 Senecas
divided equally
unter 8 gentes
,
would give an average v.
375 persons
per gens
.
15,000 Ojibwas
divided
unter
23 gentes
650 pers
on
s per gens.
Cherokees
would average
more than 1000 to a gens.
In d
er
present condition d
er
Haupt Indian
tribes
Personenzahl in jeder gens would range v. 100 to
1000.
Except the Polynesian, every family of mankind seems
to have come under the Gentile organization.
[85–87]
Pt. II. Ch. III. The Iroquois Phratry.
The phratry (φρατρία)
a
brotherhood
, a natural growth from the organization into
gentes; an
organic union
or
association of 2 or more gentes of the same tribe for certain
common objects
.
These gentes were usually
such as had been formed by the segmentation of an original
gens.
Unter d
en
Grecian gentes
phratry nearly as
constant as the gens
;
jeder d
er
4 tribes d
e
r Athenians organized in 3 phratries, each
composed of 30 gentes
; also 4 tribes = 12 phratries =
360 gentes
, od.
4 tribes
= 4 × 3
phratries
=
4 × 3 ×
30
gentes
.
Solch numerisch symmetrische Organisation beweist, dass später
[mit]
Gesetz
herumgearbeitet an d
er
gegebnen
division
Division
v. tribes in phratries u. phratries in gentes.
All the gentes of a tribe
– as a rule –
of common descent u. bearing a common tribal
name
. The
phratric organization
had a
natural foundation
in the
immediate kinship of certain gentes as subdivisions of an original
gens
u. auf dieser basis auch d
ie
Grecian phratry originally formed
. D
as
spätere
legislative
numerical
adjustment
der
Athenian tribes
in
phratries u. gentes erheischte nur
incorporation of
alien gentes
u.
transfer by consent or
constraint
.
V
on
d
en
functions d
er
Grecian phratry
wenig
bekannt:
observance of special religious rites;
condonation or revenge of the murder of a
phratror
phrator
;
purification of a murderer
er penalty of his crime escaped preparatory to his restoration to
society.
(
[
)
]
In Athen überlebte
diese institution die Errichtung of
political society
unter
Cleisthenes
;
his
its
function:
to look after the registration of
citizens
; w
ur
de so
guardian of
descents u. of the evidence of citizenship
. The
wife upon her marriage
was enrolled in the
phratry
of
her husband
u. die
children d
e
r marriage
were
enrolled in the gens and phratry of their
father
. The phratry had
still
the duty to
prosecute the murderer of a phrator in the courts
of justice
.
Wären alle details known, we would probably
find the phratry connected mit
the common tables, the
public games, the funerals of distinguished men, the earliest army
organzition
organization
,
and the proceedings of
councils
, as well as in
observance of
religious rites and the guardianship of social privileges
.
38
Analogue of Greek phratry
– the Roman
curia
.
Jede curia = 10 gentes
[und 10 curiae]
in each of the
3 Roman tribes, making
30 curia
e
u.
300 gentes
; the
curia
entered directly into the
[functions of]
government.
The
assembly of the gentes
–
comitia curiata
– voted
by curiae
,
each having
one collective vote
. This assembly
the
sovereign power of the Roman people down to
Servius Tullius
.
[88–90]
; had
no governmental
functions
, wie
gens, tribe,
confederacy
; certain
social functions
,
nam
en
tlich wichtig
when the tribe was
large
. It
presents the phratry in its
archaic form
and
in its archaic
functions
.
The Eight gentes of the
Seneca-Iroquois Tribes, reintegrated in 2 phratries.
I
st
) Phratry.
Gentes:
1) Bear.
2) Wolf.
3) Beaver.
4) Turtle.
II
nd
) Phratry.
Gentes.
5) Deer.
6) Snipe.
7) Heron.
8) Hawk.
De-ă-non-dă’-a-yoh
(Phratry) bedeutet
brotherhood
. The
gentes
in the
same phratry
are
brother gentes
to each other, and
cousin-gentes
to those of the other phratry; d
ie
Senecas brauchen diese Ausdrücke
when speaking
of gentes in relation to the phratries.
Originally
marriage not
allowed unter d
en
members der same
phratry, aber die Members je einer phratry konnte
n
heirathen
into any gens of the other. Dies
Verbot
zeigt, dass d
ie
gentes of each phratry were subdivisions of an
original gens
, u. d
as
Verbot to marry into one’s own
gens had followed to its subdivisions.
Diese
Restriction
war seit lang verschwunden, ausser
mit Bezug auf marriage eines Individuums in seiner
eignen gens
.
Tradition der Senecas, dass
d
ie
Bär
u. the
Deer
d
ie
original gentes
, von denen d
ie
andern
subdivisions. Also:
natural foundation d
e
r
phratry
–
the kinship of the gentes of which it was composed
.
After
their subdivision
from increase of numbers
there was
a natural tendency to their reunion in a
higher organization for objects common to them all
.
Dieselben gentes
nicht für immer
constant in a phratry
: wenn d
as
equilibrium in their respective numbers disturbed,
transfers of particular gentes from one phratry to the other
occurred
.
Mit
increase of numbers in a gens
, followed
by local separation of its members, segmentation
occurred, and
the seceding portion adopted a new
gentile name
. Aber
tradition of their former
unity
remained u.
became the basis of their
reorganization in a phratry
.
[90, 91]
Cayuga-Iroquois.
8 gentes unequally divided between 2 phratries.
I
st
Phratry.
Gentes.
1) Bear.
2) Wolf.
3) Turtle.
4) Snipe.
5)
Eeel
Eel
.
II
nd
Phratry.
Gentes.
6) Deer.
7) Beaver.
8) Hawk.
Seven of these gentes
selbe
wie die der Senecas;
the
Heron gens
verschwunden;
Eeel
Eel
takes
it
its
place, but transferred to the other side.
gentes
also have exchanged
fratries
phratries
. D
ie
Cayugas
nennen auch d
ie
gentes der same phratry
»brother gentes«, die
der
opposite phratry »cousin gentes
[«]
.
Onondaga-Iroquois (8 gentes, unequally divided in phratries 
wie bei Cayugas).
I
st
Phratry.
Gentes:
1) Wolf.
2) Turtle.
3) Snipe.
4) Beaver.
5) Ball.
1
nd
II
nd
Phratry.
Gentes.
6) Deer.
7)
Eeel
Eel
.
8) Bear.
Hawk
(bei d
en
Cayugas
) ersetzt d
ur
ch
Ball bei den Onondagas
. Composition d
er
Phratries different von der der
Senecas
. 3
d
er
gentes in d
er
1
st
phratry selbe, aber
Bear gens
now found
mit
Deer
.
D
ie
Onondagas
have no
Hawk
,
the
Senecas
no Eel gens, aber
fraternize
when they meet, as connected with each other.
[91, 92]
D
ie
Mohawks u. Oneidas
haben nur 3 gentes: 1)
Bear
.
;
2)
Wolf
; 3)
Turtle
;
no phratries
. Zur
Zeit der Bildung der Confederation
seven of the
8 Seneca gentes existed in the several tribes,
as
shown by the establishment of Sachemships in them
; but the
Mohawk
u.
Oneidas
had
only the 3 named; they had then
lost an entire
phratry, and one gens of that remaining – if
that the
original tribes were once composed
39
of the same gentes
.
When a
tribe
organized in gentes u. phratries
subdivides
, it might occur
on
the line of
the
phratric organization
.
Obgleich d
ie
members of a tribe
intermingled
throughout by
marriage, each
gens in a phratry
is
composed of females
with their children and descendants through females
, who formed
the body of the phratry. Would incline to remain
locally
together, and
thus might become
detached in a body
. D
ie
male members of the gens
married to women of
other gentes and remaining with their wives would
not
affect the gens
since
the children of the
male
s
do not belong to its connexion
. The gentes
and phratries can be followed through every tribe.
The
Tuscarora-Iroquois
w
ur
den detachirt
vom
main stock
in unbekannter Periode der
Vergangenheit, bewohnten d
ie
Neuse-river region von North Carolina
zur Zeit
ihrer Entdeckung. Um
1712
verjagt aus dieser
Area, removed to the country der Iroquois, were admitted in die
Confederacy as 6
th
member.
Tuscarora-Iroquois. 2 Phratries v. 8 gentes.
I
st
Phratry.
Gentes.
1) Bear.
2) Beaver.
3) Great Turtle.
4) Eel
II Phratry.
Gentes.
5) Gray Wolf.
6) Yellow Wolf.
7) Little Turtle.
8)Snipe.
Haben
6 gentes
in common with
Cayugas u. Onondagas, 5
mit
Senecas, 3
mit
Mohawks
u.
Oneidas
.
The
Deer Gens
, die sie einst besassen, extinct
in modern times.
Wolf gens
now divided in 2,
Gray
u.
Yellow
; ebenso
Turtle Gens
verdoppelt in
Great
u.
Little
. 3 of the gentes in
the first phratry the same with 3 in the 1
st
phratry der
Senecas u. Cayugas
,
. Da
several 100 years zwischen separation der Tuscarora von u. return zu
ihren congeners, Beweis of
perm
an
ence in the
existence of a gens
. Wie bei d
en
andern tribes,
d
ie
gentes in d
er
same phratry
called
brother gentes
, die in the other
cousin gentes
.
[92, 93]
Differences in the composition
der Phratries
zeigen ihre
modification
to meet
changes of condition
, (die die sie bildenden
gentes befielen, wie Entvölker
un
g einiger, od. extinction etc)
to preserve some degree of
in the number of phrators in each.
Phratric organization
unter Iroquois von
unvordenklicher Zeit, älter als
the confederacy,
established über
400
4
centuries ago
. Im Ganzen d
ie
difference in
their composition as to gentes small, beweist permanence der Phratry
sowohl als der gens. D
ie
Iroquois tribes
hatten
38 gentes
u. in 4 of the tribes a total of 8 phratries.
[93, 94]
Unter d
en
Iroquois
d
ie
Phratry
theils für
social
theils für
religious
objects.
Games
, gewöhnlich bei
tribal
u. confederate councils
. z. B. in
ballgame
der
Senecas
they
play by phratries
, eine gegen d
ie
andre, u.
bet against each other upon the result of the
game
. Each phratry puts forwards its best players etc.
Befor
Before
d
as
Spiel beginnt,
articles of
personal property
are hazarded upon the results d
ur
ch
members der opposite phratries, are
deposited with
keepers
to abide the event.
At a council of the tribe
the sachems and chiefs
in each phratry usually seated on
opposite
sides
of
an imaginary
Council-fire
u. the speakers addressed the 2 opposite bodies as
the representatives of the phratries.
Wenn
murder committed
erst
council d
er
gens
des slain, dann
council der gens
des Mörders; aber gens of the criminal calls oft on d
ie
other
gentes of their phratry (when the
slayer u. the
slayed belonged to opposite phratries
), to unite with them to
obtain a condonation of the crime. Dann hielt diese Phratry ein
council
u. addressed itself hierauf an
d
ie
andre Phratry
to which it sent a delegation
with a belt of white wampum
asking for a council
of the phratry u. an adjustment of the crime. They offered reparation to
the family u. gens des murdered in expressions of regret u.
presents of value
. Negotiations between the
2 councils, bis affirmative or negative Entscheid
un
g erreicht.
Influence einer phratry grösser als die einer gens u. by calling into
action d
ie
opposite phratry
condonation
wahrscheinlicher, namentlich bei extenuating circumstances. Darum
Grecian phratry
(vor Civilization) übernahm main
management of cases of murder u. also of purification des murderer wenn
he escaped punishment; hence,
nach
Erricht
un
g
d
er
polit. society
, nimmt phratry d
ie
duty
of prosecuting the murderer in the courts
of justice.
[94, 95]
40
At funerals of persons of recognized importance –
conspicuous functions der phratries
(p. 95, 96).
⦗In
the case of a
defunct
Sachem, the
opposite phratry
, not his own, sent immediately
after the funeral,
the official wampum-belt
of
the deceased ruler to the
central council fire at
Onondaga
, as a notification of his demise. This was retained
until the installation of his
successor
, upon
whom it then bestowed as the insignia of his office.⦘
Phratry directly
concerned in the
election of sachems and chiefs of the several
gentes
. Hatte a gens
successor ernannt
für ihren deceased
Sachem
(od. elected a chief
of the 2
nd
grade), so expected as a matter of
course that the
gentes of the same phratry
would
confirm the choice; aber manchmal opposition von Seiten der
opposite phratry
.
Dadurch
kam action of
council of each phratry in’s
Spiel
.
Früher vor modern times had
the
Senecas »
Medecine
Medicine
lodges«
; letztere formed a prominent part of their
religious system; to hold a
Medicine Lodge
was
to observe their highest religious rites, and to practice their highest
religious mysteries; they had 2 such organizations,
one in each phratry
; each was a brotherhood, into which new
members were admitted by a formal initiation.
Unlike the Grecian phratry
u. d
ie
Roman curia
this
Indian
phratry
had
no official head
; ebenso
no religious functionaries belonging to it as
distinguished von gens u. tribe
.
die 4
„lineages“
of the
Tlascalans
who
occupied the 4 quarters of the pueblo of Tlascala, als so many
phratries
(nicht als so
many
tribes
, weil sie
occupied the same
pueblo
and
spoke the same
dialect
). Each
„lineage“
od. phratry
,
had a
distinct military organization
,
a
peculiar costume u. banner
, and its head
war-chief
(Teuctli)
who was its general military
commander.
They went forth to battle by
phratries.
The
organization of a military force by phratries u. by
tribes
nicht unbekannt d
en
homerischen Griechen
.
Nestor
sagt zu
Agamenon
Agamemnon
:
D
ie
Chocta gentes
united in
2 phratries
, the
first
called
„Divided People“
, containing 4 gentes; the
second „Beloved People“
, contains also 4 gentes.
This
separation of the people into 2 divisions by
gentes
two phratries
. – A
tribe
hat nie
weniger als
2 gentes
. The
gens increases in number of
its members, divides
into 2; these again subdivide, and in time
reunite
in 2 or more phratries. These
phratries form a
tribe
, and its members speak
the same dialect
. In course of time
this tribe falls into several by process of
segmentation, which in turn reunite in a confederacy
. Such a
confederacy is a
growth
, through the tribe and
phratry,
from a pair of gentes
.
Mohegan Tribe
, had
3 original
gentes, Wolf, Turtle, Turkey
. Each of these subdivided, and
the subdivisions became independent gentes
, but
they retained the names
as
their
respective phratric names
, alias
the
subdivisions of each gens reorganized into a phratry
. Dies
beweist
conclusively the
natural process
, w
o
d
ur
ch, in course of time,
a gens breaks up into several
, u. diese
remain united in a phratric organization
which
is expressed by assuming a phratric name.
Mohegan tribe, originally consisting aus 3 gentes, Wolf, Turtle,
Turkey.
I) Wolf Phratry.
4 gentes.
1) Wolf.
2) Bear.
3) Dog.
4) Opossum.
II) Turtle " "
8
4
gentes.
5) Little Turtle.
6) Mud Turtle.
7) Great Turtle.
8) Yellow
Eeel
Eel
.
III) Turkey " "
3 gentes.
9) Turkey.
10) Crane.
11) Chicken.
Selten unter den American Indian Tribes to find such
plain evidence of the segmentation of gentes
, followed by the
formation into phratries of their respective
subdivisions
. Shows also that
the phratry
founded upon the kinship of the gentes
. As a rule
the name of the original gens
out of which
others had formed – unknown; but in each of these cases it remains as
the name of the phratry. Der
Name nur einer der
12 Athenian phratries
known to us; die der Iroquois had no name
but that of brotherhood.
Pt. II Ch. IV The Iroquois Tribe.
American aborigines
fallen in
– by the natural process of
segmentation;
each tribe individualized by a name, a
separate dialect, a supreme government, a territory, occupied and
defended as its own
. The
dialects as
numereous as
41
the tribes
, for separation nicht complete,
before
dialectical variation
had commenced. –
D
er
term
Nation
angewandt auf viele
Indian tribes, trotz geringer Volkszahl, v. wegen
exclusive possession of a dialect and of a territory
. Aber
Tribe
u.
Nations
nicht
genaue Equivalents;
unter gentile institutions
entspringt
nation
nur, wann d
ie
tribes
, united under the same government, have
coalesced into one people
, wie d
ie
4 Athenian tribes in Attica, 3 Dorian tribes in Sparta, 3 Latin u.
Sabine tribes at Rome.
Federation
requires
independent tribes in separate territorial
areas
;
coalescence unites them
by a higher
process
in the same area
, obgleich
tendency to local separation by gentes u. by
tribes
would continue. The
confederacy
is the nearest analogue of the
nation
.
Sehr selten Fälle unter d
en
American aborigines, wo
the tribe embraced peoples speaking different
dialects
; wo d
er
Fall, war’s Resultat der Union eines
schwächeren mit einem stärkeren
tribe speaking a
closely related dialect
, wie d
ie
union der Missouris
–
after
their overthrow
– mit den
Otoes
.
D
er
great
body d
er
aborigines
ward gefunden in
independent
tribes
; nur wenige hatten es gebracht zu
confederacy of tribes speaking
dialects of the same stock
language.
[102–103]
Constant tendency to disintegration
existed in
the elements of gentile organization,
aggravated
d
ur
ch tendency to divergence of speech
,
inseparable from their social state and the
large
area of their occupation
. A
verbal
language
, obgleich merkwürdig
persistent in
its vocables
u. noch mehr
in its grammatical
forms
, – is
incapable of permanence
.
Der
lokalen Separation
– in area
– f
o
lgt im Lauf der Zeit
variation in
speech
; dies leads to separation in interests u. to ultimate
independence. D
ie
grosse Zahl von dialects u. stock languages
in
Nord- u. Südamerika
wahrscheinlich – save
d
ie
Eskimos – abgeleitet von
one
original language
, erheischten für
ihre
Bildung the time measured by 3 ethnic
periods.
New tribes u. new gentes
were constantly forming
by natural growth; der
process sensibly accelerated
d
ur
ch the great expanse d
e
s American
continent
. D
ie
Methode war einfach.
From
some overstocked geographical centre, possessing
superior advantages in the means of subsistence
, a gradual
outflow of people. Dies continued jährlich, so a
considerable population developed at a distance vom original seat
des tribe
; im Lauf der Zeit d
ie
emigrants
werden distinct in interests,
strangers in feeling,
schliesslich divergent in
speech
;
separation u. independence
follow,
though their territories were
contiguous
.
Dies
repeated itself
von age zu age in newly acquired as
well as in old areas
…
When increased
numbers pressed upon the means of subsistence, the surplus removed
to a new seat wo sie sich mit Leichtigkeit etablirten, weil the
government was perfect in every gens u. in any number of gentes
united in a band.
Unter d
en
Village Indians
selber Process in etwas
modificirter Form. When a
village
became
overcrowded with members, a
colony
went up or
down on the same stream u.
commenced a new
village
; repeated at intervals,
several such
villages
appear, each independent of the other and
selfgoverning
self-governing
body; but
united in a league or
confederacy
for mutual protection;
dialectical variation
finally springing up, completes their
growth into tribes
.
Tribes
formed by the
subdivisions of an original tribe
possess a
number of gentes in common
u. speak
dialects of the same language
; have a number of
[the same]
gentes selbst nach
centuries of separation
. So die
Hurons
, jetzt
Wyandots
,
haben
6 gentes desselben Namens mit 6 der gentes der
Seneca-Iroquois
, nach at least 400 J. Trennung. D
ie
Potawattamies
haben
8 gentes
selben Namens
mit
8 unter d
en
Ojibwas
, w
ä
h
ren
d d
ie
former 6 u.
d
ie
letzteren 14 different haben; showing dass
neue gentes formed in each tribe by segmentation
seit ihrer Trennung. Ein noch älterer Absetzer der
Ojibwas
– oder eines common parent tribe beider – die
Miamis
, haben nur 3 gentes in common mit den
former,
Wolf, Loon
u.
Eagle
.
8 Missouri tribes
, bei ihrer
Entdeckung, occupy the
banks des Missouri
über 1000 miles, zus. mit d
en
banks of its tributaries, the Kansas u. the
Platte
; ebenso the
smaller rivers of
Iowa
; ebenso
West Bank of Mississippi
down to the Arkansas
. Ihre
dialects
beweisen dass the people in
3 tribes
before
the
last subdivisions
, nämlich:
1)
Punkas
u.
Omahas
;
2)
Iowas, Otoes u. Missouris
; 3)
Kaws, Osages, u. Quappas
; ihre
several dialects nearer to each other
than
to any other dialect der Dakotian stock
language
to which they belong; also
linguistic necessity for their derivation von an original
tribe
, wovon sie
subdivisions
;
spreading
from a central point on the
Missouri
along its banks, above u. below;
mit increase of distance between their
settlements
– separation in interests, followed by
divergence of speech
u. finally by
independence
. Extending
along a river in a prairie country
such a people might
separate
first in 3 tribes, dann in 8
, the
organization of each subdivision
remaining complete.
Division
meant a
separation into parts by natural expansion over a
larger area
, followed
by a complete
segmentation
. Der
uppermost
42
tribe on the Missouri
– the
Punkas
at the
mouth of
the Niobrara river
; the
lowermost
the
Quappas
at the
mouth
of the Arkansas
on the
Mississippi
,
near 1500 miles between them. The
intermediate
region
, confined
to the narrow belt of
forest upon the Missouri
, was held by
the
remaining
6 tribes
. They were
strictly
River Tribes
.
[105,
106]
Tribes of Lake Superior
1)
Ojibwas
; 2)
Otawas
(= O-tä’-was)
u. 3)
Potawattamies
subdivisions of an
original tribe; die
Ojibwas
der
original tribe
, the
stem
, blieben
am
original seat at the great fisheries upon the outlet of the
lakes
lake
; they
are styled
„Elder Brother“
d
ur
ch
d
ie
beiden andern, d
ie
Ottawas
Otawas
„next elder brother“
, die
Pottawattamies
Potawattamies
–
„Younger Brother“
. Die
letzteren separated
first
, die
Ottawas
Otawas
last, as shown
by the relative amount
of dialectical variation
, that of the
Pottawattamies
Potawattamies
being greatest. Als entdeckt,
1614
, d
ie
Ojibwas
seated
at the
Rapids
on the
outlet of Lake
Superior
, from which point they had spread
along the southern shore of the lake
to the
site of
Ontonagon
, along its northeastern
shore and down
the St. Mary River
well
toward Lake Huron
; ihre position famos for
a fish and game subsistence
⦗they did
not cultivate maize and plants
⦘;
zurückstehend keiner position in Northamerica ausser dem
Valley
der
des
Columbia
.
⦗D
ie
Ojibwas
manufactured
earthen pipes, water jars, u. vessels
in ancient times, as
they now assert.
Indian pottery
zu
verschiednen Zeiten
dug up
at the
Sault St. Mary
, the work of their
forefathers.⦘
Mit
such advantages certain to develop a
large Indian
population
u.
send out successive bands
of emigrants to become independent tribes
.
D
ie
Pottawamies
Potawattamies
occupied a region on the
confines of
Upper Michigan u. Wisconsin
, woraus
1641
the Dakotas
were in act of expelling them. Zugleich
d
ie
Ottawas
Otawas
, deren earlier residence supposed
on
the
Ottawa
Otawa
river of Canada
, had drawn westward, damals
seated upon the
Georgian Bay
, the
Manitouline islands
u. at
Mackinaw
, von welchen Punkten they were spreading südlich
über Lower Michigan. –
Separation in place and
distance
had long before their discovery resulted in the
formation of dialects, u. in tribal independence. D
ie
3 tribes
, deren territories contiguous, had
formed an alliance for mutual protection,
„the
Ottawa
Otawa
“
. (
offenive
offensive
and defensive league)
Vor diesen secessions
another affiliated
tribe
, the
Miamis
, had broken off
vom Ojibwa stock – the common parent tribe – u. migrated to
Central Illinois
u.
Western Indiana
. Folgend im track dieser migration were
the
Illinois
, another u. later offshoot vom
same stem, who
afterwards subdivided
in
Peorias, Kaskaskias, Weaws u. Piankeshaws
.
Ihre
dialects
mit dem der
Miami
s
nearest affinity mit d
em
Ojibwa
u. next mit the
Cree
. ⦗The
Pottawamie
Potawattamie
u. Cree have diverged about equally;
w
a
h
r
sch
ein
lich
Ojibwas,
Ottawas
Otawas
u. Cree
one people in dialect
nach d
em
detachment d
e
r
Potawattamies
⦘
Outflow
aller dieser tribes from central seat at the great fisheries of
Lake Superior
– as a
natural centre of
subsistence
.
D
ie
Algonkins
v.
New England,
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia u. Carolina
sehr
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich derived von same
stock.
[106–108]
Each emigrating band
in the nature of
a military colony
, seeking to acquire u.
hold a new area,
preserving
at first, and
as long as possible
, a
connection with the mother tribe
;
d
ur
ch
these successive
movements
they sought to
expand their
joint possessions
u. afterward, to
resist the intrusion
of
alien people
within their limits
… the
Indian Tribes
speeking dialects of the same stock language
have been
usually
found
in
territorial continuity
, however extended their common area.
Dies gilt,
in the main
, von
all tribes of mankind linguistically united
…
Spreading from
centre
…
they have
preserved their connection with the motherland
as a means
of succor in times of danger, and as a place of refuge in calamity.
Damit
an area initial point of migration
werde
d
ur
ch gradual production of a
surplus population
required
special advantages in the means of
subsistence
. Solche
natural centres
wenig zahlreich in
Nordamerika
–
in fact,
nur 3
. An der
Spitze
the
Valley of the Columbia
;
ausgezeichnetste region
on the face of the earth
in the variety and amount of subsistence it afforded, prior to
the cultivation of Maize and plants
.
Excellent game country
as mixture of
forest u. prairie
. In the
prairies
wuchs a
species of bread-root
, the
Kamash
u. zwar abundantly; in these respects
it was, however,
not superior to other
areas
; was es
auszeichnet
–
inexhaustible supply of salmon im Columbia u.
andern Küstenflüssen
, they crowded these streams in
millions, were taken in the season mit facility u. greatest
abundance.
After being split open u. dried in the
sun
, they were
packed u. removed to the
villages
, formed their principal food during the
greater part of the year
. Ausserdem
d
ie
shellfisheries der Küste
, supplying
large amount of food during the winter
months
. Ausserdem
Clima mild
u.
equable
throughout the year, ab
ou
t
that of
Virginia
u.
Tennessee
;
was
the
paradise of tribes ohne knowledge der
cereals
.
Es
kann sehr w
a
h
rs
c
hein
lich gemacht werden,
dass das
Valley of Columbia
the
seedland of the Ganowánian family
, wovon
successive streams of migrating bands, bis
both
divisions des Continent occupied
u. dass
beide divisions
, bis zur Epoche der europ. Entdeckung
replenished with inhabitants von dieser Quelle. D
ie
grosse Ausdehnung der
43
Centralprairien
, spreading continuously more
than 1500 miles
v. Nord nach Süd u.
über 1000 miles von Ost nach West
,
interposed a
barrier
to
free communication zwischen Pacific
u.
Atlantic sides des Continents in Nordamerika
.
W
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich daher, dass
an original family
commencing
its spread from the Valley of the Columbia
,
u. migrating under the influence of physical causes, would
reach Patagonia eher als Florida
.
Die
Entdeckung d
es
Maize
würde
d
en
course of events nicht materially change,
or suspend the action of previous
causes. Nicht bekannt wo das
American Cereal
indigenous
;
aber
Central America
, wo
vegetation
intensively active
, wo
Maize peculiarly
fruitful
, wo d
ie
oldest seats der Village Indians found
…
probable
place of nativity of Maize
. Von
Centralamerica die cultivation would have spread to
Mexico
, dann
Neu
Mexico
, u.
valley des Mississippi
,
von da
östlich to the shores des Atlantic
;
the volume of cultivation diminishing from the starting point to the
extremities
[.]
It would spread independently von
d
en
Village Indians, from the desire of more barbarous
tribes to gain the new subsistence; aber
extended
nie über Neu Mexico to the Valley of the Columbia
, obgleich
cultivation practised d
ur
ch d
ie
Minnitarees u. Mandans des Upper Missouri
,
die
Shyans
des
Red
River
des North, by the
Hurons of Lake
Simcoe in Canada
, the
Abenakies of the
Kennebek
Kennebec
, wie generally by
all the
tribes zwischen Mississippi u. Atlantic
. Migrating bands
von d
em
Valley of Columbia would
press
upon the village Indians of New Mexico u. Mexico
, tending
to force displaced u. fragmentary tribes
towards
and through the
Istmus
Isthmus
into
South America
, wohin
diese would carry the first germs of progress developed by the
Village Indians. Repeated at intervals of time
it
would tend to bestow
upon South America a class
of inhabitants
far superior to the wild bands formerly supplied
, and at
the expense of the Northern section thus impoverished.
So South America would attain the advanced
position
in development, even in an inferior country, which
seems to have been the fact. The
Peruvian
legend
of
Manco
Capac
u.
Mama Oello
, children of the
sun,
brother and sister, husband and wife
shows that a
band of village Indians
migrating from a distance,
though not necessarily
from North America direct
, had gathered together and taught
the rude tribes
of
the Andes
the higher arts of life,
including the cultivation of Maize and plants
; legend
dropped out the band,
retained only the leader
and his wife
.
2
)
tes
2
tes
)
(nach Valley of Columbia) natural initial
centre:
the
peninsula between lakes
Superior, Huron u. Michigan
, the
seat of
the Ojibwas
u.
nursery land of many
Indian tribes
.
3
t
es
)
natural initial centre:
the
lake region of Minnesota
, the
nursery ground der present
;
Grund anzunehmen, dass
Minnesota was a part of
the Algonkin area
vor Besetz
un
g
d
ur
ch d
ie
Dakotas
.
[108,
109]
Sob
a
ld
cultivation of maize u.
plants
erschien, it
tended to localize
the people
u.
support them in smaller
areas
, as well as
to increase their
numbers
; übertrug aber nicht
control des
Continents to the most advanced tribes der Village Indians, die
fast nur von Cultivation subsisted
.
Horticulture
spread unter d
en
principal tribes in
the
Lower Status of barbarism
, improved
greatly their condition, they
held
, mit den
non horticultural tribes, the great areas of
North America
when discovered, u. v. ihren ranks the
Continent replenished mit inhabitants.
Incessant warfare d
er
aborigines
mit
einander; als Regel the
most persistent warfare
unter tribes speaking different stocklanguages
, wie z. B.
zwischen
Iroquois
u.
Algonkin tribes
, u. der ersteren ditto mit d
en
Dakota tribes
. Dag
e
gen
Algonkin
u.
Dakota
tribes
lived at peace mit each other, gezeigt
d
ur
ch
occupation of continuous
areas
. D
ie
Iroquois
pursued a war of extermination
gegen their
kindred tribes
, the
Eries
,
Neutral
Nation
, the
Hurons
u. d
ie
Susquehannocks
. Tribes speaking
dialects derselben stocklanguage
können sich
verständigen, compose their differences, u. lernen, in virtue of
their common descent, sich als natural allies zu betrachten.
[110, 111]
Bevölkgunszahl
Bevölkerungszahl
in
a given area
limited
by amount
of the
subsistence it afforded
; when
fish u.
game
the
main reliance for food, immense
area
required to maintain a small tribe. Als
farinaceous food
hinzukam,
area
occupied by a tribe
still large in proportion to the number of the people
.
New York
– mit
47,000
□ miles
[–]
hatte nie mehr als
25,000 Indians
, inclus. mit d
en
Iroquois
d
ie
Algonkins on the eastside des Hudson
u. upon
the
Long Island
u. d
ie
Eries u. Neutral Nation
in d
er
westlichen
des Staats.
A
personal government, gegründet upon
gentes
, unfähig hinreich
en
de
central power
zu entwickeln to control the increasing
numbers des people,
wenn
sie nicht in reasonable distance von
44
einander
blieben.
Unter d
en
Village Indians
von
Neu Mexico, Mexico u. Centralamerica Wachsthum
der Bevölkrungszahl upon a small area hielt nicht den
Process
der
Disintegration
auf. Wo
verschiedne pueblos
seated nah bei
einander am selben Strom, the people usually of
common descent
u. under a
tribal
or
confederate government
. ⦗Each
pueblo
gewöhnlich an
independent
,
selfgoverning
self-governing
community
⦘. About
7
stocklanguages
, allein gesprochen in
New
Mexico
, jede mit several dialects. Zur Zeit v.
Coronado
’s
expedition
–
1540–42
– the villages
found
numerous
but
small
. Es waren ihrer 7 of
Cibola,
Tucayan
u.
Quivira
u.
Hemez
u. 12 of
Tiguex
, u. andre groups indicating a linguistic connection
of their members. Unbekannt ob each group confederated. Die
7 Moqui Pueblos
(die Tucayan villages of
Coronado’s expedition) sollen jetzt confederate sein, waren es
wahrsc
hein
lich zur Zeit ihrer Entdeck
un
g.
D
er
process of subdivision
operating unter
d
en
American aborigines für 1000
de
v.
Jahren,
hat in
North America allein an 40
stocklanguages
entwickelt, wovon jede gesprochen in Anzahl
v. Dialects d
ur
ch gleiche Zahl unabhängiger tribes.
Für an
American Indian tribe
nur a
few hundreds
u. höchstens a
few 1000 people
erheischt, um ihn in a
respectable position in
Ganowanian
Ganowánian
family
zu stellen.
[111,
112]
1)
Possession of a territory and a name.
the territory
– their
actual
settlement
u. so much of the
surrounding region
als
tribe
ranged over in hunting u. fishing
u.
could defend gegen andre encroaching tribes; darüber hinaus a
wide margin of neutral grounds
, separating
them vom nächsten Tribe,
speaking
a
different language
, and claimed by neither;
less wide u. less clearly marked, when they spoke
dialects of the same language
.
Die
names
, die nach u. nach d
ie
tribes individualize, in vielen cases zufällig wie d
ie
Senecas
nannten sich selbst
„Great Hill People“
etc. Nach
Beginn der europäischen Colonisation
im
nördlichen Amerika erhielten d
ie
Indian tribes
Namen von andern tribes
who had bestowed
names upon them different from their own. Hence a
number of tribes
known in history
under
names not recognized
by themselves.
[112, 113]
2)
The exclusive possession of a dialect.
Tribe and dialect substantially
co-extensive
.
D
ie
12
Dakota bands
jetzt
properly
tribes
, aber forced in vorzeitige
Trennung d
ur
ch advance of Americans upon their original
area which forced them upon the plains. Früher war ihre connexion so
intimate geblieben dass nur
one new dialect
was forming, the
Teeton
, on the Missouri;
the
Isauntie
on the
Mississippi
being the original speech. Vor einigen Jahren
d
ie
Cherokees
zählten
26,000
, largest number of Indians ever found within
U. St., speaking the same dialect
; in the
mountain districts of Georgia
a slight
divergence of speech had occured. D
ie
Ojibwas
, still in the main
non-horticultural
, about 15,000, speak the
same dialect; d
ie
Dakota tribes,
25,000
, 2 closely related dialects. Dies Ausnahmen. In
U. St.
u.
British
America
zählt a tribe on average
less
than 2000
.
[113, 114]
3)
The right of investing Sachems and Chiefs
elected by the Gentes.
4)
The right to depose Sachems and
Chiefs.
In the
Status of Savagery
and in the
Lower and also in the Middle Status of
barbarism
, office was bestowed for life, or during good
behavior.
Die
Sachems u. Chiefs
, v. d
en
gentes gewählt, w
ur
den nach Tribe Bildung,
members d
es
Tribal Council
; hence
d
as
Recht v.
Investit
u
r
letzterem vorbehalten; ebenso hatte er
auch
Absetz
un
gsrecht; ging,
nach Bildung v. Confederation auf
council of
confederacy
über. The
offices of Sachem
and Chief
universally
elective
north of Mexico;
evidence
[114, 115]
5)
The possession of a religious faith and
worship.
»After the fashion of barbarians the American
Indians were a religious people.«
(p. 115)
Medicine lodge – Dancing
form
of worship
.
[115,
116]
6)
A supreme government through a council of
chiefs.
Gens
represented by its chiefs;
tribe
represented by the
council of the chiefs of the gentes
. Called together under
circumstances known to all, held in the midst of the people, open to
their orators, it was certain to
45
act under popular
influence.
Council
had to guard and protect the
common interests of the tribe. Questions and exigencies arising
through their incessant warfare with other tribes. As a general
rule, the council open to any private individual desiring to address
it on a public question.
The
women
allowed to express their wishes and opinions through an orator
of their own election
.
Decision
given by the Council.
Unanimity was a fundamental
law of its action among the Iroquois.
Military operations
usually left to the
action of the voluntary principle
.
Theoretically
each tribe at war with every other
tribe
with which it had not formed
a
treaty of peace
. Any person
at liberty
to organize a war-party
and conduct an expedition wohin er
wollte. Er
announced his project by giving a
war-dance and inviting volunteers
. If he succeeded in
forming a party, which would consist of such persons as joined him
in the dance, they
departed immediately
,
while enthusiasm was at its height.
When a tribe
was menaced with an attack
, war parties were formed to meet
it in much the same manner. Where forces so raised were united in
one body,
each under its own war-captain
and
their joint movements
determined
by a council of these captains
. This
relates to tribes in the Lower Status of
Barbarism
. The
Aztecs
u.
Tlascalans
went out
by
phratries
, each
subdivision
under
its own captain
, u.
distinguished by costumes u. banners
.
Confederation of Iroquois
u.
that of the Aztecs
were the most remarkable
for
aggressive purposes
. Unter
Tribes in the Lower Status of Barbarism
,
incl. the
Iroquois
, the most destructive
work performed by
inconsiderable
war-parties
, beständig forming and making expeditions into
distant regions.
Sanction of the Council
for
diese expeditions weder sought, nor necessary.
Council of the tribe
had power to
declare war
u.
make
peace, send and receive embassies, make alliances
;
intercourse between independent tribes
conducted by
wise men
and
chiefs
, delegated dazu. When a tribe expected such a
delegation, a
council was convened for its
reception
and for the
transaction
of its business.
[116–118]
7)
A
headchief
head-chief
of the tribe in some instances.
Nämlich a
Sachem
, superior in rank to his
associates. Der
Council
nur selten in
session u. urgencies might arise
demanding the
provisional action of some one
authorized to represent the
tribe, subject to the ratification of his acts by the council. This
only basis for the
office of
headchief
head-chief
.
Iroquois
had
none
u. their confederacy had
no executive officer
. Wo d
er
headchief
head-chief
in Indian tribes existed there, in
a
form too feeble
to correspond
to the
conception of an executive magistrate
. The
elective tenure
of
the
office of chief
, and the
liability of
the person to deposition
, settle the character of the
office.
[118, 119]
D
er
Council of Indian
chief
chiefs
was a government of
one power
, prevailing
generally among
the tribes in Lower Status of
Barbarism
. Dies
erstes Stadium
.
Zweites Stadium:
a government coordinated
between a
council of chiefs
and a
general military commander
, one representing
the
civil
, the other the
military functions
. Dies form began to manifest itself in
the Lower Status of Barbarism
after formation of
Confederacies
, became
definite
in
Middle Status
. D
as
office of general
–
military commander –
was the germ of that of a chief executive
magistrate
, king, emperor, president; a
government of 2 powers
.
Drittes Stadium:
government of a people or
nation by a
council of chiefs
, an
assembly of the people
, and a
general military commander
. Appears under
tribes who had attained to the
Upper Status of
Barbarism, Homeric Greeks
, or
Italian
tribes of the period of
Romulus
. Large increase of people
united in a nation, their establishment in walled
cities, creation of wealth
in
flocks,
herds, lands
, brought in the
assembly of
the people
as an instrument of government.
Council of chiefs
became a
preconsidering council
;
popular assembly adopted or rejected public measures
, its
action final; lastly
a general
. Dies blieb
bis Eintritt v.
political society
, wenn
unter Athenians z. B.,
council of chiefs
became
Senate
, the assembly of the people
the
ecclesia
or popular assembly.
Im
Middle Status of Barbarism
the
gentes organized into tribes
remained as
before, aber
confederacies
more frequent. In
some areas, as in the
Valley of Mexico
,
keineswegs – no evidence dafür – dass
political
society
established. It is
impossible
to
found
a
political society or a state upon gentes
.
[119–121]
Pt. II Ch. V The Iroquois Confederacy.
Bei Entdeckung
v. America existirten confederacies in verschiednen parts, u. a.
nam
en
tlich:
Iroquois confederacy of 5
independent tribes, Creek Confederacy
of 6,
Otawa Confederacy
of 3,
Dakota League
of the
46
„Seven Council Fires“
, d
ie
Moqui Confederacy
in
New
Mexico of 7 Pueblos, the Aztec Confederacy of 3 tribes in the Valley
of Mexico
. Am leichtesten Bild
un
g v. confederacy
(generally difficult wegen den
»unstable geographical
relations«
[)]
für d
ie
Village Indians
im Middle Status of Barbarism
wegen der
nearness ihrer pueblos
zu einander u.
d
er
smallness ihrer areas
. Die berühmtesten
confederacies in Northamerica die der
Aztecs
u.
die der
Iroquois
; letztere genau bekannt;
The Confederacy had the gentes
for
its basis and centre u. stocklanguage
, (wovon
d
ie
dialects still mutually intelligible
)
and stock language
for its circumference
; none found beyond the bounds
of the dialects of a common language; otherwise heterogeneous elements
would have been forced into the organization.
Ausnahmsweis
wohl einmal die
remains of a
tribe
, not cognate in speech,
admitted into
an existing confederacy
, wie z. B. die
Natchez
, after their overthrow by the French, into the
Creek Confederacy
. There was
no possible way of becoming connected on equal terms with a
confederacy
ausser d
ur
ch
membership
in a gens and tribe, and a common speech
.
[122–124]
Monarchy incompatible mit gentilism.
The
Grecian tyrannies
were
despotisms founded upon usurpation
– the
germ
out of which the later kingdoms arose; the socalled
kingdoms of the
age
were
military
democracies
, and nothing more.
Die
Iroquois
ursprünglich emigrants from beyond
the Mississippi, w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich
a branch des Dakota Stock
; erst nach
valley d
es
St. Lawrence
, settled
near Montreal
. D
ur
ch d
ie
hostility d
er
surrounding tribes gezwungen, sie nach
d
er
central region of New York. Mit canoes coasting
d
as
östliche Gestade des
See
Ontario
(their numbers small),
war
(?)
ihre
erste Niederlassung an
Mündung des Oswego river
, wo sie nach ihren traditions lang
blieben; waren damals wenigstens
3 distinct
tribes
,
Mohawks
,
Onandagas
Onondagas
u.
Senecas
. Ein tribe settled nachher at the head
of the
Canandaigua
lace
lake
, became the
Seneca
; andrer occupied
the
Onaindaiga
Onondaga
valley
, w
ur
den die
Onandagas
Onondagas
; dritter passed östlich, settled erst at
Oneida
, bei site of Utica, removed then to
Mohawc
Mohawk
Valley
, became the
Mohawks
.
Die
[,]
die blieben, w
ur
den
die
Oneidas
. Ein Theil der Senecas oder der
Onondagas settled entlang dem
eastern shore des
Cayuga
lake, w
ur
den d
ie
[5)]
Cayugas
. Vor Besetz
un
g d
ur
ch
d
ie
Iroquois, scheint
New York
Theil der Area der
Algon
in
(?)
Algonkin
tribes
gewesen zu sein; nach ihren traditions
entsetzten d
ie
Iroquois d
ie
alten Bewohner wie sie
gradually ihre Niederlassungen ausdehnten,
östlich
vom
Hudson
, u. westlich vom
Genesee
.
Nach ihrer tradition lange Zeit nach ihrer Niederlassung in New York,
w
ä
h
ren
d der sie common cause against their enemies
machten, aber ehe sie confederacy bildeten. Residirten
in villages
, gewöhnlich umgeben
mit stockades
, lebten von
fish u. game
, u. d
en
products of a limited horticulture
. Ihre
Anzahl nie über 20,000
.
Precarious subsistence u. incessant warfare
repressed numbers in all the
aboriginal tribes
, inclus.
the Village
Indians
. The Iroquois enshrouded
in great
forests
, then overspreading New York. Zuerst sie entdeckt
1608
; um
1675
culminating point ihrer dominion über weite Area, covering grösseren
Theil v.
New York, Pennsylvania
u.
Ohio
⦗1651–5 expelled sie their
kindred tribes
, d
ie
Eries, von Area zwischen Genesee river u. Lake
Erie
, kurz nachher d
ie
Neutral Nations
vom
Niagara
river
, kamen so in Besitz des Rests von New York, mit Ausnahme
des Lower Hudson u. Long Island⦘ u.
portions of
Canada
, north of lake Ontario. Zur Zeit ihrer
Entdeck
un
g waren sie d
ie
highest representatives
of the Red Race
in Intelligenz u. advancement,
obgleich inferior to the Gulf tribes in arts of life. Noch 4000 Iroquois
in New York, ab
ou
t 1000 in Canada u. ebensoviel im Westen.
[124–126]
Confederation
formed about
1400–1450
(früher nach den generations of Sachems in the
history
of
David Cusick
,
a Tuscarora.) The Iroquois lebten – die 5 tribes – in contiguous
territories, sprachen einander verständliche dialects derselben Sprache
u. hatten certain
common gentes
in the several
tribes. Andre tribes in selben Umständen, aber d
ie
Iroquois,
d
ur
ch Bildung der confederacy, zeigten ihre superiority.
d
ie
confederacy formed d
ur
ch a council of
wisemen
wise-men
and chiefs
der 5 tribes, meeting für d
en
purpose on the
north shore of the Onondaga lake, near
the site of Syracuse
, perfected in ihrer session d
ie
organization u. set in immediate operation.
. D
ie
formation d
er
Confederation still celebrated unter ihnen as a
masterpiece of Indian wisdom; nach den
Iroquois
selbst
bis jetzt f
or
texistirende Form ihrer
Organization mit kaum irgend einem change.
[126–128]
47
D
ie
general features der Iroquois confederacy
sind:
1)
A union of 5 tribes, composed of common
gentes
, under one government on the basis of equality; jeder tribe
remaining independent in all matters pertaining to local
self-government.
2)
A general Council of Sachems
, limited in
number, equal in rank u. authority, invested with supreme powers in all
matters relating to the Confederacy.
3)
50 Sachemships
were created and
named in perpetuity in certain gentes of the several
tribes
; with
power in these gentes to fill
vacancies
occurring, by election from among their respective
members, u. mit
power to depose from office for
cause
; the
right to invest these Sachems
with office
reserved to the General Council.
4) The Sachems of the Confederacy also
Sachems in
their respective tribes
, and
with the Chiefs
of these tribes formed the Council of each
,
which
tribal council
supreme
over all matters pertaining to the tribe exclusively.
5)
Unanimity in the Council made essential to every
public act.
6) In the
General Council
the
Sachems voted
by
Tribes
, each tribe
had so a
negative upon the others
.
7)
Council of each tribe had power to convene the
general council
; the
latter had no power to
convene itself
.
The Confederacy had no chief Executive Magistrate, or
official head.
8) The
General Council was open to the orators of the
people for the discussion of public questions
; but
the Council alone decided
.
10)
Experiencing the necessity for a General military
commander
they
created the office in a dual
form
, that one might neutralize the other. The
2 principal war-chiefs
created were made equal
in power
s
.
When the
Tuscaroras
später admitted,
allowed by courtesy to sit as
equals in the General Council, but the
original
number of Sachems
w
ur
de nicht increased.
[128, 129]
The
sachemships were distributed unequally among the
5 tribes
, but without giving to either a preponderance of
power, and unequally
among the gentes of the last
three tribes
.
Mohawks
had 9 Sachems,
Oneidas
9,
Onondagas
14,
Cayugas
10,
Senecas
8.
D
ie
Sachems waren arrangirt in Klassen to facilitate the
attainment of unanimity in the Council.
1) Mohawks.
1
ste
class.
3 (Turtle tribe)
2
t
class
3. (Wolf tribe)
3
t
class.
3. (Bear tribe)
2) Oneidas
" "
3 (Wolf tribe)
" "
3 (Turtle tribe)
" "
3. (Bear tribe)
3) Onondagas.
1
st
class.
3 (1
ster
Bear tribe. 3
ter
Bear tribe. Dieser u. 2
ter
were hereditary councillors of
the To-do-dä’-ho, who held the most illustrious Sachemship.
2
te
class.
3. (1
ster
(
Snipe tribe) (2
t
Turtle
tribe)
3
te
class.
1. (
Wolf tribe
) This sachem was hereditary keeper of the wampum.
4
te
class.
4. (1
ster
Deer tribe; 2
t
Deer tribe; 3
t
Turtle tribe. 4
ter
Bear tribe.
5
t
class.
3. (1
ster
Deer tribe. 2
ter
Turtle tribe. 3
t
Turtle tribe.
4) Cayugas.
1
ste
class.
5. (1
ster
Deer tribe; 2
t
Heron tribe. 3
t
Bear tribe. 4
t
Bear tribe. 5
t
Turtle tribe.
2
t
class.
3. (2
t
Turtle tribe. 3
t
Heron tribe.
3 class.
2 (beide Snipe tribe.)
5) Senecas.
1
st
class.
2. (Turtle tribe und Snipe tribe)
2 class.
2 (Turtle tribe u. Hawk tribe)
3 class
(2) (Bear tribe u. Snipe tribe)
4 class.
2. (Snipe tribe u. Wolf tribe)
In fact besteht d
er
General Council nur aus 48.
Hä-yo-went’-hä
u.
Da-gä-no-we’-da
consented to take the office unter
d
en
Mohawk Sachems u. to
leave their
names in the list
unter Bedingung
that after
their demise
the 2 should remain thereafter vacant. At all
councils for the investiture of Sachems their names are still called.
48
Jeder Sachem hat einen
aid elected by the gens of his
principal
from among its members, was installed mit same forms
u. ceremonies; had to
stand behind his superior
on all occasions of ceremony, act as his messenger, in general subject
to his directions; er hatte (d
er
aid)
office
of chief
, machte seine Wahl nach Tod des Sachem an dessen
Stelle wahrscheinlich; diese aids hiessen:
„Braces in
the Long House“.
(dies
»Long House«
symbolized the Confederacy)
The
names
bestowed upon the original Sachems
w
ur
den d
ie
Namen ihrer resp. successors in
perpetuity. z. B. bei Tod v.
Gä-ne-o-di’-yo
, einem der 8 Seneca Sachems,
sein successor gewählt d
ur
ch d
ie
Turtle gens
, worin
Sachemship
erblich
u. when »raised up« by the General Council, his own
name would be »taken off« u. jener ihm gegeben, was part der ceremony.
Ihr jetziger Council noch fully organized, except d
em
Mohawk
tribe, removing to Canada about 1775. Vacancies occurring their places
are filled u. a general council is convened to install the new Sachems
u. their aids.
[129–132]
For
tribal purposes
the 5 tribes independent of
each other, their territories separated by fixed boundary lines, their
tribal interests distinct. Als organization
d
er
tribe
weder weakened noch impaired
d
ur
ch den Confederate compact; each in vigorous life.
1755
a
union of the colonies
similar to their own
. They saw in the common interests u.
common speech der several colonies elements for a confederation.
[132, 133]
The
Onondagas
were made
„Keepers of the Wampum“
u.
„Keepers of the
Council Brand“
, the
Mohawks „Receivers of
Tribute“ from subjugated tribes
, the
Senecas
„Keepers of the Door“
des Long House. Diese u. ähnliche
Provisions were made for the common advantage.
D
ie
confederacy
rested upon the tribes
ostensibly, but
primarily upon common gentes
.
All the members of
the same gens
, whether
Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas
, or
Senecas were brothers and sisters to each other
in virtue of their descent von the same ancestor. When they met, the
first inquiry was the name of each other’s gens, and next the immediate
pedigree of their respective sachems; dann able under their system of
consanguinity to find ihre wechselseitige relationship.
3 gentes, – Wolf, Bear, Turtle – common to the 5 tribes; diese u. 3
others were common to 3 tribes; the Wolf gens, d
ur
ch division
of an original tribe into 5, nun in 5 divisions, wovon one in each
tribe; selbes mit Bear u. Turtle gentes.
Deer,
Snipe
u.
Hawk
gentes were common to
Senecas, Cayugas
u.
Onondagas
.
Der Mohawk des
Wolf gens
recognized an Oneida, Onandaga, Cayuga
od. Seneca von selbem gens, though its members spoke different dialects
of the same language, as a
brother
etc. In the
estimation of an Iroquois every member of his gens in whatever tribe was
as certainly a kinsman, as an
other
own
brother; dies
noch in its original force;
explains the tenacity
, womit d
ie
old confederacy
zusammenhielt. Had the 5 tribes fallen in collision, it would have
turned Wolf ag
ain
st Wolf, Bear ag
ain
st Bear etc,
brother ag
ain
st brother. Solang die confederacy dauerte, nie
Anarchie nor rupture der Organization. Such persistency v.
bond of kin
.
The
„Long House“
(Ho-de’-no-sote
«
)
w
ur
de Symbol d
er
Confederacy; sie nannten
sich selbst the „People of the Long House“ (Ho-de’-no-sau-nee), der
einzige Name, den sie sich gaben.
Coalescence
Stufe des Processes. z. B.
d
ie
4 Athenian tribes
coalesced
in
Attica into a nation by the
intermingling of the
tribes in the same area
u.
the gradual
disappearance der geographical lines between them
. D
ie
tribal names u. organizations remained in full vitality, aber
without the basis
of
independent territory
. When political society was instituted
on
the basis of the deme or township
, u. all the
residents of the deme became
a body politic
,
irrespective of their gens u. tribe, the
coalescence
became complete.
[133–135]
The Valley of the Onondaga as the seat of the central tribe, and the
place where the
Council Brand
was supposed to be
perpetually burning, the usual aber keineswegs exclusive place for
holding the councils of the confederacy etc.
Ursprünglich the Hauptobject des Council to
raise up
sachems
to fill vacancies (von death od. deposition), but
transacted all other business mit Bezug auf common welfare. Nach u. nach
the
Council
fell into 3 distinct
kinds
(nach d
en
functions
, die er abwechselnd übt);
Civil
(declares war, makes peace, send
s
u. receives
49
embassies, enters
[into]
treaties mit foreign tribes, regulates the affairs of subjugated tribes
etc);
Mourning Council
(raises up Sachems,
invests them mit Office);
Religious Council
(held for the observance of a general religious festival). Nach u. nach
Mourning Council for both purposes; jetzt d
er
einzige, da
d
ie
civil powers of the Confederacy terminated with the
supremacy over them of the State.
An Overture made by a foreign tribe to either of the 5 tribes;
d
er
tribal council entschied ob d
ie
affair worth
while to require
a council of the confederacy
;
if so, a herald sent to the nearest tribes
in position, on
east
u.
west
, with a
belt of
wampum
, containing a message to the effect that a
civil council
(Ho-de-os’-seh)
[would meet]
at
specified
place, time u. object; der tribe, der d
as
message empfing, musste es senden dem next in position, bis d
ie
notification complete. Council assembled nie unless summoned under the
prescribed forms. Wenn der Council was to meet for
peaceful purposes
, then
each sachem
was to bring with him a
bundle of fagots of white
cedar
, typical of peace; if for
warlike
purposes,
fagots of red cedar
, emblematical of
war.
Gesetzt d
ie
Onondagas
seien d
er
tribe, der
d
en
General Council
had summoned. Am appointed day
the
Sachems of the several
, with their
followers, who usually arrived a day or two before u. remained encamped
at a distance, were received in a formal manner by the Onondaga sachems
at the rising of the sun. They marched in separate processions
from their camps
to
the
council grove
, each bearing his skin robe and bundle of fagots,
wo d
ie
Onondaga Sachems
awaited them with a concourse
of people.
The Sachems then formed themselves in a
circle
, an Onondaga Sachem, acting by appointment as master of
the ceremonies, occupying the side towards the rising sun. At a signal
they marched round the circle moving by the North. The rim of the circle
toward
the North
called
„the
cold side“
, that on the west
„the side
toward the setting sun“
, that on
the
south
„the side of the high sun“, that
on
the east „the side of the rising sun“
. After marching 3 times
around on the circle single file, the head and foot of the column being
joined, the leader stopped on the rising sun side, and
deposed before him his bundle of fagots
. In this
followed by the others. ⦗So formed an inner circle of faggots.⦘ After
this each sachem
spread his skin robe
in the
same order and sat down upon it,
cross
[-]
legged
,
behind
his bundle of fagots
, with his assistant Sachem standing behind
him. After a moment’s pause, the master of the ceremonies arose, drew
from his pouch
2 pieces of dry wood and a piece of
punk
with
which he
proceeded to strike fire by friction
.
When fire obtained, he stepped within the circle u. set fire to his own
bundle, and then to each of the others. When diese well ignited, and at
a signal from the master of the ceremonies, the sachems arose and
marched 3 times around the Burning Circle
, going
as before by the North. Each turned v. time to time as he walked so as
to expose all sides of his person … then reseated themselves each upon
his own robe. Master of the ceremonies again rising to his feet, filled
and lighted the
pipe of peace
from his own fire;
drew
3 whiffs, the first
toward the Zenith
(b
e
d
eu
tet thanks to the Great Spirit for his
preservation during the last year u. for being permitted to be present
at this council); the
second toward the ground
(means thanks to
his Mother
, the
Earth
, for the various productions which had
ministered to his sustenance
[)]
;
third
toward the
Sun
(means thanks for his never-failing light, ever shining upon all.) Then
he
passed the pipe
to the first upon his right
toward the North, who repeated the same ceremonies u. so on around the
burning circle.
The ceremony of smoking the
calumet
b
e
d
eu
tete auch mutual
pledg
pledging
of their faith, friendship, honour. Mit dieser ceremony
opening of the council completed u. dieser d
arau
f declared
ready for business
.
[135–137]
Auf d
en
opposite sides d
es
Councilfire
, sassen
,
auf d
er
einen:
Mohawk, Onondaga u.
Seneca Sachems
; ihre
tribes
, wenn in
council, were
brother tribes to each other
u.
father tribes to the two other
; they
constituted, by extension of the principle,
a phratry
of tribes u. sachems
.
On
the opposite side of the fire
the
Oneida
u.
Cayuga
u.
später die
Tuscarora Sachems
; a second tribal
phratry;
brother tribes
to each other, and
son tribes
of those opposite.
D
ie
Oneidas
, being a subdivision of the
Mohawks
, u. d
ie
Cayugas
a
subdivision
of
the
Onondagas or Senecas
, they were in reality
younger tribes
, hence their relations of
juniors u. seniors
u.
application of the phratric principle
.
When the tribes named in Council, the
Mohawks
named first, their
tribal epithet
:
„The Shield“
; next the
Onondagas
, under epithet of
„Name-Bearer“
, because they had been appointed
to select and name the 50 original sachems
. Nach
d
er
tradition d
ie
Onondagas deputed a wise-man to
visit the territories of the tribes and select and name the new Sachems
je nach circumstances: which explains the
unequal
distribution of office
among the several gentes;
next in order
the
Senecas
, the
„Door Keeper“
; were made
perpetual keepers of the Western door of the Long House; dann
d
ie
Oneidas
, the
„Great
Tree“
u. d
ie
Cayugas
the
„Great
Pipe“
; the Tuscaroras named last ohne distinguishing epithet.
[138, 139]
50
D
er
Foreign tribe represented at the Council d
ur
ch a
delegation of
wise-men u. chiefs
who bore their
proposition and presented it in person. Nach ihrer introduction, macht
einer d
er
Sachem short address, thanking the Great Spirit etc,
dann informing the delegates dass council prepared to hear them. One of
the delegates submits the propostion in form, sustains it by arguments
as
; nach conclusion der address, the delegation withdraws vom
Council to wait at a distance. Nun debate unter d
en
Sachems;
when decision come to, a speaker appointed to communicate the
answer of the council
zu deren Empfang the
delegation were recalled. Als speaker des Council meist chosen einer von
tribe
, der had convened the council; macht
förmlichen speech reviewing the whole question, theilt dann
rejection
(mit reasons) mit od.
acceptance
(völlige od. in part). Im letzteren
Fall
belts of wampum exchanged as evidence of the
terms
of the agreement.
„This belt preserves my words“
, common remark of
an Iroquois chief in council, then
delivering the
belt
as evidence of what he had said.
Several such belts
given in the course of a negotiation to the
opposite party. In
the reply of the latter
a
belt would be returned for each proposition
accepted
.
Unanimity of the Sachems
required upon all public
questions u. essential to the validity of every public act; it was a
fundamental law der confederacy;
kannten nichts von majorities u. minorities in the action of
councils
;
zur
Erreich
un
g d
er
votes die oben angeführten
classes
.
Kein Sachem allowed
to express an opinion in council in the nature of a vote
bevor
er nicht had
first agreed with the sachem or sachems
seiner class
upon the opinion to be expressed, and had been
appointed to act
as
a
speaker
for the class
. So d
ie
8 Seneca Sachems in 4 classes
konnten nur 4 opinions haben, u. d
ie
10 Cayuga Sachems, in
selber number of classes, konnten auch nur 4 opinions haben. Dann
across
a cross-
consultation
zwischen d
en
4 Sachems appointed
to speak for the 4 classes; when they had agreed,
they designated one of their number to express their resulting
opinion, which was the answer of their tribe
. Wenn so
d
ie
Sachems jedes der tribes separately had become of one
mind, their several opinions compared u. if they agreed the decision of
the council was made. The
5 persons appointed to
express the decision of the 5 tribes
erklärt vielleicht
d
ie
functions u. appointment der
6 electors in d
er
Aztec confederacy
. … War any sachem
obdurate u. unreasonable, influences brought to bear upon him, which he
could not well resist. Seltner Fall auch.
[140,
141]
Beim Beginn der Amerik. Revolution
konnten
d
ie
Iroquois, wegen want of unanimity im confederate
council, nicht übereinstimmen über
Kriegserklär
un
g
gegen d
ie
neue American
confederacy. Theil
der Oneida Sachems
refused.
As
neutrality
was impossible with the
Mohawks
u. d
ie
Senecas
were determined to fight, it was
resolved
that each tribe
might engage in the war
upon its own responsibility, or remain neutral. The
war ag
ain
st the Eries
, the
Neutral
Nation
and
Susquehannocks
, u.
d
ie
several wars gegen French
, were resolved upon in
General Council. »Our
colonial records
largely
filled mit negociations mit d
er
Iroquois Confederacy.«
The induction of new Sachems
into office great
interest to the people u. to the Sachems selbst. Für d
ie
ceremony of raising sachems the general council primarily instituted; in
this capacity called
Mourning Council
, weil had
to
lament
the deceased u. to
install
his successor. Bei death of a Sachem, der
tribe
der ihn had lost had power to summon a
general council, name time u. place for meeting; a herald sent out
with
a
belt
of
wampum
, meist the
official
belt of the deceased sachem
which conveyed the message:
„the name
(der des defunct)
calls for a council“
, announced also the day u. place of
.
Mourning Council
mit d
en
festivities that followed
H
au
ptattraction für d
ie
Iroquois, flocking to
attendance from the most distant localities with zeal u. enthusiasm. Bei
der
lamentation
(womit proceedings opened), a
procession formed, and the lament was chanted in
verse
, with
responses, by the united
tribes
, as they marched vom place of reception to the place of
council. Dies
1
st
day’s
proceeding;
2
nd
day: installation ceremony
, lasts
meist bis 4
th
day.
u. a., for d
ie
instruction d
es
newly raised sachem
,
the
ancient wampum belts
, into which, nach their
expression, the structure and principles of the confederacy
„had been talked“
, were produced, u.
read, i.e. interpreted
. A
wise-man
, not necessarily one of the Sachems,
took these belts
one after the other u. walking
to and fro between the 2 divisions of sachems, read from them the facts
which they recorded.
[141, 142]
51
Nach der
Indian conception, these belts can tell
,
by means of an interpreter,
the exact rule, provision
or transaction talked into them at the time, and of which they were
the exclusive record
. A
strand
of
wampum
bestehend aus
strings von purple u. white shell beads
, or a
belt woven with figures formed by beads of different
colour
, operated on the principle of associating a particular
fact with a particular string; thus giving a serial arrangement to the
facts as well as fidelity to the memory. These
strands
u.
belts
of
wampum
were
the only visible records der
Iroquois
; aber they required
trained
interpreters
who could draw from their strings and figures the
records locked up in their remembrance. One of the
Onondaga Sachems
was made
„Keeper of the
Wampum“
, und
2 aids were raised up with
him
who were required to be versed in its interpretation as
well as the sachem. The interpretation dieser several belts u. strings
brought out, in the address of the wise-man, a connected account of the
occurrences at the formation of the confederacy.
The
tradition was repeated in full
, and fortified in its essential
parts by reference to the records contained in diesen belts. Thus the
council to raise up sachems
became a teaching
council
which maintained in perpetual freshness in the minds of
the Iroquois the structure and principles d
e
r confederacy, as
well as
the history
of its formation. These
proceedings occupied the council until noon each day; the afternoon
being devoted to games u. amusements. At twilight each day
a dinner in common
served to the entire body in
attendance; consisted of
soup
and
boiled meat
cooked near the
council-house
, and served directly from the kettle in
wooden bowls, trays and ladles
.
Grace was said
before the feast commenced; it
was a prolonged exclamation by a single person on a high shrill note,
falling down in cadences into stillness, followed by a
response in chorus by the people
. The evenings
devoted to dance. After these ceremonies u. festivities – for several
days – their sachems inducted into office.
[142,
143]
Ob d
as
right d
es
Council to
»invest«
Sachems nur functional? Jedenfalls no case of
rejection mentioned.
a
representative democracy
of the archaic type.
Right of gentes to elect u. depose sachems u. chiefs, right of the
people to be heard in council d
ur
ch orators of their election,
and the voluntary system in the military service.
In
dieser
lower
u.
middle
ethnical period democratic principles were the vital
element of
gentile society.
Ho-yar-na-go’-war
, the Iroquois name for a
sachem
, means:
„a counselor
of the people“
; analog bei d
en
members of the Grecian
council of chiefs; so
bei
Aeschylus
,
The Seven against Thebes
, 1005:
.
Chief of the second grade
heisst:
„Ha-sa-no-wä’-na“, „an elevated name“
, indicates
appreciation d
e
r Barbaren of the ordinary motives for
personal ambition
. F
a
st ohne Ausnahme
d
ie
celebrated orators, wise-men
and
war-chiefs
der Iroquois –
chiefs of the 2
nd
grade
.
Office of chief
bestowed for merit, fell
necessarily auf d
ie
ablest men (diese also excluded von
General Council
, aus dem so d
as
ambitious
element entfernt).
In American
annals f
a
st nur berührt
solche chiefs; none of the long lines of sachems ausser
Logan
(einer
d
e
r Cayuga sachems),
Handsome Lake
(Seneca sachem,
Gründer der New Religion
d
e
r Iroquois)
u. at a recent day
Ely
S. Parker
(Seneca sachem).
[144,
145]
In d
er
confederacy of tribes
taucht zuerst auf the
office of General (Hos-gä-ä-geh’-da-go-wä = „Great
War Soldier“)
. Enstanden nun cases, when
the
several tribes in their confederate capacity would be engaged in
war
. So want felt
for a general commander to
direct the movements of the united bands
. D
ie
introduction of this office as a permanent feature
.
Beginn der differentiation of the military von d
er
civil
power
, which,
when completed
, changed
essentially the external manifestation of the government. Aber
gentilism arrested usurpation
; government of one
power became nun one of 2;
the
functions of the gvt
became in
[course
of]
time
co-ordinate
d
between the two. This
new office
– the
germ of a chief executive magistrate
; out of the
general came the king
etc.
The
office sprang v. d
en
military
necessities of society
. –
52
The Great War Soldier
d
e
r
Iroquois (lower status of barbarism)
, der
Teuctli
der
Aztecs (middle
status of barbarism)
, der
βασιλευς
βασιλεύς
der
Griechen u. rex d
er
Römer (Upper Status of barbarism)
– three successive ethnic
epochs – selbes office, das
eines Generals in a
military democracy
. Bei
Iroquois
,
Aztecs
,
Romans
d
as
office
elective u. confirmative
d
ur
ch a constituency; wahrscheinlich auch bei d
en
Griechen w
ä
h
ren
d d
er
traditionary period
;
. Wenn in
zahlreichen Fällen
d
as
office passed von father to
son, dies might have suggested the
inference
–
unbegründete –
of hereditary succession
, now
adopted as historically true.
, when first established,
came from force
,
nicht
by the free consent of the people
.
[146, 147]
Nach Stift
un
g d
er
Iroquois confederacy two
permanent war-chiefships
created u. named,
both assigned to the Seneca tribe
. One of them –
Ta-wan’-ne-ars
, signifying
needle
[-]
breaker
)
–
made
hereditary
in the
Wolf gens
u. the other –
So-no’-so-wä
=
»great oyster shell«
–
in the
Turtle gens
. Senecas erhielten beide
offices, weil the
greater danger of attack at the
west end of their territories
; were
elected
in same manner as the
sachems
,
»raised up« by a general council, u.
both equal in
rank u. power
. As general commanders they had
charge of the military affairs
of the
confederacy u. the
command
of
its joint forces when united in general expedition
.
Governor
Blacksnake
, recently deceased, held the office
first named, showing that the succession has been regularly maintained.
2 gewählt to prevent the domination of a single
man even in their military affairs
; so d
ie
2 Roman consuls
, nach
Absc
ha
ff
un
g des rex.
The
Iroquois conquered other tribes
and held them
in subjection, z. B. d
ie
Delawares
, aber d
ie
letztern blieben unter dem government of their own
chiefs
, and added nothing to the strength of the confederacy.
It
was impossible in this state of society
to
unite tribes under one government who spoke different
languages
, and to hold conquered tribes under tribute
with any benefit but the tribute
.
The Iroquois brain approached in volume the Aryan
average
; eloquent in oratory, vindictive in war, indomitable in
perseverance, they have gained a place in history. They had urged the
Eries
and the
Neutral
Nation
to become members of their confederacy, and for their
refusal expelled them from their borders. In the
competition between English u. French
for supremacy in North
America – as the 2 were nearly equal in power and resources during the
first century of colonization – the French Scheitern in no small degree
to be ascribed to the Iroquois.
[149,
150]
Pt. II. Ch. VI Gentes in other tribes of the Ganowánian
Family.
Bei Entdeckung von America in several regions, the
aborigines
found in 2 dissimilar conditions: 1)
The Village Indians
, abhängig f
a
st ganz
upon
horticulture
für Subsistence; such the
tribes in this status in
New Mexico, Mexico, Central
America
u. auf
dem Plateau d
er
Andes
; 2) d
ie
non-horticultural Indians
, depending
upon fish
,
bread-roots
u.
games
game
; such those of the
Valley of Columbia
,
of the
Hudson Bay Territory, parts
[of]
Canada
etc
[.]
Zwischen diesen tribes, u.
connecting the extremes by insensible gradations
, 3) the
partially Village u. partially Horticultural
Indians
: such:
Iroquois, the New England u.
Virginia Indians
, the
Creeks, Choctas,
Cherokees, Minnitarees, Dakotas, Shawnees
. Weapons, arts,
usages, inventions, dances, house architecture, form of government, plan
of life, all bear
impress of a common mind
; über
wide
rag
range
zeigen sie the successive stages of development of the same
original conceptions.
Es w
ar
d nun
erst
overrated the comparative advance der Village
Indians
,
underrated
das der
nonhorticultural
non-horticultural
, hence betrachtet als
2 different
races
. Aber Anzahl d
er
non-horticultural tribes
were in
Upper State of Savagery
; the
intermediate tribes
in the
Lower Status of
barbarism
, d
ie
village Indians
in
Middle
Status of Barbarism
. D
ie
evidence of their
unity of origin
now so accumulated that
settled
;
Eskimos
belong
to a different family.
53
In d
en
»Systems of consanguinity etc«
Morgan presented
selbiges von 70 American Indian tribes; selbes system nachgewiesen bei
ihnen mit
evidence of its derivation von common
source
; er nannte sie allesammt d
ie
Ganowánian Family („Family of the Bow and
Arrow“.)
Giebt nun mit Bezug auf d
ie
Gentes d
er
different tribes
dieser Ganowánian Family: (nach
Nomenclatur in
„Systems of
Consanguinity“
)
[151, 152]
I) Hodenosaunian Tribes.
1)
Iroquois.
Gentes:
1) Wolf.
2) Bear.
3) Beaver.
4) Turtle.
5) Deer.
6) Snipe.
7) Heron.
8) Hawk.
2)
Wyandotes
;
remains of the ancient
Hurons
, separated v. Iroquois at least
400 years.
Gentes.
1) Wolf,
2) Bear,
3) Beaver,
4) Turtle,
5) Deer,
6)
Snake
,
7)
Porcupine
,
8) Hawk.
Hawk
no
now
extinct;
[the Wyandotes
have]
noch 5 gentes in common mit Iroquois,
names
nun changed.
Descent in female
line; marriage in gens
prohibited;
office of sachem
(civil chief)
hereditary in gens, elective
among its
members; office of Sachem passes von brother to brother or v. uncle
to nephew; that of
warchief
war-chief
bestowed for merit, haben
7 sachems
u.
7
warchiefs
war-chiefs
;
property hereditary in gens, children
inherit their mother’s
(nothing from father)
effects
,
wether
whether
married or unmarried; each gens has power
to depose and elect
its chiefs.
The
Eries, Neutral Nation, Nottoways, Tutelos
u.
Susquehannocks
, now extinct, or absorbed
in other tribes, belong to same lineage.
II) Dakotian Tribes.
Zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung in zahlreiche groups zerfallen, ebenso ihre
Sprache in viele Dialekte; aber d
e
r Hauptsache nach
bewohnten sie continuous areas; occupied the
head
waters d
es
Mississippi
u.
beide
banks d
es
Missouri
für mehr als 1000 miles in
extent; Iroquois u. their cognate tribes
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich
offshot
offshoot
of this stem.
1)
Dakotas or Sioux; jetzt about 12 independent
tribes; gentile organization in decadence, aber their next
congeners, the Missouri tribes
possess it; have
societies named after animals
analogous to
gentes, aber letztre jetzt verschwunden.
Carver
,
Travels in
North America
[,]
Philad. ed.
1796
, p. 164, war bei ihnen
1767
; he visited the
Eastern
Dacotas
Dakotas
on the Mississippi
. Giebt
exacte tribe u. gentes Beschreibung derselben
, stimmt auch
ganz mit sachem u.
warchief
war-chief
etc.
Morgan
besuchte
Eastern
Dacotas
Dakotas
1861, Western 1862
,
, fand nichts mehr v. gentes;
a change of life den Dakotas aufgezwungen im Interval when
they were forced upon the plains
u.
fell into nomadic bands
.
[154,
155]
2) Missouri tribes.
a) Punkas. Gentes:
1) Grizzly Bear;
2) Many People.
3) Elk.
4) Skunk.
5)
Buffalo.
6)
Snake
;
7)
Medicine
;
8)
Ice.
Hier
descent in male line
, the children
belonging to the gens of the father;
office of
Sachem hereditary in gens, choice elective
, but sons of a
deceased Sachem eligible
;
change vom archaic
[form]
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich
recent
, da descent noch in female line
bei 2 der 8 Missouri tribes,
Otoes
u.
Missouris
u. unter d
en
Mandans (Upper Missouri tribes)
.
Property hereditary in the gens
, worin
intermarriage prohibited
.
b) Omahas. gentes
1) Deer
2) Black
3) Bird
4)
[Turtle ]
5) Buffalo
6) Bear
7) Medicine
8)
[Kaw]
9) Head
10) Red.
11) Thunder
12)
[Many Seasons]
Descent, inheritance, marriage same wie bei Punkas.
c) Iowas. gentes:
1) Wolf
2) Bear.
3) Cow Buffalo
4) Elk
Beaver gens
existed unter Iowas u. Otoes, extinct.
Anything else as before.
5) Eagle.
6) Pigeon.
7) Snake.
8) Owl
d) Otoes u. Missouris. Diese tribes have coalesced
,
into one, mit following 8 gentes.
1) Wolf.
2) Bear
3) Cow Buffalo
4) Elk
Descent in female line. Office of Sachem u. property
hereditary in gens, wo intermarriage prohibited.
5) Eagle.
6) Pigeon
7) Snake.
8) Owl.
e) Kaws (Kaw’-
za
zǎ
)
Gentes
1)
Dear
Deer
2) Bear
3) Buffalo
4) Eagle (white)
Descent, inheritance,
marriage regulation
wie bei Punkas.
5) Eagle (black)
6) Duck
7) Elk
8) Raccoon
9) Prairie Wolf
10) Turtle
11) Earth
12) Deer Tail
13) Tent
14) Thunder
Die
wildest der American aborigines
;
intelligent; 1869 the Kaws, much reduced, about
700
, giebt 50 per gens.
Osages u.
Quappas
(tribes) hat
Morgan
nicht besucht. –
Home
country
aller dieser tribes
along the
Missouri and its tributaries
, von
Mündung des Big Sioux to the Mississippi
u. down the west
bank des letzteren
bis Arkansas
river. Alle
speak closely related dialects of the Dakotian stock language.
[155–157]
54
f)
3)
Winnebagoes.
Gentes.
1) Wolf
2) Bear
3) Buffalo.
4) Eagle
5) Elk.
6)
Dear
Deer
.
7) Snake
8) Thunder.
When first discovered tribe resided
near the
lake
of same name in Wisconsin; offshoot of the Dakotian
stem, f
o
lgten im track d
er
Iroquois nach
valley of St. Lawrence
, progress arrested
d
ur
ch d
ie
Algonkin tribes
zwischen
lake Huron u. Lake Superior
. Ihre nächste affiliation mit
d
en
Missouri tribes.
Descent, inheritance, marriage
, wie bei
Punkas. Sonderbar dass so many tribes of this stock
changed female
[to]
male line of descent
, da, wenn
bei
ihnen nur slightly über germinating stage.
W
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich all dies recent under
American u. missionary influence
.
Carver
fand bei d
en
Winnebagoes
traces of descent in the female
line in
1787
. (Sieh
»Travels
[«,]
l.c.
[,]
p. 166
) Er sagt: „Some nations, when the dignity is
hereditary,
limit the succession to the female
line
. On the death of a chief
his
sister’s son
succeeds
[him]
in preference to his own son
; and if he
happens to have no sister
the nearest female
relation
assumes the dignity.
This
accounts for a woman being at the head of the Winnebago
, which,
before I was acquainted with their laws, appeared strange to me.“
1869
the Winnebagoes numbered 1400, per
gens average of 150 persons.
[157, 158]
3)
4)
Upper Missouri Tribes.
1)
Mandans.
Gentes.
1) Wolf
2) Bear
3) Prairie Chicken
4) Good knife.
5) Eagle.
6) Flathead.
7) High Village.
In intelligence u. arts of life the Mandans ahead of all their
kindred tribes, dafür probably indebted to the
Minnitarees
.
Descent in female line
, office and property
hereditary in the gens, worin intermarriage prohibited. Zeigt, dass
originally
female descent im
Dacotian
Dakotian
stock.
2)
Minnitarees. This tribe u. the Upsarokas or
Crows subdivisions of an original people
[;]
doubtful members of this branch
of
the Ganowánian family
,
placed in them
from number of words common mit denen d
er
Missouri u. Dakota tribes placed with them. They carried
horticulture
, the
timber-framed house
u. a
peculiar
religious system
into this area which they taught the
Mandans; können sein descendants der
Mountbilders
Mound-Builders
.
Minnitarees u. Mandans live now in the same village; among the finest
specimens of red man now in North America.
3)
Upsorakas
Upsarokas
or Crows.
Gentes:
1) Prairie Dog.
2) Bad Leggins.
3) Skunk.
4) Treacherous Lodges.
5) Lost Lodges.
6) Bad Honors.
7) Butchers.
8) Moving Lodges.
9) Bear’s Paw Mountain.
10)
Blackfood
Blackfoot
Lodges.
11) Fish Catchers.
12) Antelope.
13) Raven.
Descent, inheritance, marriage etc wie bei
Minnitarees.
If a person to whom any article of property had been presented
died with it in his possession
, and
the donor was dead
, it reverted to the gens
of the latter. Property made or acquired by a wife descended after
her death to her children, that of a husband to his gentile kindred.
If a person made a
present to a friend
and
died
the latter must perform some recognized act
of mourning
, such
as cutting off the
joint of a finger at the funeral
or
surrender the property to the gens of the donor
. This act
of mourning very common unter d
en
Crows, auch
as a religious offering
when they hold a
„
Medicine lodge
,“ a great religious
ceremonial.
The
Crows
haben einen Ehegebrauch, den Morgan
bei mindestens 40 andern Indian tribes gefunden:
when a man marries the eldest daughter in a family he is
entitled to all her sisters when they attain maturity. (Survival
of custom of punalua)
Polygamy
allowed
generally
by usage unter allen American aborigines
, never prevalent
in irg
en
d b
e
d
eu
tendem Mass wegen
inability of persons to support more than one
family
.
[158–160]
III) Gulf Tribes.
1)
Muscokees or Creeks. The Creek Confederacy consisted of
6 tribes, viz:
Creeks;
Hitchetes;
Youchees
Yoochees
;
Alabamas;
Coosatees
u.
Natches
. Mit Ausnahme der
letzteren, admitted in ihre confederacy after their
overthrow d
ur
ch French,
spoke all dialects der same language
.
Descent unter d
en
Creeks
in female
line, sachemship u. property of deceased persons hereditary in gens,
worin intermarriage prohibited; d
ie
andren tribes
hatten auch gentile
organization; jetzt d
ie
Creeks
partially civilized, political
system, in a few years traces of their gentile organization will
have desappeared.
55
.
Gentes der Creeks. (22)
1) Wolf.
2) Bear.
3) Skunk.
4) Alligator.
5) Deer.
6) Bird.
7) Tiger.
8) Wind.
9) Toad.
10) Mole
11) Fox
12) Raccoon
13) Fish
14) Corn
15) Potatoe
16) Hickory nut.
17) Salt.
18) Wild Cat.
19), 20) 21) 22) signification lost.
2) Choctas. Bei ihnen each phratry named; 2 phratries mit je
4 gentes, wie bei Iroquois.
I
st
Phratry
Divided People
gentes:
1) Reed.
2) Law Okla.
3) Lulak.
4) Linoklusha.
II
nd
" "
Beloved People.
1) Beloved people.
2) Small people.
3) Large People.
4) Cray Fish.
Gentes of same phratry could not intermarry, but jede mit gentes
d
er
other; zeigt, dass wie bei Iroquois, the
Choctas
commenced mit 2 gentes,
jedes
jede
davon nachher
subdivided
into 4.
Descent in female line
, Property and
Sachemship hereditary in gens.
1869
– some
12,000
,
gives average per gens = 1500.
1820
residirten sie noch in their
ancient territory,
east of Mississippi
, immigrated dann in
Indian territory
. – Nach Chocta usages
property
after the death of a man
distributed unter his
brothers and sisters
and
the children of his sisters
,
nicht
under his children;
could give
his property to his children in his lifetime
, then they
could hold it against his gens.
Viele
Indian tribes haben jezt considerable property in domestic
animals, houses
u.
lands, owned by
individuals
; unter ihnen common
practice
to give it to their children during their
live time
life-time
.
Im Mass wie property wuchs,
disheritance
disinheritance
of children began to arouse opposition to gentile
inheritance
u. in
some of the
tribes
,
u. a.
bei d
en
Choctas old usage abolished a few years since,
right of inheritance exclusively vested in the children of
defunct owner
.
Dies came, however, d
ur
ch
substitution
of a political system
in the place of gentile system, an elective
council
u.
magistracy substituted to the
old gvt by chiefs
. Under previous usages wife inherited
nothing from her husband and vice versa, nor he from her; but the
wife’s effects divided
among her children
u.
in default of them
her sisters
.
3) Chickasas. 2 phratries, I
ste
4
gentes, II
d
8.
I
st
Panter
Panther
Phratry
Gentes.
1) Wild Cat.
2) Bird.
3) Fish.
4) Deer.
II
nd
Spanish Phratry
1) Raccoon.
2) Spanish.
3) Royal.
4) Hush-ko-ni
5) Squirrel.
6) Alligator.
7) Wolf.
8) Blackbird.
Descent in female line, intermarriage in gens prohibited, sachemship
and property hereditary in gens.
1869
they numbered
5000
, average per gens about 400.
4) Cherokees, ursprünglich 10 gentes, wovon Acorn u. Bird now
extinct.
Gentes:
1) Wolf
2) Red Paint
3) Long Prairie
4) Deaf (a Bird)
Descent in female line;
intermarriage in gens forbidden.
5) Holly.
6) Deer.
7) Blue
8) Long Hair
1869:
14,000, average per gens =
750
1750
. Jezt
Cherokees u. Ojibwas
exceed
all the remaining Indians in U. St. in Anzahl of persons
speaking the same dialect
. Nicht
wahrscheinlich, dass jemals in
any part of North
America
100,000 spoke same dialect; dies nur bei
Aztecs, Tezcucans
u.
Tlascalans
(tribes) u. selbst dies schwer zu beweisen
. The
unusual numbers of
Creeks u. Cherokees due to possession of domestic animals
u.
welldeveloped
well-developed
field agriculture
; now
partially civilized
, having substituted an
elective constitutional gvt
to the
ancient gentes
, unter dessen influence diese
in raschem Verfall.
5)
Seminoles:
of Creek descent; said to be organized into gentes.
[160–164]
IV. Pawnee tribes.
Die
Pawnees
sollen nach Aussage des
missionary
Rev.
Samuel
Allis
in
6 gentes
organisirt sein:
Bear, Beaver, Eagle, Buffalo,
Deer, Owl
.
If so, auch d
ie
Arickarees
(deren village near dem der
Minnitarees
u. die d
ie
next congeners der Pawnees
), d
ie
Huecos
u. 2 od. 3 andre small tribes
residing on the Canadian river: haben
alle stets
west von Missouri
gelebt u. sprechen an
independent stocklanguage
.
[164,
165]
56
V. Algonkin Tribes.
Bei Entdeckung dieses
great stock der American
aborigines
nahmen sie ein
Area v. Rocky
Mountains bis Hudson’s
Bey
Bay
südlich vom Siskatchewun
, u. dann
östlich zum Atlantic
, einschliesslich
beider Ufer des Lake Superior
except at its
head u.
beide Küsten d
es
St. Lawrence
,
Lake Champlain
.
Südlich
extended their area
entlang
der
atlantischen Küste
bis
Nord Carolina
u.
down
the East Bank des Mississippi in Wisconsin, Illinois bis
Kentucky
. Innerhalb
der östlichen
Section
dieser immense region waren d
ie
Iroquois
u. their affiliated tribes an
intrusive
people
, einzige Conkurrenten der Algonkins innerhalb der
boundaries dieser Section.
Gitchigamian Tribes
(From the
Ojibwa, gĭ-tchi’ (great)
u.
gä’-me (lake)
, the aboriginal name of
Lake Superior
u.
other
great lakes
[)]
.
1)
Ojibwas.
Sprechen selben Dialekt,
organized in gentes,
. In ihrem
dialect the symbol or
devise
device
of
gens
heisst
totem
(ebenso oft pronounced
dodaim
); z. B. a Wolf das totem der Wolf Gens.
23 gentes
1) Wolf,
2) Bear,
3) Beaver
4)
Turtle
(mud)
5)
Turtle
(Snapping)
6) Turtle (little)
7) Reindeer
8) Snipe.
9) Crane
10) Pigeon Hawk
11) Bald Eagle.
12) Loon
13) Duck.
14) Duck.
15) Snake
16) Muskrat.
17) Marten.
18) Heron
19) Bull Head.
20) Carp
21) Cat Fish
22) Sturgeon u.
23) Pike.
Descent in male line, children belonging to their father’s gens.
Ursprünglich female.
Denn 1) d
ie
Delawares
, anerkannt d
ur
ch alle
Algonkin tribes als einer der ältesten, von allen
„Grandfathers“
genannt,
haben noch
descent in female line
, wie ditto etsliche andre Algonkin
tribes; 2)
Evidence
, dass noch 1840 descent
in the female line with respect to the
Sachem
. 3)
American u. missionary
influence
; d
en
Missionaries
,
schien Erbfolge die d
en
Sohn enterbte, ungerecht.
–
Property u. office hereditary
in gens
(worin
intermarriage verboten); jetzt bekommen Kinder d
as
meiste
to the exclusion ihrer gentile kindred. Property u. effects der
mother pass to the children, in their default to her sisters, own u.
collateral. Ein Sohn kann jetzt seinem Vater f
o
lgen in
office; wo
several sons choice determined by
election
; the
gentiles
kann
können
nicht nur
elect
, sondern auch
depose.
Jetzt
Ojibwas
some 16,000; gibt
average für gens
about 700.
2)
Potawattamies.
15 Gentes. Alles
andre wie bei Ojibwas. Die gentes sind:
1) Wolf.
2) Bear
3) Beaver
4) Elk.
5) Loon
6) Eagle
7) Sturgeon.
8) Carp.
9) Bald Eagle.
10) Thunder.
11) Rabbit.
12) Crow
13) Fox.
14) Turkey.
15) Black Hawk.
3)
Ojibwas, Otawas, u.
Potawatamies
Potawattamies
subdivisions of an original tribe; when first
known –
confederated
.
4)
Crees
; when discovered held
northwest shore of Lake Superior
, spread v.
da zu
Hudson’s
Bey
Bay
u. dann westlich to
the Red
River
to
of
the North
; occupy später
the
region of the
Siskatchevun
Siskatchewun
, ihre
gentile organization
lost
; nearest related to the
Ojibwas,
gleichen ihnen closely in manners, customs, personal
appearance
.
[165–168]
Mississippi Tribes. Western Algonkins
,
occupied
eastern banks of Mississippi
in
Wiskonsin
Wisconsin
u. Illinois
u.
südlich bis
Kentucky
.
1) Miamis.
10 gentes.
1) Wolf.
2) Loon.
3) Eagle.
4) Buzzard.
5) Panther.
6) Turkey.
7) Raccoon
8) Snow
9) Sun.
10) Water
Ihre immediate congeners –
Weas, Piankeshaws,
Peorias,
Kaskascias
Kaskaskias
early known unter collective name of
Illinois
, jetzt wenige, haben ihre alte
Lebensart verlassen für settled agricultural life.
D
ie
Miamis
declining in numbers, changed
condition,
gentile organization
quickly
disappearing.
When decline
commenced,
descent in male line
,
.
57
2)
Shawnees
(highly advanced); haben noch
ihre gentes
, obgleich sie substituted der
gentile –
civil organization
. Ihre gentes
erhalten sie für genealogical u. social purposes, sind:
1) Wolf
2) Loon
3) Bear
4) Buzzard
5) Panther
6) Owl,
7) Turkey,
8) Deer
9) Raccoon.
10) Turtle.
11) Snake.
12) Horse
13) Rabbit.
Descent etc wie bei Miamis.
1867
1869
ihrer nur 700, about 50 per gens; früher
3–4000
, was
above the
average
of American Indian tribes.
Shawnees
hatten a custom – wie auch
d
ie
Miamis
, ditto
Sauks u.
Foxes
– of
naming children in gens v.
Vather
Vater
od. Mutter od. any other gens
under certain
restrictions.
hatte
jede
gens its own special names für persons which no other gens had a
right to use
; in
every tribe
daher
the name
indicated the gens
. So unter d
en
Sauks u. Foxes
„Long Horn“ is a name
belonging to the
Deer Gens
;
Black Wolf
to the Wolf gens; in the
Eagle gens
the following are
:
Ká-po-nä
(„Eagle drawing his nest“);
Ja-ka-kwä-pe
(„Eagle sitting with his head up“);
Pe-ǎ-tä-na-kä-hok
(„Eagle flying over a
limb
[“]
).
Unter d
en
Shawnees
these names carried mit sich the
rights of the gens to which they belonged, so that
the name determined the gens of the person
.
Der
Sachem
musste in allen Fällen zu
seiner gens
gehören;
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich d
er
change von female to male line
commenced
thus: in erster Instanz to
enable a son
(der
zur gens der Mutter gehörte)
to succeed to his
father
, u. zweitens,
to enable children
to inherit property from their father
. Empfing ein
Sohn den Namen seines Vaters
, so konnte er
, subject to election. Aber
d
er
father had no control over the question; it was
left by the gens to certain persons, mostly
matrons
to be consulted when children were to be named,
with
power to determine the name
when
to be given
. D
ur
ch dies arrangement
between the Shawnee gentes these persons had this power,
could so carry the person into the gens to which
the name belonged
.
Traces der archaic rule of descent existiren
unter den Shawnees.
3)
Sauks u. Foxes: diese tribes consolidated into
one; alles andre wie Miamis; 1869 nur 700, ab
ou
t 50 per
gens. Noch 14 gentes.
1) Wolf
2) Bear
3) Deer.
4) Elk
5) Hawk.
6) Eagle.
7) Fish.
8) Buffalo.
9) Thunder.
10) Bone.
11) Fox.
12) Sea
13) Sturgeon.
14) Big Tree
4) Menominees u. Kikapoos
; diese tribes
independent of each other,
organized in
gentes
; property hereditary in the gens, but restricted to
the
agnatic kin
in the female line.
[168–171]
Rocky Mountain tribes.
1)
Blood Blackfeet
u. 2)
Piegan
Blackfeet
. Jeder dieser 2 tribes in gentes getheilt, erster
in 5, 2
ter
in 8.
Web Fat, Inside Fat, Conjurers, Never Laugh,
Starving, Half Dead Meat
; aber
nicknames
for gentes
superseded in some cases the original names.
Descent in male line, intermarriage in gens
prohibited.
Atlantic
Tribes.
1)
Delawares
, one of the oldest of the
Algonquin
Algonkin
Tribes; when discovered, their home country
region around and North of Delaware
Bay
[;]
haben
3 Gentes
: 1)
Wolf
; 2)
Turtle.
3)
Turkey
, aber jede dieser
gens
gentes
a
phratry
, da
Wolf
getheilt in
12
subgentes
,
each having some of the attributes of a gens;
Turtle
in
10
subgentes (
2 fernere
extinct
),
Turkey
in
12
subgentes.
The
names
der
subgentes are personal
, u.
meist
, wenn nicht alle,
female
;
.
Descent bei d
en
Delawares in female
line
. (So d
ie
3
original gentes
could not intermarry innerhalb selber
gens; in
recent years
the
prohibition limited to the subgentes
; so in
Wolf
z. B. die
of same
name
cannot intermarry, wohl aber die of
different names
.) Auch d
ie
practice
of naming children
into the gens
58
of their father
aufgekommen bei d
en
Delawares, has
introduced the same confusion of
descents
wie unter
Shawnees
u.
Miamis
.
American civilization u. intercourse gave
shock
to
the institutions der
Indians
, ihr
ethnic life so gradually
breaking down
.
Weil descent in
female line
, bei d
en
Delawares wie Iroquois, office of Sachem v. Bruder to Bruder od. von
Onkel zu
Nephew
[.]
[171–173]
2)
Munsees
;
offshot
offshoot
der Delawares, haben dieselben gentes: Wolf, Turtle,
Turkey;
female descent
etc
[.]
3)
Mohegans; form part of the New England Indians,
south of river Kennebeck, die all closely related in
language
, could understand each other’s dialects.
Mohegans
haben, wie Delawares u. Munsees –
the
Wolf, Turtle
u.
Turkey, each of which composed of a number of gentes
, also
break up v. original gens into several which
remain united in a
phratry. D
ie
phratries bei d
en
Mohegans
cover
the gentes of each u. d
ie
phratries must be stated, to
explain the classification of the gentes.
Descent
in female line.
⦗auch so unter
Pequots
u. Narragansetts
⦘
I) Wolf Phratry
1) Wolf
2) Bear
3) Dog
4 Opossum
II) Turtle " "
1) Little Turtle
2) Mud Turtle
3) Great Turtle
4) Yellow
Eeel
Eel
.
III) Turkey " "
1) Turkey
2) Crane
[3) Chicken]
4)
Abanakis
Abenakis
(
b
e
d
eu
tet „rising sun
[people]
“
).
Dies
tribe more closely connected mit d
en
Micmacs als den
New England Indians south of the Kennebeck.
14 gentes
, worin verschiedene the same as
among the
Ojibwas. Descent now in male line
,
prohibition of intermarriage in gens now much weakened, office of
Sachem hereditary in gens.
[173–175]
VI) Athapasco-Apache Tribes.
Ob d
ie
Athapascans des Hudson’s
Bey
Bay
Territory
u. d
ie
Apaches of New Mexico
, die
subdivisions eines original stock
sind
, organized in gentes, nicht
definitely ascertained. –
Hare and Red Knife
Athapascans
(in Hudson’s
Bey
Bay
Territ.) –
Slave Lake Athapascans
in ditto.
Die
Kutchin
(Louchoux) der
Yukon river Region
sind
Athapascans
u. bei ihnen (nach Brief of
late
George
Gibbs
an
Morgan
): Unter d
en
Kutchin „3 grades or classes of society
(soll heissen
totem
, die aber
in rank
verschieden sein mögen
[)]
a man does not marry into his own class,
but
takes a wife from some other
;
and that a chief from the highest may marry with
a woman of the lowest without loss of caste.
The children belong to the grade of the
mother.
The members of the same grade in the different
tribes do not war with each other.
“
Kolushes d
er
Nordwestküste
,
mit
d
en
Athapascans
, haben
gensorganization
;
Gentes haben
Thiernamen, descent in female line; right of succession in
female line von uncle to nephew
, except the
principal Chief
, who is generally the most
powerful of the family.
[175, 176]
59
VII) Indian tribes of the Northwest Coast.
In einigen dieser tribes – ausser d
en
Kolushes – prevails gentile organization. See:
Dall
:
„Alaska and its resources“
, u.
nam
en
tlich
Bancroft
:
Pacific States, I
, 109
.
[176, 177]
VIII) Salish, Sahaptin u. Kootenay Tribes.
Dies d
ie
principal stocks der tribes des
Valley of the Columbia
;
ohne gentile
organization
. Dies war d
er
initial point der
migrations der Ganowánian family, spreading over both divisions des
Continent; their
daher gentile
organization, fell into decay and finally disappeared.
IX) Shoshonee Tribes.
Die Comanches of Texas
, zusammen mit
Utah
Ute
tribes,
Bonnacks
Bonnaks
,
Shoshonees
u. some other tribes gehören
dazu.
1859
(berichtet by
Mathew Walker
, a
Wyandote
halfblood, lived among the Comanches) hatten d
ie
Comanches 6 gentes
:
Comanche tribe.
Gentes.
1) Wolf.
2) Bear.
3) Elk
4) Deer.
5) Gopher.
6) Antelope
Da d
ie
Comanches gentes, so presumption, dass auch
d
ie
other tribes dieses stock.
Ihre grössere
Anzahl zur Zeit der europ. Entdeckung in
Lower
Status of Barbarism
, d
er
remainder in
Upper Status of Savagery
. Organization into
gentes u. descent in female line erscheinen ursprünglich universal.
Ihr system
purely social
;
unit
d
ie
gens,
phratry, tribe,
confederacy
the remaining members der organic series.
Selbes bei
Aryan
u.
Semitic
tribes, when emerging from barbarism; also
system universal in ancient society
;
inferentially had
a common origin
– the
punaluan group, giving origin to the gentes
;
all – the
Aryan, Semitic, Uralian, Turanian
u.
Ganowanian
Ganowánian
families of mankind
point to a
common
punualuan
punaluan
stock
– with
organization of
gentes
engrafted upon it – of which all were derived, and
finally differentiated into families.
[177,
178]
X) Village Indians.
1)
Moqui Pueblo Indians
; still
possessed
in possession
of their ancient communal houses
, 7 in number,
near the Little Colorado in
Arizona, once a part
of New Mexico
; living under their ancient institutions,
represent
type of Indian life
von
Zuñi
bis
Cuzco
[.]
Zuñi, Acoma, Taos
u. several other
New Mexico pueblos
haben selbe Struktur,
worin gefunden von
Coronado
(1540–1542)
. Bisher nichts Nennenswertes
studirt über ihre innere Organization.
Die
Moquis
organized in gentes: (9), as
follows:
1) Deer. 2) Sand. 3) Rain.│4) Bear. 5) Hare. 6) Prairie
Wolf.│7) Rattlesnake. 8) Tobacco Plant. 9) Reed
Grass│
Dr. Ten
Broek
Broeck
,
Assistant Surgeon, U.S.A.,
lieferte dem Mr.
Schoolcraft
d
ie
Moqui Legend
.
[„]
Ihre
from her home
,
in
the West 9 races of men,
first the
Deer
[race]
u. so weiter d
ie
übrigen gentes.
Nachdem sie selbe gepflanzt on the spot wo nun die villages,
verwandelte sie selbe
(nämlich
Dear
Deer
, Sand, Rain, Bear etc) in
men
u.
diese built up the different
pueblos
;
u. d
ie
distinction of races,
Deer race,
Sand race
etc is still kept up.
They believe in
Metempsychosis
u. say,
nach Tod werden sie
rückverwandelt
w
er
den in bears,
deers
etc.;
government hereditary, aber
nicht necessarily to the son of the
incumbent
; for if
the
they
prefer any other blood relative, he is chosen.“
, aber
von diesem Punkt
an, sowohl im
remainder des North
als im
ganzen Süden
keine definite information,
exc
e
pt in regard to the
Lagunas
. Aber still
traces left
in the
Early Spanish writers
u.
direct knowledge of it in a few later
writers
.
There are
current traditions in many gentes
,
wie bei d
en
Moquis
, von
transformation ihrer ersten progenitors aus dem animal
, or
inanimate object
, which became the
symbol of the gens
, into men and
women
(so bei der
Crane gens
unter
d
en
Ojibwas). Ferner
Anzahl von
tribes
, die abstain
60
from eating the animal, whose name they
bear
, doch dies far from universal.
[178–180]
2)
Lagunas.
(New Mexico) Aus
Address
von Rev.
Samuel Gorman
an d
ie
„Historical Society of
New Mexico“
1860
:
„
Each town
is classed into
tribes or families
, and
each of these groups
named after some
animal, bird, herb,
timber, planet, or one of the
4 elements
. Im
pueblo of Laguna
,
mit about 1000 inhabitants, 17 dieser tribes; some are called
deer
, some
rattlesnake
, some
corn
, some
wolf
, some
water
etc
[.]
Children of same tribe as their mother
. And,
according to ancient custom,
2 persons of the
same tribe are forbidden to marry
; recently diese
Gewohnheit nicht mehr so rigorös beobachtet wie anciently.
Their land is held in common
, but
after a person cultivates a lot
, he has a
personal claim to it, which he can sell to
any one of the same community
; or else when he dies it
belongs to his widow or daughter; or,
if he were
a single man
, it remains
it
in his father’s
family.“ That wife and daughter
inherit from the father is doubtful
.
3)
Aztecs, Tezcucans u. Tlacopans, ditto the
remaining Nahuatlac tribes in Mexico
–
f
o
lg
en
des chapter.
4)
Mayas of Yucatan.
Herrera
:
„General
History of America“
spricht oft von
„kindred“
mit regard to the
tribes in Mexico, Central America
u.
South America
, dass
gens
daraus hervorguckt.
noticed that
large numbers of persons were bound together by
the bond of kin
u. mention daher
the
group
als
„kindred“
, weiter
forschten sie nicht.
Herrera
sagt u. a. von d
en
Mayas
: „they were wont to
observe their pedigrees very much
, and
therefore
thought themselves all related and were helpful
to one another
… They did not marry
mothers
, or
sisters-in-law, nor any
that bore the same name as their father
, which was looked
upon as unlawful.“ The pedigree of an Indian
under their system of consanguinity
could have no
significance apart from a gens. Sagt
Tylor
in his:
„Early History of Mankind“
: „The
analogy of the North American Indian
custom
is therefore with
that of the
Australian
in
making clanship on the
female side a bar to marriage
, but if we go further down
into
Central America
, the reverse custom, as
in China, makes its appearance.
Diego de Landa
says of the
people of Yucatan
that
no one took a wife of his name
, on the
father’s side, for this was a very vile thing among them; but they
might marry cousins
German
german
on the mother’s side.“
[181, 182]
XI. The South American Indian Tribes.
Traces of the gens
found in
all parts of South America
, as well
as the actual presence of the Ganowánian system
of consanguinity
, aber the subject nicht fully
invested
investigated
.
Sprechend von d
en
numeous
numerous
tribes der Andes
sagt
Herrera
(
General
History of America
)
: „this
variety of tongues
proceeded from the nations being
divided in
races, tribes
or
clans
“.
Jene tribes of the Andes, von denen
er spricht,
brought by the Incas
under
a species of confederacy
. –
–
Brett
(
„Indian
tribes of Guiana“
)
remarks v. d
en
Indian Tribes in Guiana
: these
tribes
„
divided
into
families
, each
of which has a
distinct name, as the Siwidi,
Karuafudi, Onisidi
etc … these all
descend in the female line
, and
no
individual of either sex
is
allowed to
marry another of the same family name
. Thus a woman of the
Siwidi family bears the same name as her mother, but neither her
father nor her husband can be of that family. Her children and the
children of her daughters are prohibited from an alliance with any
individual bearing the same name; though they may marry into the
family of their father, if they choose etc.“
Mit Ausnahme der
Andeans
, die
South American tribes
, when discovered,
either in
lower status of barbarism
or
in Status of Savagery
. Many of the
Peruvian tribes
concentrated unter
the government established bei the Inca village
Indians
were in
Lower State of
Barbarism
, if zu conclude von der imperfect
61
description des
Garcillasso
de la Vega
.
Wo d
ie
gentes
bei einem tribe of mankind gefunden
in
their last form
, their remote ancestors
must have possessed them
in the Archaic
form
. D
as
Wichtige wäre d
ie
Middle Phase
(in
Middle
Status of Barbarism
) genau zu kennen; existirte im 16
t
Jhdt bei d
en
Village Indians
,
[182–184]
Pt. II Ch.
VI
VII
The Aztec Confederacy.
Einziger stronghold der Aztecs
war d
a
s
Pueblo de Mexico
, mit its capture
their governmental fabric destroyed
u.
substituted d
ie
Rule der Spaniards
. Diese sahen im Aztec
government Analogon europ. Monarchie, fälschten so their whole
historical narrations;
acts
u.
personal
characteristics der Aztecs
; mit Bezug auf deren
Waffen, implements u. ustensils, fabrics, food and
raiment
u. d.gl. Taugen nichts mit Bezug auf
Indian society u. gvt.
»they learned nothing and
knew nothing of either
«.
Aztecs
u. their confederate tribes in
middle Status of Barbarism
: ohne
iron u. iron tools
;
ohne money; traded by barter of
commodities
;
sicher,
dass sie prepared
one meal each day
, erst assen
Männer
für sich, dann
Weiber u. Kinder
für sich, hatten
weder
tables noch chairs
.
;
Life in large households composed of a number of
related families
u. reasons for believing that they
practiced communism in living in the household
.
Andrerseits:
they worked the native metals,
cultivated by irrigation, manufactured coarse fabrics of cotton,
constructed joint-tenement houses of adobe-bricks
, made
earthenware
of excellent quality.
Es existirte kein
„Kingdom of Mexico“
, wie es in
d
en
älteren descriptions heisst, noch
„Empire of Mexico“
, wie in d
en
späteren
getauft.
Was d
ie
Spanier fanden, simply
»Confederacy of 3 tribes«
, dessen
counterpart existirte in all parts of the continent. D
as
government administered by a
Council of Chiefs
mit cooperation eines
General Commander
of the military bands.
(principal war-chief)
Die
3 tribes
were: 1)
Aztecs
or Mexicans
; 2)
Tezcucans
; 3)
Tlacopans.
[186–188]
D
ie
Aztecs
gehörten zu
7 tribes
, migrated vom
North, settled in u.
near the valley of Mexico
, were among the historical tribes
dort at time of Spanish Conquest. Alle diese
tribes
nannten sich
collectively
»Nahuatlacs«
in their traditions, sprachen
dialects
der
Nahatluac
Nahuatlac
common
(stock)
language.
d
ie
current tradition ihrer successiven
Niederlassungen
.
1)
Sochimilcas
„Nation of the Seeds of Flowers“
,
settled beim
Lake Xochimilco
, auf
südlichem slope
d
es
valley of
Mexico.
2)
Chalcas
„People of Mouths“
, kamen viel später,
settled neben den 1) on
Lake Chalco
.
3)
Tepanecans.
„People of the Bridge“
, settled at
Azcopozalco, west
of
Lake
Tezcuco
, on the western slope of the valley.
4)
Culhuas.
„A crooked People“
, settled
on east side
of
Lake
Tezcuco
– afterwards known as
Tezcucans
.
5)
Tlatluicans.
„Men of the Sierra“
, finding the
valley appropriated around the Lake
, passed
over the Sierra, südlich
u.
settled on the other side
.
6)
Tlascalans.
„Men of Bread“
; lebten Zeitlang
mit d
en
Tepanicans
Tepanecans
, settled dann
beyond
the valley,
eastward
at Tlascala
.
7)
Aztecs
, came last, occupied the site of the
present city of Mexico.
Acosta
bemerkt
, dass sie
came from
far countries lying toward the North
, wo sie
nun
ein kingdom gestiftet, das sie
Neu Mexico
nennen. Selbe Tradition bei
Clavigero
u.
Herrera
.
D
ie
Tlacopans
nicht mentioned, wahrscheinlich
subdivision
der
Tepanecans
, remaining in the original area of that tribe,
w
ä
h
ren
d der remainder to a territory immediately
South of the
Tlascalans
, wo gefunden under name
of
Tepeacas
.
Die tradition enthält 2 facts: 1)
7 tribes of common
origin
, speaking
related dialects
, 2)
that
they came from the North
. They were
originally
one people
, d
ur
ch
segmentation naturally fallen into
several
tribes
.
D
ie
Aztecs
fanden d
ie
best situations des
Thals occupirt u. nach verschiedentlichem Ortswechsel
settled upon
a
small expanse of dry land in
Mitte of marsh
bordered with
fields of
pedegral
pedregal
u. mit
natural ponds
.
Hier gründeten sie d
as
Pueblo of Mexico (
Tenochitlan
Tenochtitlan
[)]
1325
(nach
Clavigero
), 196 J. vor Span. Conquest; waren
schwach in number u. poor in condition. Aber entlang ihrem site flossen
in Lake Tezcuco
rivulets v. d
en
Western
Hills
u. d
ie
outlets der
Lakes
Xochimilco
u.
Chalco
. Vermittelst
causeways
und
62
Deichen
umgaben sie ihr
Pueblo
mit
artificial
(pond) von large extent,
d
as
Wasser being furnished by the named sources
. Da
d
as
Niveau d
es
Lake Tezcuco höher als jezt
war, gab er ihnen, nach vollendetem Werk,
D.
d
ie
sicherste position
aller pueblos im Thal. Ihr
mechanical engineering
w
o
d
ur
ch sie dies Resultat erreichten, one of the
greatest achievements der Aztecs.
Zur
Zeit der span. Erobrung, 5 der 7 tribes – Aztecs,
Tezcucans, Tlacopans,
Sochimilcans
Sochimilcas
u.
Chalcans
[–]
residirten im valley
;
.
Dies of limited area,
about equal to the
State of Rhode Island
; es war a
mountain or
upland basin ohne outlet
, oval in Form, längest von Nord to
Süd, 120 miles in circuit,
embracing about 1600 □
miles
excluding the surface covered by water; d
as
valley selbst surrounded by a series of hills
,
one range rising above
[another]
mit depressions
between,
encompassing the valley with a mountain
barrier
. D
ie
tribes residirten
in
some 30 Pueblos
, wovon
Mexico the
largest
. Abundant evidence, dass der Rest des modernen Mexico’s
besetzt d
ur
ch zahlreiche tribes, die vom Nahuatlac verschiedne
Sprachen redeten, u. deren
Majorität unabhängig
.
Die
remaining Nahuatlac tribes
, die
ausserhalb d
es
Thals v. Mexico
lebten,
waren d
ie
Tlascalans
, d
ie
Cholulans
(supposed
subdivision
der former), d
ie
Huexotzincos
, d
ie
Meztitlans
(supposed subdivision der
Tezcucans
)
die alle
unabhängig
, endlich d
ie
Tepeacas u. Tlatluicans, die abhängig
.
Bed
eu
tende Anzahl
andrer tribes
,
bildend
about 17 territorial groups
mit
ebensoviel stock languages
, hatten inne
d
en
Rest v. Mexico
; f
a
st dies genaue
Wiederholung – in
their state of disintegration u.
independence
der
tribes der U. States u.
British Americas, zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung
, ein Jahrhundert
od. mehr später.
[189–191]
1426 d
ie
Aztec Confederacy formed
;
vorher wenig historisch wichtige events unter d
en
valley tribes
; uneinig, belligerent, ohne
Einfluss jenseits ihrer unmittelbaren Lokalitäten. Um jene Zeit bei
Aztecs
preponderance of numbers u. strength.
Unter ihrem
war chief
Itzcoatl
overthrown d
ie
frühere Supremacy der Tezcucans
u.
Tlacopans
u. als Folge d
er
früheren
wars gegeneinander errichtet
league
oder aber
confederacy
. Es war
Defensiv- u. Offensive Alliance zwischen d
en
3 tribes
, mit
stipulation für Vertheilung unter
ihnen der spoils
in festgesetzten Proportionen u. der
tributes of subjugated tribes
. Jezt schwierig zu
bestimmen, ob d
ie
Verbindung
League
(at
pleasure verlängerbar u. auflösbar) od.
confederacy
, i.e.
consolidated organization
wie der Bund der Iroquois
. Jeder tribe blieb
independent in seinem local
selfgovernment
self-government
; die 3
ein Volk nach Aussen
mit
Bezug auf Angriff u. Vertheidigung
.
Jeder tribe
hatte seinen eignen
council of chiefs u. its own head war-chief
,
aber der
Aztec war-chief
war
commander-in-chief der confederate bands
; to be inferred
davon, dass
Tezcucans
u.
Tlacopans
had a
voice
in
election
u.
confirmation des
Aztec
warchief
war-chief
; zeigt dass
Aztec influence
predominated
bei Gründung der Confederacy
.
1426–1520
– 94 Jahre – d
ie
Confederacy
had
frequent wars mit adjacent tribes
u.
besonders mit d
en
feeble
Village Indians,
südlich vom Thal v. Mexico to the Pacific
u.
östlich bis Guatemala
. Sie begannen mit den nächsten, overcame
them; the
villages
in dieser area were
numerous
, aber
small
,
oft
nur
a single large structure of adobe-brick
or
of
stone, in some cases – several such structures
grouped together
.
Diese
forages
forays
wiederholt mit
avowed object of gathering
spoil, imposing tribute, capturing prisoners for sacrifice
, bis
d
ie
principal tribes
in dieser area
subdued
(mit some exceptions) u.
tributary gemacht
, incl. d
ie
scattered villages der Totonacs
nahe bei present
Vera Cruz
.
D
ie
Aztecs
, wie d
ie
northern Indians
, neither
exchanged
or
released prisoners
; the
stake
their doom bei d
en
Northern
Indians unless
saved by adoption
. Unter
d
en
erstern –
– offered as
sacrifice
to the principal god worshipped.
Unter d
en
American aborigines
erscheint
organized priesthood
erst im Middle Status of
Barbarism, connection
mit der invention of idols
u.
human sacrifices
as a means of acquiring
authority over mankind. W
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich
selbe Geschichte
in the principal tribes of
mankind.
Mit Bezug auf Gefangne 3 successive
usages
, in d
en
3 sub-periods of Barbarism
;
in
1
st
Period
burned
at
the stake, in 2
ter
den
gods geopfert
, in
3
ter
w
ur
den sie zu
Sklaven gemacht
;
D
ie
Aztec confederacy
versuchte nicht
in selbe
d
ie
subdued tribes zu
absorbiren; unter gentile institutions machte das
barrier of language
impossible; they were left to the
government of their chiefs
u. ihren alten
customs. Manchmal a
collector of tribute resided
amongst them. Member of government konnte man
63
nur
d
ur
ch
gens
w
er
den, aber
Aztecs
nicht far advanced enough – wie
Romans
z. B. – to remove the gentes of the
subdued tribes in ihren eignen Sitz u. incorporating them.
Aztec confederacy
gewann daher nicht Kraft
d
ur
ch ihren terrorism od.
by holding
these tribes
under burdens, inspired mit enmity u. stets ready
for revolt. Eben d
ie
remaining Nahuatlac tribes nicht in d
er
Confederacy
; d
ie
Xochimilcans
Xochimilcas
u.
Chalcans
waren
nominell unabhängig
, keine members der confederacy, aber
tributary
.
[193, 194]
D
ie
confederacy
was confronted d
ur
ch
hostile
u.
independent
tribes
, so d
ie
Mechoacans im Westen
, die
Otomies
im
Northwest
(scattered bands
dieser near the valley had been placed under tribute), d
ie
Chichimecs
or
wild tribes im
North der Otomies
, die
Meztitlans
im
Nordosten
, d
ie
Tlascalans im Osten
, d
ie
Cholulans
u.
Huexotzincons
Huexotzincos
im
Südosten
, u. über diese hinaus,
d
ie
tribes der
Tobasco
Tabasco
, der
Chiapas
u. der
Zapotecos
(Zapotecs)
. In diesen verschiednen Richtungen
erstreckte sich d
ie
dominion der Aztec Confederacy
nicht
100 miles beyond the valley of Mexico
u. a
portion der
surrounding area
unzweifelhaft
neutral ground
trennend d
ie
confederacy
von perpetual enemies. Aus diesen limited materials fabricated the
kingdom of Mexico
der spanischen Chroniken,
später
magnified
in d
as
Aztec Empire
of
of current history
.
[194,
195]
D
ie
Bevölkerung
d
es
valley u.
Pueblo of Mexico
excessiv angeschlagen auf
250,000 Persons
: gäbe für □
mile
about
160 persons
,
d
ie
present average population des State of New York
u. about
equal to the average population of Rhode Island
.
Sie hatten
weder flocks noch herds, noch field
agriculture
. Von jener Population für
Pueblo
v. Mexico
vielleicht to be assigned
30,000
.
:
Zuazo
(visiting
Mexico
in
1521
[)]
giebt ihm
60,000 Einwohner
, ebenso der
anonymous conqueror
, who accompanied
Cortes (H. Ternaux-Compans
, X
, 92);
Gomora
u.
Martyr
verwandeln d
ie
60,000 Einwohner
in
60,000 Häuser
u. dies angenommen d
ur
ch
Clavigero
,
Herrera
und last,
Prescott
(
„Conquest of
Mexico“
)
.
Solis
macht aus d
en
60,000 Einwohnern des Zuazo
–
60,000 families
, würde geben population of 300,000,
w
ä
h
ren
d
London
damals nur
145,000 Einw. hatte (
Black’s
London
)
.
Torquemada
, cited by
Clavigero
, macht aus 60,000 houses –
120,000
The
houses
im
Pueblo of
Mexico were zweifelsohne in general large communal, or
joint-tenement houses
, wie die in
Neu-Mexico
zur
selben Periode
, gross
genug zu
accomodiren
von
10
bis 50 u. 100 families in each
.
[195–196]
D
ie
Aztec confederacy
der
Iroquois
.
D
as
Pueblo of Mexico
war
largest
in America
; romantisch gelegen mitten in einem künstlichen See,
large joint-tenement houses
plastered over
mit gypsum, w
o
d
ur
ch sie
brilliant
weiss
,
; hence d
ie
extravagance of
opinion.
Bei d
en
Aztecs
found:
ornamental gardens, magazines of weapons u. military costumes,
improved apparel, manufactured fabrics of cotton
of superior
workmanship,
improved implements u. ustensils u.
increased variety of food; picture writing
, mainly to indicate
the
tribute in kind
every subjugated village had
to pay (these
tributes
enforced mit system u.
rigour of execution were
manufactured fabrics
u.
horticultural products
);
a calendar
for measuring time,
open
markets
for barter of
commodities
,
ferner
Administrative offices
to meet the
demands of a growing municipal life;
priesthood
,
with a
temple worship
u. a
ritual
including human sacrifices.
Office
of head war-chief
had risen into increased importance etc.
[196, 197]
1) Gentes u. Phratries.
; aber
for
more than 200 years
sahen
sie nicht bei d
en
Iroquois
; sie bemerkten früh Existenz of
clans mit bes
on
dren Thiernamen, aber nicht als
social unit
, w
orau
f
tribe
u.
confederacy
aufgebaut.
[.]
D
as
pueblo of Mexico
geographisch getheilt in
4 quarters
, jedes occupied by a
»lineage«
(phratry) u. jedes
quarter »subdivided«
; each
subdivision
occupied by a
community of persons
bound together by some
common tie
(gens).
Selbes erzählt v.
Tlascalans
(
Herrera
,
Clavigero
): their pueblo divided in
4 quarters
, each
occupied
by
a
»lineage«
; each had its own
Teuctli
(head war chief), distinctive
military costume, its own standard u. blazon … The
warchiefs
war-chiefs
were
ex officio members of the
Council
. (
Clavigero
) Ebenso
Cholula
getheilt in 6 quarters.
Da d
ie
Aztecs in their
social
subdivisions
had arranged unter sich selbst the
parts of the pueblo
they were severally to
occupy, from this their mode of settlement resulted
geographical districts
.
64
Nach
Acosta
giebt
Herrera
short sketch of the
building of Mexico
, erst „
a chapel of
lime
and
stone for the idol
“.
Idol
befiehlt dann d
em
Priester,
dass
sein
Haus
in
Mitte
bleiben soll; die
chief men
soll
en
divide themselves, with their kindred und followers, into
4
four wards
or
quarters
, and each party to build as they liked best; dies
d
ie
4
quarters of Mexico
, nun
called
St. John, St. Mary the round,
St. Paul
u.
St. Sebastian
. Nachdem
diese divisions made, befahl
d
as
idol
wieder unter sich zu distribuiren d
ie
gods he
should name, and
each ward to appoint peculiar
places
where the gods should be worshipped … So
every quarter had several smaller wards
in
it according to the number of their gods this idol called them to
adore … Nach dieser partition, die, die sich injured dachten, mit
kindred and followers, went away to seek some other place, nämlich
Tlatelulco
, das in der Nähe.
.
The actual process ist genau d
as
Gegentheil
:
erst
each
body of kindred
located into an area by
themselves, u. d
ie
several bodies
in such a way as to
bring
those most nearly related
in
geographical connection mit einander.
Also wenn lowest division
a gens
each
quarter
occupied by a
phratry, composed of related gentes
. (
Grecian u. Roman tribes
settled in dieser Art in
town
towns
or cities
) Each
gens of the
same phratry
(die 4 quarters v. Mexico) in the main locally
by itself. Da husband u. wife of different gentes u. d
ie
children of gens d
es
Vaters od. d
er
Mutter, je
nachdem gens in male or female line, the
preponderating number in each locality would be of the same
gens
.
[197–199]
Their
military organization
based upon these
social divisions
. In d
en
Mexican Chronicles
by the native
author
Tezozomok
Tezozomoc
(
Morgan
erhielt dies von
A.
F. Bandelier
, of Highland, Illinois
, engaged
upon
translation
dieses
Buchs), referring to a proposed invasion of
Michoacan
, sprach
Axaycatl
u. all d
en
andern u. fragte
„
ob alle
Mexicans were prepared,
after the usages u. customs of each ward
; if
so, they should begin to march u. that all were to reunite at
Matlatzinco Toluca
“; dies indicates
military organization nach gentes u.
phratries
.
[199, 200]
Auch d
ie
land tenure
zeigt hin auf
gentes
.
Clavigero
sagt: „
the
lands
called
Altepetlalli
⦗
altepetl = pueblo
⦘, that is those of the
communities of cities and villages, were
divided
into
as
many parts as there were
districts in a city
, and
every district
possessed its own part
entirely distinct from, and
independent of every other.
These lands could not
be alienated by
any means whatever.“
Jede dieser
communities
war a
gens
, whose
localization
war nothwendige Consequenz ihres socialen
systems. D
ie
community machte d
en
District
(
Clavigero
puts the district for
the community) and
which owned the lands in
common
.
D
as
element of kin
, which united the community,
ausgelassen v.
Clavigero
, ist ergänzt d
ur
ch
Herrera
. Er sagt:
„There were other
lords
, called
major parents
⦗
Sachems
⦘ whose
landed property all
belonged to one lineage
⦗
gens
⦘,
which lived
in one district
and there were
many of them when the lands were distributed at the time New Spain
was peopled; and
each lineage received its
own
, and have possessed them until now; and these
lands did not belong to any one in
particular
, but to
all in common
,
and he who possessed them
could not sell
them,
although he enjoyed them for life
and
left them to his sons and heirs
; and
if a house
died out, they were
left to the nearest parent to whom they were given and to no other,
who administered the same district or lineage.“
»Lineage«
kann hier nichts anders sein wie
gens
u.
office
hereditary in the gens
, wie bei d
en
andern
Indians,
elective
unter d
en
members
der gens; wenn descent in male line, choice would fall on one of the
sons of the defunct Sachem, own or collateral, or upon a brother,
own or collateral etc
[.]
The
»lineage«
of
Herrera
u. the
»communities«
of
Clavigero
offenbar selbe
organizations –
gentes
. Der
Sachem
65
had no title over lands u. konnte sie transmit to
nobody.
,
weil he held an office perpetually maintained u. weil there was a
body of lands
perpetually belonging to
a gens
over which he was a
sachem
; dieser (ausser seinen functions of
chief der gens) hatte so wenig
authority über die
persons
(die ihm d
ie
Spanier zuschreiben) wie über
d
ie
lands.
Was sie über inheritance sagen, ebenso confus u. contradictory; nur
wichtig hier, soweit sie show
bodies of
consanguinei
u. the inheritance of the children from their
fathers, im welchem Fall
descent in male
line
.
[200–203]
2) Existence u. Functions des Council of Chiefs.
Für Existenz eines
Aztec Council
– evidence;
fast nichts über seine Function u. Anzahl seiner Glieder.
Brasseur de
Bourbourg
sagt „nearly
all the towns or tribes
divided into
4 clans or quarters
, whose
chiefs
constitute the
great council
“; später sagt
er, der
Aztec Council
habe aus 4 bestanden
:
.
(
Bourbourg, Popol Vuh
)
Diego
Duran
– (schrieb seine
„History of
the Indies of New Spain and Islands of the Main Lands“
1579–1581
, also
vor
Acosta
u.
Tezozomoc
) – sagt:
„In Mexico,
nach Wahl eines Königs
wählten
sie
4 lords of the brothers or near relations of
this king
whom they gave the
titles of
princes
, and
from whom they had to
choose the king
… These 4 lords or titles after being
elected princes, they made them
the royal
council
, like the presidents and judges of the supreme
council,
without whose opinion nothing could be
done
.“
Accosta
Acosta
nennt d
ie
same 4 offices
⦗Tlacachcalcatl, Tlacatecal, Ezuauacatl, u. Fillancalque⦘, nennt
d
ie
tenants dieser
officers
offices
„electors“
u.
[remarks
that]
„all these 4 dignities were of the great
council, without whose advice the king might not do anything of
importance.“
Herrera
places diese offices in
4 grades, sagt dann: „These 4 sorts of noblemen were of the supreme
council, without whose advice the king was to do nothing of moment,
and
no king could be chosen but what was
[of]
one of these 4 orders
.“ »King«
für
principal war chief
u.
»princes«
für
Indian
chiefs
. Als d
ie
Huexotzincos
delegates nach Mexico sandten
zum Vorschlag einer Allianz gegen d
ie
Tlascalans, sagte
ihnen – nach
Tezozomoc
–
Montezuma
:
„Brothers and sons, you are welcome, rest yourselves awhile, for
although I am king indeed
I alone cannot satisfy
you, but only together with all the chiefs of the sacred Mexican
senate
.“ Hier
material point
wie in
d
en
obigen accounts:
Existence of a
supreme council, with authority over the action of the principal
warchief
war-chief
. D
ie
limitation des Council to 4
unwahrscheinlich;
so
würde der
Council represent
nicht den
Aztec tribe
, sondern the
small body of kinsmen
aus welchen d
er
military commander
was to be chosen. Aber im
indianischen
System (und everywhere else
unter gentile institution) jeder
chief represents
a constituency
u. d
ie
chiefs together represent the tribe
.
Manchmal gemacht
a selection from them
to
form a general council; dann aber stets d
ur
ch an
organic provision
fixing the number, and
providing for their perpetual maintenance.
D
er
Tezcucan Council
of 14 members (
Ixtlilxochitl
,
Hist. Chichimeca
, Kingsborough, Mexican
Antiq. IX
, p. 243); d
er
Council at Tlascala
was
a
numerous body
; wir finden ebenso a
Cholulan
u. a
Michoacan council
,
aber
Clavigero
sagt mit
Bezug auf Aztecs
: „In the history of the
conquest we shall find
Montezuma
in
frequent
deliberation
with
his council
on
the pretensions of the Spaniards. We
do not know
the number of each Council, nor do historians furnish us with
the lights to illustrate such a subject
.“
Sofern d
er
Aztec Council
limited
to
4 members, all of the same lineage
, it is presented in
unwahrscheinlicher
Form.
Jeder tribe in
Mexico
u.
Central America had its Council of chiefs
.
D
ie
Aztec Confederacy
scheint keinen
General Council
gehabt zu haben,
composed of the principal chiefs of the
3 tribes
, im Unterschied v. d
em
separate council
jedes tribes.
, offensive u. defensive, u.
as such under the primary control of the Aztec
tribe
. Dies noch to elucidate.
[203–206]
3) Tenure u. Functions des Office of Principal
Warchief
War-chief
.
D
er
Name des office d
es
Montezuma–
Teuctli
, war-chief; als member d
es
Council of chiefs
er manchmal genannt
Tlatoani
(= speaker). This office of a
general military commander
the highest known
to the Aztecs, war sonst same als d
er
Haupt
war-chief
der
Iroquois
Confederacy
. D
as
office machte seinen Träger ex
officio
member of the council of chiefs
. The
title of
Teuctli
added als a sort of surname
wie:
Chichimeca-Teuctli, Pil-Teuctli
etc.
66
Bei
Clavigero
heissts: „The teuctli took
precedency
of all others in the
Senate
, both in the order of sitting and
voting, and were permitted to have
a servant
behind them
with a seat, which was esteemed a privilege of the highest
honour.“
D
ie
Spanish writers
brauchen nie d
as
Wort
»teuctli«
, verwandeln es in
king
für Montezuma u. dessen successors.
Ixtlilxochitl
, of mixed Tezcucan
u. Spanish descent
[,]
nennt
d
ie
head
warchiefs
war-chiefs
of Mexico, Tezcuco
u.
Tlacopan
nur
»warchief«
»war-chief«
teuctli
u.
[mit]
andrem Wort
to
indicate the tribe
. (
teuctli
=
warchief
war-chief
= general) Obiger
Ixtlilxochitl
sagt, sprechend von der
division
of
power zwischen d
en
3 chiefs,
when the confederacy was formed etc:
„The king of
Tezcuco
was saluted
by the title of
Aculhua Teuctli
, also by that of
Chichimecatl Teuctli
which his ancestors had worn and
which was the mark of the empire
;
Itzcoatzin
(
Itzcoatl
),
his uncle, received the title of
Culhua
Teuctli
, because he reigned over the
Toltecs-Culhuas
; and
Totoquihuatzin
den
of Tecpanuatl Teuctli
, which had been the title of
Azcaputzalco. Since that time their successors have received the
same
title.“
Die Spanier stimmen überein, dass d
as
office Montezuma held
was
elective
with the choice confined to a
particular family, u.
von Vater auf Sohn
, sondern v.
Bruder zu Bruder
, oder von
Onkel auf Neffen
. Unter d
er
immediate notice der conquerors fanden 2
statt; d
em
Montezuma
folgte sein
Bruder
(unbekannt, ob own od.
collateral)
Cuitlahua
; nach Tod dieses elected
sein Neffe
Guatemozin
(own or collateral nephew?)
Schon bei früheren
Wahlen
Bruder dem Bruder
gefolgt od. Neffe dem Onkel. (
Clavigero
)
Duran
(sieh oben) bringt 4
chiefs
as
electors
,
denen zugefügt 1
elector
von
Tezcuco
u. 1 von
Tlacopan
, zus. 6, invested with power to choose from a
particular family the principal war-chief.
an
elective Indian
office
.
Sahagun
(
„Historia General etc“
, ch.
XVIII) sagt: „When the king or lord died,
all the
senators
called
Tecutlatoques
, and
the
old men of the tribe
called
Achcacauhti
, and also the
captains and old warriors
called
Yautequioaques
, and other prominent captains in warlike
matters, and
also the priests
called
Tlenamacaques
, or
Papasaques
–
all these assembled
in the royal houses. Then they deliberated upon and determined who
had to be the lord, and chose one of the most noble
of the lineage
of the past lords, who should
be a valiant man, experienced in warlike matters, daring and brave.
… When they agreed upon one they at once named him as lord, but
this election was not made by ballots or
votes
, but all together conferring at last agreed upon the
man …
the lord once elected
they also
elected
4 others
which were like senators,
and had to be always with the lord, and be informed of all the
business of the kingdom.“
Hatten
d
ie
Aztecs gentes
, the office
hereditary in a particular gens, but elective among its members;
would pass
by
election within the gens
, von
brother to brother
od. von
uncle to nephew
, aber nie von Vater to son
(nämlich bei descent in
female line
, wie bei
den Iroquois)
[.]
dass sie
gentes
hatten u. with
respect to this office
wenigstens noch descent in female
line.
Morgan
conjecturirt: office held by
Montezuma
hereditary in a gens (the
eagle
was the blazon or
totem
on the house occupied by Montezuma), deren members
ihn aus ihrer Zahl wählten; diese
nomination
then submitted
separately
to the
4 lineages
(phratries)
of the
Aztecs
for acceptance or rejection; auch den
Tezcusans
u.
Tlacopans
, direct interested in Wahl des general
commander. Nachdem sie severally considered u. confirmed the
nomination
each division appointed a person
to
signify their concurrence
; hence the 6
miscalled »electors«; d
ie
4 high chiefs
der Aztecs, mentioned as
electors, wahrscheinlich the
4 war-chiefs
of
the 4 »lineages« od. phratries der Aztecs, like the 4 war-chiefs of
the 4 lineages of the Tlascalans; ihre function nicht to elect,
sondern to ascertain d
ur
ch Conferenz mit einander, ob
d
ie
choice made by the gens had been concurred in, and
if so to announce the result.
[206–210]
Absetzungsrecht
folgt v.
Wahlrecht
, where the term was for life. Als
Montezuma
, d
ur
ch
intimidation, sich von seiner Residenz nach Quartier d
es
Cortez
geleiten lässt, wo er
placed under confinement, the
Aztecs zunächst
paralyzed
. – In d
en
West
Indias
hatten
entdeckt, dass wenn der
cazique eines tribe
caught u. als
Gefangner
gehalten, d
ie
Indians
refused to fight. Im Besitz dieser Kenntniss,
67
sobald
sie auf’s Festland kamen, suchten sie d
en
principal chief to entrap
, by
force
or
fraud
, u.
hielten ihn gefangen bis ihr Zweck erreicht war. So
Cortez
mit
Montezuma
; so
Pizaarro
Pizarro
when he seized
Atahuallpa
.
Unter d
en
Indians selbst
prisoner put to
death
; if a
principal chief
, the
office reverted to the tribe
u. was at
once filled. The Action des people
paralyzed by novel circumstances;
prisoner hier
alive
u. in
possession of his
office
. Cortez put
the Aztecs in this
position
. Erst warteten sie einige Wochen, hoffend
d
ie
Spaniards would retire; dann aber setzten sie
Montezuma
ab
for want of
resolution
, wählten seinen Bruder an seine Stelle,
assaulted gleich d
arau
f d
ie
Spanish quarters
mit great fury u.
vertrieben
sie schliesslich aus
ihrem
Pueblo
.
Cortez
sent
Marina
zu Montezuma ihn zu fragen ob
er glaube, sie hätten government in hands von new commander gegeben?
(Alles dies
Herrera
) Der replied: „they would
not presume to choose a king in Mexico whilst he was living“, geht
dann auf’s Dach des Hauses, addressirt his countrymen u. (nach
Clavigero
) erhielt Antwort von an
Aztec warrior
: „Hold your peace, you
effeminate scoundrel, born to weave and spin; these dogs keep you a
prisoner, you are a coward“; sie schossen dann mit arrows auf ihn u.
stoned ihn, er starb kurz nachher von der Demüthigung; d
er
warchief
war-chief
, in diesem assault der Aztecs commandirend, war sein
Bruder
Cuitlahua
.
[210–212]
Kein Grund anzunehmen, vielmehr alles dag
e
gen, dass
Montezuma
had any power
on
over
the
civil affairs der Aztecs
. Aber
functions of a priest
u., wie
Herrera
sagt, auch of a
judge
, attached to
his
office
of
principal war chief
…
[212, 213]
Pt. II. Ch. VIII. The Grecian Gens.
About
850
. B.C. begins civilization unter
Asiatic Greeks
mit Homeric poems; unter
d
en
European Greeks
about
century
later mit
Hesiodic
poems.
Period vorher v. several 1000
nd
years, während
deren Hellenen advancing d
ur
ch lower Status of Barbarism; ihre
ältesten traditions finden sie schon established in Grecian peninsula,
auf eastern border of Mediterranean u. d
en
intermediate u.
adjacent islands.
Aeltere branch desselben
Stock
, wovon
Pelasgians
die chief
representatives, hatten vorher grösseren Theil derselben Area occupirt,
in time either
hellenized
od.
forced d
ur
ch
Helenen
Hellenen
into emigration
.
Pelasgian
Pelasgians
u. Hellenes
organized in
gentes,
phratries
u.
tribes
; in einigen Fällen d
ie
organic series nicht complete, aber überall
gens
die
unit of organization
;
Council of chiefs
;
agora
od.
assembly of the people
; u.
βασιλευς
βασιλεύς
or military commander.
Modifications
forced upon
gens
, nämlich: 1)
change von
female to male descent
; 2)
intermarriage in
gens permitted in case of female orphans u. heiresses
; 3)
children
had
gained an
exclusive inheritance of their
fathers
father’s
[property]
. Hellenes were in
fragmentary tribes
[215, 216]
Griechische society
comes first under notice
about
1
sst
1
st
Olympiade (776 B.C.)
; von da
bis
legislation of
Cleisthenes
(509 B.C.)
D
ie
Township, mit d
em
fixed property it
contained
u. the people who inhabited
[it]
for the time being, was to become the unit of organization;
gentilis
transformed into
. The
relations of the individual
to his gens
, which were
personal, had to be
transferred to the township
and become
territorial
; der
demarch
der township
taking in some sense
the place of the chief of the
gens
.
Property
was the
new element
that had been gradually remoulding Grecian institutions
to
prepare
; nachdem
several centuries elapsed in
Distinct schemes verschiedner Art
of legislation
tried in the various Grecian communities who copied more or less each
other’s experiments, all tending to the same result.
Unter
Athenians legislation of
Theseus
(Tradition);
624 B.C.
Draco
;
594 B.C.
Solon
;
509
B.C.
Cleisthenes
.
[216–218]
Bei Beginn d
er
historischen Periode
d
ie
Jonians of Attica
divided in
4 tribes
:
Geleontes, Hopletes,
Aegicores
u.
Argades
.
[218,
219]
»D
ie
Geschlechterphylen
gewöhnlich in
Unterabtheilungen –
Phratrien
, diese wieder in
Geschlechter
;
d
ie
Geschlechter
wieder abgetheilt in
οἴκοι
οἶκοι
(Häuser od. Familien)
; d
ie
Unterabtheilungen
dagegen der
topischen Phylen
sind
Gaue (
δημοι
δῆμοι
)
od.
Ortschaften
(κῶμαι) …
ursprünglich
, auch wo Geschlechterphylen
waren,
68
wohnten d
ie
Genossen eines Stammes zusammen
im selben Theil des Landes
, ebenso d
ie
Genossen einer Phratrie
u.
eines Geschlechts
, so dass auch hier mit d
er
Eintheilung d
es
Volks
zugleich eine
Eintheilung d
es
Landes in grössere od. kleinere Districte
verbunden war. – Bei d
en
topischen Phylen kamen lediglich d
ie
Wohnsitze in Betracht
. Später dies doch nicht so streng
gehalten, dass
Verlegung d
es
Wohnsitzes aus
einem Phylendistrict in andern
nothwendig auch Versetzung in
andre Phyle herbeigezogen hätte.«
Einer Phyle
, u. in derselben
einer Phratrie
od.
[einem]
δέμος
δῆμος
(
Gau
) anzugehören war überall
wesentliches Merkmal u. Bedingung des
Bürgerthums
… wovon
die nicht in jenen
Abtheilungen begriffenen Landeseinwohner ausgeschlossen
. Nähres
über letztere
ib.
p. 135 sq.⦘
Die 4 Attischen tribes –
Geleontes, Aegicores,
Hopletes, Argades
– selben Dialekt sprechend, occupying a
common
territory
, had
coalesced
into a nation, waren vorher aber
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich blosse
confederacy
. ⦗
Hermann
(
Political Antiquities of Greece
)
mentions the
confederacies
of
Athens, Aegina, Prasia, Nauplia
etc.
[⦘]
Each
Attic tribe
composed of
3 phratries
, each
phratry
of
30 gentes
, hence 4 (tribes)
×
3 phr.
od.
12 × 30
gentes =
360 gentes
; phratries u. tribes
constant, aber Anzahl d
er
gentes variirt.
Dorians
generally found in
3 tribes
–
Hylleis
,
Pamphili
Pamphyli
u.
Dymanes
at Sparta, Argos,
Sicioyn
Sicyon
, Corinth, Troezen etc wo sie verschiedne nations bildeten u.
jenseits d
es
Peloponnes
in
Megaris
Megara
etc. 1 or more
non-Dorian tribes
in
some cases united mit ihnen wie in
Corinth,
Sycion
Sicyon
, Argos
.
In all cases d
er
Grecian tribe
presupposes
gentes
, selben Dialekt redend; Phratrie kann fehlen. In
Sparta
d
ie
ὠβή
.
; in d
er
ancient
Rhetra
d
es
Lykurg
d
ie
tribes u. obês
directed to be maintained unaltered.
Social system d
er
Athenians: 1)
Γένος
gens
, founded upon
kin
;
dann
φρατρία
, auch
φράτρα
, from segmentation of an original gens, brotherhood of
gentes; dann
φῦλον
, später
φυλή
,
tribe
composed of several
phratries; dann
people
or
nation
composed of several tribes.
Confederacy of tribes
kommt früh vor (d
ie
tribes occupying independent territories
), led
to no important results. Likely dass d
ie
4 tribes, erst
confederated, dann
coalesced
, after
having collected in one territory under pressure from
other tribes
.
Grote
, in his
„History of Greece“
stellt Sache so
dar: „
Phratries
u.
gentes
seem aggregations of
small primitive
unities into larger
… independent of, and do
not presuppose the tribe … basis of the whole
the
house, hearth or family
, a
number of which
,
greater or less, composed the
Gens
(Γένος)
–
clan, sept
, or enlarged, and
partly
, brotherhood, bound together by:
1)
Common religious
ceremonies
, and
exclusive privilege
of priesthood
, in honour of the
same
god supposed to be the primitive ancestor, characterized by
a special surname
;
2)
Common burial place.
{
3)
mutual rights of succession to
property.
4)
reciprocal obligations of help, defence,
and redress of injuries.
5)
mutual right and obligation to
intermarry in certain determinate cases, especially where
there was an orphan daughter or heiress.
6)
“
Possession in some cases at least of
common property
; an archon and treasurer of their
own.
Phratric union
, binding together several gentes,
less intimate … doch auch mutual rights u. obligations of an analogous
character; especially a
communion of particular
sacred rites, and mutual privileges of prosecution in the event of a
phratror
phrator
being slain
… All the
phratries of
the same tribe
enjoyed a certain
periodical
communion of sacred rites under the presidency
of a magistrate
called the
Phylo-Basileus or tribe-king
selected
from the
Eupatrids
.“
[220–222]
Sonst
eigenthümlich
to the
Grecian
gens:
7)
limitation of descent to male line
; 8)
prohibition of intermarriage in the gens ausser in
case of heiresses
; 9)
Right of adopting
strangers in the gens
; 10)
right of electing
u. deposing its chiefs.
ad 7)
, those
descended from males
bear the
family name
, constitute
a gens
,
obgleich in a
state of dispersion
u.
ohne bond of union
ausser d
en
nearest
in degree. D
ie
females
lose mit Heirath their family name,
werden
mit their children transferred
to other
.
69
ad 8)
Wachsmuth
: „Die Jungfrau, die ihres Vater’s Haus
verlässt, ist nicht länger
Theilnehmer am väterlichen
Opferherd
, sondern
enters
the
religious communion ihres Mannes
, u. this gave
sanctity to the marriage tie.“
Hermann
sagt: „Jedes neu verheirathete Frauenzimmer,
herself a citizen
, was on this account
enrolled in the phratry of her husband
.“
Sacra gentilicia
common in griech. u. röm. Gens.
Scheint nicht, dass bei Griechen – wie bei Römern – the wife
forfeited her agnatic rights by marriage
; sie
doubtless counted herself
of the gens
of her
father.
, solang gens
basis des social system bleibt.
Becker
sagt in
Charicles
: „
relationship
was, with trifling limitations,
no hinderance to
marriage
, which could take place within all degrees of
ἀγχιστεία
, or
συγγένεια
,
though naturally not in the γένος
itself
.“
ad 9)
Adoption
später practicirt, mindestens in
families, doch mit public formalities u. limited to special cases.
ad 10)
D
as
right to elect and depose its chiefs
gehörte
unbedingt d
en
Grecian gentes
in early period; each gens had
its
ἀρχός
, the common name for a
chief
.
[223–226]
bei
Grote
, dass d
ie
Basis d
es
social system
der Greeks
„the house, hearth, or family“
.
d
ie
Roman family under the ironclad rule of a pater
familias
in’s homerische
Zeitalter der
griech. Familie
. Gens in origin älter als
monogamian
u.
syndasmyan
syndyasmian
families
, essentially contemporaneous mit
punaluan family
; aber gens nicht
founded upon either
. Jede
family, archaic or not
, ist halb
in
,
halb
ausser
gens, weil
husband u. wife belong to different gentes
.
Gens geht
ganz ein
in phratry, diese in
tribe
, diese in
nation
,
aber
family
geht nie ganz ein in
gens
,
Nicht nur
Grote
sondern
Niebuhr
,
Thirlwall
,
Maine
,
Mommsen
etc
–
nehmen selben Stand mit
Bezug auf monogamische
Familie of patriarchal type als integer around which society
integrated in the Grecian u. Roman systems
.
the family is not the unit of the political
system
. D
er
Staat recognizes the
counties
woraus er zusammengesetzt, diese its
townships
, but the township takes
no note of the family
; so d
ie
nation recognized its tribes
, the
tribes its phratries
, the
phratries its gentes
, but the gens took
no
note of the family
.
[226–228]
In the organization of gentile society, the
gens is
primary
, forming both the
basis
u.
unit d
es
systems
; d
ie
family
auch
primary u. älter
als d
ie
gens
;
the consanguine u.
punaluan families
having
pre-existed
in
time; but it is not a member of the organic series.
[230,
231]
Groote
Grote
sagt:
„
Primitive
religious and social union
der attischen Bevölker
un
g –
im Unterschied v. d
er
political union, die wahrscheinlich
späterer introduction,
represented at first
d
ur
ch d
ie
trittyes u. naukraries
, u.
später d
ie
10 Kleisthenean tribes, subdivided into
trittyes u. demes
. In the former
personal
relation
is the essential u. predominant characteristic, –
local relation
being subordinate; in the latter,
property and residence
become
the chief considerations
u. d
as
personal element
counts only as
measured along with these accompaniments
. … the
festival of Theoenia
(Attic) u.
Apaturia
(common to all the
Ionian race
) annually brought together the members of these
phratries u. gentes for worship, festivity u. maintenance of special
sympathies …
70
The
gentes
both at
Athens
u.
in other parts of Greece
bore a
patronymic
name, the stamp of their
believed common paternity
…
Asklepiadae
in many parts of Greece;
Aleuadae
in
Thessaly;
Midylidae, Psalychidae, Belpsiadae,
Euxenidae
, at
Aegina
;
Branchidae
at
Miletus
,
Nebridae
at
Kôs
,
Iamidae u. Klytiadae
at
Olympia
,
Akestoridae
at
Argos
,
Kinyradae
at
Cyprus
,
Penthilidae
at
Mitylene
,
Talthybiadae
at
Sparta
–,
Kodridae, Eumolpidae, Phytalidae, Lykomêdae, Butadae,
Euneidae, Hesychidae, Brytiadae
etc in
Attica. To each corresponded
a
mythical ancestor, passing for the first father
as well
as the eponymous hero of the gens
–
Kodrus
,
Eumolpus
,
Butes
,
Phytalus
,
Hesychus
etc
… In
Athen
, mindestens nach der Revolution des
Kleisthenes
, der
gentile name nicht employed
; a man described
first by his own single name, dann by
name of his
father
u. next by
that of the deme to which
he belonged
, wie
Aeschines
son of
Atromêtus
,
a Kothôkid
…
gens a
close corporation
, both as to property
and to persons. Bis
Solon
’s Zeit keine power of testamentary
disposition
. Wenn er ohne Kinder starb,
succeedes
succeeded
his gennêtes
in sein Eigenthum, u. dies
selbst nach Solon
,
if he died
intestate
. … If a man murdered, first
his
nearest relations
, dann his
gennêtes u.
phrators
beide allowed u. required to
prosecute the crime at law
; while
his
fellow demots
, or inhabitants of the same deme, did not possess
the like right of
.
All that we hear of
the most Ancient Athenian laws based upon the gentile and phratric
divisions
which are treated throughout as
extensions of the family
… this
division is
completely independent of any property qualification – rich men as
well as poor being comprehended in the same gens
…
Different gentes unequal in dignity
, arising
chiefly
from the religious ceremonies
of which
each possessed the
hereditary and exclusive
administration
, and which, being in some cases considered of
pre-eminent sanctity
, were therefore
nationalized
. Thus the
Eumolpidae
and
Kerykes
, who supplied the
hierophant
and
superintendent
of the mysteries of the Eleusinian
Demeter
– and the
Butadae
, who furnished the priestess of
Athene
Polias, as well as the priest of
Poseidon
Erechtheus
in the Acropolis
– seem to have been reverenced above all the other gentes.“
[228–230]
Gens
existed in the
Aryan
family
when the
Latin, Greek u. Sanskrit
speaking tribes one people
(gens, Γένος u. ganas)
; derived it from their
barbarous ancestors
u. more remotely from
their
savage progenitors
. If the
Aryan family
became as
early
separated as the Middle Period of Barbarism
, u. dies
wahrscheinlich,
the gens must have been transmitted
to them in its Archaic form
…
Cf. gens of
the Iroquois
, in the
lower Status of
Barbarism
mit
gens d
er
Grecian in
Upper Status
, schlagend
dieselbe
Organization
, dort in its
archaic form
,
hier in
its ultimate form
. The differences
between them
forced upon the gens
by the
exigencies of human progress.
Mit
diesen
mutations in gens parallel mutations in the
rule of inheritance
… When
Solon
allowed the owner of property to
dispose of it by will
, in case he had no children,
he made the first inroad upon the property rights of
the gens
.
[231, 232]
Herr
Grote
, nachdem er remarked that „
informs
us distinctly that
the members of the same gens at
Athens were not commonly related
“
:
„Gentilism is a tie by itself; distinct from the
family
ties, but
presupposing
their
existence and extending them
by an artificial
analogy, partly founded in religious belief, and partly on positive
compact
, so as to comprehend strangers in blood.
All the members of one gens
, or even of one
phratry,
believed themselves to be sprung
…
from the same divine or heroic ancestor
…
Doubtless
is right in supposing the
acient
ancient
Roman gentes were not real families, procreated from
common
historical ancestor
. Still it is not less true … that the
idea of the gens
involved the
belief in a common first father
, divine or heroic – a
genealogy
…
fabulous
,
but consecrated and
accredites
accredited
among the members of the gens itself; it served as one
important bond of union between them … The
natural
families
of course
71
changed from generation to generation
, some
extending … others diminished, or
died out
; but
the
gens
received no alterations, except through
the procreation, extinction and subdivision of these component families.
Accordingly the relations of the families
in
perpetual course of fluctuation,
and the gentile
ancestrial
ancestorial
genealogy
, adapted as it doubtless was to the early
condition of the gens, became in
of time
partially obsolete and unsuitable.
We hear of this
genealogy but rarely
…
only brought before
the public in certain cases
preeminent and venerable.
But the humbler gentes had their common rites
, and common
superhuman
ancestor and genealogy, as well as
the more celebrated:
the scheme and
ideal
basis
was the same in all.“
The system of consanguinity
pertaining to
gens
in its
archaic form
– u. d
ie
–
preserved
a
knowledge of the relationships
of all the members of
the gentes
a gens
to each other
.
This fell into desuetude with the monogamic
family.
The
genteel
gentile
name
created a
pedigree
beside which
that of a family was insignificant
.
It was
the function of this name
to preserve the
fact of the common descent of those who bore it; but the
lineage of the gens so ancient
that its members
could
not prove the actual relationship
between
them, ausser in beschränkter Zahl von cases through recent common
ancestors. D
er
name itself evidence
of a common descent and
conclusive, except as it was
liable
to
interruption
through the adoption of strangers in
blood
into
in
the previous history der gens.
Grosse Proportion v
Gliedern der Gens konnten ihre Abstammung weit zurück nachweisen u. bei
d
em
remainder
the gentile name they
bore
sufficient evidence of common descent for practical
purposes.
The Grecian gens meist small body
;
30 families to a gens, abgesehn v. den wives der Familienhäupter, would
give
average of 120 persons by gens
.
In
gens
the religious activity der
Greeks
originated, expanded over the phratries,
culminated in periodical festivals common to all.
(
De
Coulanges
)
[232–234]
Pt. II) Ch. IX The Grecian Phratry, Tribe and
Nation.
D
ie
griech. phratry
[:]
its natural foundation in
bond of
kin
, gentes die
subdivisions einer
gens
gebildet. Says
Grote
: „
All the
contemporary members
of the phratry of
Hekatäus
had a common god for their ancestor
at the 16
th
degree
“;
A
fragment
dieses
Dikaearchus
preserved
d
ur
ch
Stephanus
of Byzantium
. Er braucht
πάτρα
für
gens
, wie
Pindar
oft u.
Homer
manchmal.
Stephanus
berichtet so:
„
Patry is one of 3 forms of social union among
Greeks
, according to
Dikaearchus
, which we call
respectively
patry, phratry
and
tribe
. The
patry
comes
into being when relationship, originally
solitary
, passes over into the
second
stage
⦗relation of parents with children and children with
parents⦘, and derives its
eponym
from the oldest
and chief member of the patry, as
Aicidas
,
Pelopidas
.
But it came to be called
phatria
or
72
phratria when certain ones gave their daughters to be
married into another patry
. For the woman who was given in
marriage
participated no longer in the paternal
sacred rites, but was enrolled in the patry of her husband
; so
that for the union,
by
affection
between sisters and brothers
, there was established
another union based on community of religious
rites
, which they
denominated a
phratry
; and so that again, while the
patry
took its rise in the way we have previously mentioned, from the
blood relation between parents and children, and
children and parents
, the
phratry took its
rise from relationship between brothers
. But
tribe
and
tribesmen
were so called
from the coalescence into communities and nations so
called, for each of the coalescing bodies
tribe
.“
(
Wachsmuth
:
„Hist.
Antiquitäten der Griechen“
)
Marriage out of the gens
here anerkannt als
custom
, u. wife enrolled in
the gens
(patry) rather than the
phratry
of her
husband.
Dikäarchus
,
ein Schüler d
es
Aristoteles
,
lebte zur Zeit wo
gens
existed chiefly as a
pedigree of individuals
, its powers having been
transferred to new political
. Intermarriages, mit common
religious rites, konnten nicht gründen, wohl aber
cement
the
phratric union
. Griechen
wussten v. ihrer eignen Geschichte nichts ausser bis in
Status of Upper Barbarism
hinein.
Sieh in
array of military forces
phratries u.
tribes bei
Homer
.
Aus d
em
advice d
es
Nestor
an
Agamemnon
geht hervor, dass the organization of
armies by
phratries
u.
tribes
had then
ceased to be common
.
⦗
Gens
v. vorn herein too
small a basis
for organization of an army.⦘
⦘
Obligation of blood revenge
– turned später in
duty of prosecuting the murderer before the legal
tribunals
– rested primarily
upon the gens
of the slain
, aber shared auch by phratry, u.
became a phratric obligation
. The extension der
obligation v. gens zu phratry
implies a common
lineage of all the gentes in a phratry
. – Unter d
en
Athenern
überlebte phratric organization the
overthrow of the gentes
as the basis of a system; retained, in
d
er
new polit. society,
some control
over the registration of citizens, the enrollment of marriages
u. the
prosecution of the murderer of a phrator
before the courts
.
Greek gentes u. phratries
liessen
als
legacy
to the new society they were destined to found: their
institutions, arts, inventions
u.
mythological (polytheistic) system
.
Wie an Spitze der gens
ἀρχός
, so an Spitze der
Phratry Phratriarch (φρᾱτριάρχος), presided at
its meetings
u.
officiated in the
solemnization of religious rites
. Sagt
Coulanges
: „The
phratry
had its
assemblies and its tribunals, and could pass decrees. In it, as well as
in the family, there was a god, a priesthood, a legal tribunal and a
government.“ The
religious rites of the
phratries
were an expansion of those of the gentes of which it
was composed.
[235–240]
A number of phratries
composed the
tribe
; the persons in each phratry, of same
common lineage,
spoke the same dialect
. The
concentration of such Grecian tribes as had coalesced
into a people
, in a small area,
tended to
repress dialectical variations, which a subsequent written
language
tended
still further to
arrest
.
When d
ie
several phratries of a tribe united in the
commemoration of their religious observances, so in ihrer quality
qua tribe
; as such under the presidency of a
phylo-basileus, the principal chief of the
tribe
; he possessed
priestly functions
,
always inherent in the
office of basileus
, u.
übte a
criminal
aus in cases of
murder;
.
Unter d
en
Athenern d
er
tribe-basileus
, dann selber term for the
general military commander of the 4 tribes. Gentile
institutions
essentially
democratical,
monarchy incompatible with gentilism
. Every gens, phratry,
tribe a
completely organized self-governing
body
; wo
several tribes coalesced into a
nation
the
resulting government
constituted in
harmony with
the principles
animating its
constituents
constituent
parts
.
[240–242]
Tribes, coalesced
into a
nation
, wie d
ie
tribes d
er
Athenians u.
Spartans, simply a
more complex duplicate of a
tribe
.
⦗wo tribes took the same place in the nation as phratries in the tribe,
gentes in the phratry⦘;
Aristoteles
,
Thucydides
nennen d
ie
governments der heroic period
–
;
statt dessen sprang up
name for the people or
73
nation
. So bei
Homer
Athenians, Locrians,
Aetolians
etc, aber auch v.
city
od.
country
they came from. So,
vor
Lykurg
u.
Solon
,
4 stages of social organization:
gens, phratry, tribe
u. nation
. So gentile Grecian society a
series of aggregates of persons
, with whom the government
dealt through their
personal relations to
a
gens, phratry or tribe
.
[242,
243]
Im
heroic age
bei
Athenian
nation
3
co-ordinate departments or
powers
: 1) the council of chiefs
(βουλή)
; 2)
ἀγορά
, assembly of the
people; 3)
βασιλεύς
, general military
commander.
1)
Council of chiefs
had
permanence as a feature
of
their social system
; its
powers ultimate
and supreme
; wahrscheinlich
composed of
the chiefs of
gentes
;
selection
must have been made,
da ihre
Anzahl
meist kleiner als die der gentes;
Council
auch
legislative
body
representing the principal gentes; seine
importance
mag abgenommen haben mit wachsender
Wichtigkeit des office of
βασιλεύς
u. the new
offices created in their military u. municipal affairs with their
increase in numbers u. wealth;
but it could not be
overthrown without a radical change of institutions
. Hence
every
office of the government
muss d
em
Council accountable geblieben sein
for
its
official acts
.
In
Aeschylus
»Ἑπτὰ ἐπὶ
Θήβας«
(»Seven against Thebes«),
Eteokles
in
command von
Thebai
u. sein Bruder
Polynices
als einer der 7 chiefs, die d
ie
Stadt belagern,
2)
ἀγορά
established in der
period – an
assembly of the people
.
D
ie
agora
– spätere
Einricht
un
g
als der Council of chiefs
, hatte power to adopt or reject public
measures submitted by the council. D
ie
agora
– bei
Homer
u. in Greek Tragedians – has same characteristics
which it afterwards maintained in the ecclesia d
e
r Athenians u.
d
er
comitia curiata d
e
r Romans.
agora
a constant phenomenon among the Greek
tribes.
Jeder konnte sprechen in Agora;
sie machte in ancient times meist ihre decision kund durch
show of hands
.
In d
en
»Schutzflehenden«
des
Aeschylus
fragt
χορός
:
Antwortet
Δαναός
:
v.
610–623.
⎰
⎱
3)
Der Basileus
.
⦗
: »Mr. Gladstone … presents to his
readers ⦗in
›Juventus Mundi‹
⦘ the Grecian chiefs
of the heroic age as kings and princes, with
the
superadded quality of ›gentlemen‹
, selbst er muss aber zugeben
„on the whole we seem to have
the custom or law
of
primogeniture
74
sufficiently, but not oversharply defined“.«]
⦗
Frage: Ging d
as
office of basileus d
ur
ch
hereditary right
von Vater auf Sohn über? Im
Lower
Status of Barbarism
d
as
office of chief hereditary in a gens
, d.h.
vacancy, when occur
r
ing,
filled from the
members of the gens
. When
descent in female
line
– wie bei d
en
Iroquois – an
own brother
meist
to succeed the deceased chief;
wenn in der
male line
– wie bei
Ojibwas u. Omahas
–
the
oldest son
. In the
absence of objections to
the person, such became the rule
; aber d
as
elective principle
remained. Also blosse
faktische Nachfolge
d
es
ältesten Sohns
od.
eines der
Söhne
beweist also nicht
»hereditary right«
; because by usage he
was in the probable line of succession
by a free
election from a constituency. Presumption daher für d
ie
Grecians
, entsprechend ihren gentile
ins
ti
tutions, either für
free
election
od. a
confirmation of the
office
by the people through their recognized organizations,
wie bei Roman rex. In diesem Fall konnte der s.g. Nachfolger office
nicht antreten ohne Election od. confirmation, u. d
ie
power
(Seitens d
es
Volks) to elect or
confirm schloss ein
right to depose
.
:
,
Der
Vers in
bracket’s
brackets
not found in several Ms., z. B. nicht im commentary
v.
Eustasius
Eustathius
.
Im
heroischen Zeitalter
lebten d
ie
Grecian tribes in walled cities;
Bevölk
e
rungszahl
stieg d
ur
ch
field agriculture, Manufacturindustrie, flocks u.
herds
; new
offices
required u.
some separation of their functions; a new municipal
system
was growing;
period
of
incessant military strife for the possession of the
most desirable areas
; mit
increase of
property
wuchs
the aristocratic element in
society
, was
Hauptursache der disturbances
in Athenian Society von Zeit d
es
Theseus
bis zu
Solon
u.
Cleisthenes
.
W
ä
h
ren
d dieser Periode u. bis zur
final abolition des βασιλεύς-office
einige Zeit
vor der 1
sten
Olympiade
(776 B.C.) w
ur
de office d
es
βασιλεύς
more prominent u. powerful than das
irgendeiner andern Person in ihrer früheren Erfahrung.
Functions of Priest u. Judge
attached to or
inherent in the office; er scheint
ex officio
a
member of the council of chiefs
. Powers of
general in Feld u. Garnison in der walled city, gab ihm Mittel ebenso
Einfluss in
civil affairs
zu gewinnen; scheint
aber nicht dass er
civil functions
besass. Auf
Seite d
es
βασιλεύς entwickelt sich nothwendig
tendency to usurp additional powers
, in
beständigem
75
Kampf mit dem
council of
chiefs
, representative of the gentes. ⦗Hence endlich
d
as
office abgeschafft v. d
en
Athenern.⦘
Unter d
en
Spartan tribes
früh
Einricht
un
g d
es
Ephorats to limit power of
.
im homer.
Zeitalter⦘
Aristoteles
giebt dem
βασιλεύς
keine civil functions
.
erhielt nie a
permanent footing in Greece, galt stets ihnen als illegitim; seine
Tödtung
galt für verdienstvoll.
Cleisthenes
rejected the
; hielt
council of chiefs
bei in
elective senate
u. d
ie
agora im
;
elective archon
folgte bei d
en
Athenern
dem
βασιλευς
βασιλεύς
; dieser selbst, in
Upper Status of
Barbarism
, was in dessen
Middle Status
Teuctli (Great War Soldier verbunden mit functions of Priest)
in d
er
Aztec Confederacy
; dieser hinwiederum in
Lower Status of Barbarism
der
Great War Soldier
wie z. B. der
Iroquois
Confederacy
u.
[243–255]
Pt. II. Ch. X. Institution of Grecian Political
Society.
Aus der
failure der gentile institutions
to meet
the now complicated wants of society,
gradually all
civil powers entzogen d
en
gentes, phratries u. tribes
u. diese
übertragen auf new constituencies
.
D
as
eine system went gradually out, d
as
andere
gradually in,
the two for a part of the time existing
side by side
.
Stockaded village
usual home of the tribe in
Lower Status of Barbarism
; im
Middle Status joint-tenement houses
of
adobe bricks and stone
, in the nature of
fortresses
;
im
Upper Status
cities surrounded mit ring embankments
,
mit walls of dressed stone
, mit
towers, parapets, gates
, designed to protect all
alike and to be
defended by the common
strength
.
Cities of
this grade imply the
existence
of
a
staple
stable
u. developed field agriculture, possession
of
domestic animals in flocks and herds
, of
merchandise in masses
u. of
property in houses u. lands
.
A
necessity generally arose for
magistrates
u.
judges, military u. municipal
offices
officers
of
different
grades,
with a
mode of
raising and supporting military levies
which would require
public revenues
.
, erst devolved upon
βασιλεύς
jezt auf
generals
u.
captains
under greater
restrictions;
judicial power
jezt bei Athenians
exercised d
ur
ch
archons u. dicasts
;
d
ie
magisterial powers
devolved upon
municipal magistrates
. Nach u. nach
several powers by differentiation taken von der sum
of powers d
e
s original council of chiefs
, soweit sie
vom Volk auf letzteren übergegangen waren.
. Diese transition
76
dauerte
centuries.
D
em
Theseus
v.
d
en
Athenern first attempt to
subvert
the gentile organization
zugeschrieben; man muss ihn betrachten
als
Namen für eine Periode od. Series of events
.
[256–258]
Vor
Theseus
lebte Attic
Volk in
cities
,
bildeten
independent tribes, jeder mit eignem
Territorium
wo the people localized, eignen
council houses
u.
prytaneums
, aber confederated for mutual
protection u.
elected Basileus
als general
commander of their common forces
. Aber (sieh
Thucydides
, u. ähnlich bei
Plutarch
[)]
,
sob
a
ld Theseus
Basileus
wurde,
überredete er sie to
break up the council-houses
u. magistracies ihrer verschiednen Städte, u. come into relation with
Athens
, mit einem
council-house
(βουλευτήριος) u. einem
πρυτανεῖον
.
So
d
ie
Tribes
brought unter Theseus to
calesce
coalesce
into one
people
.
[258, 259]
Theseus
theilte Volk in
3 classes, irrespective of gentes, Eupatridae
(well-born),
Geomori
(husbandmen) u.
»Demiurgi«
[(]
artisans
[)]
. D
ie
principal offices assigned to first
class, both in the
civil administration
u.
priesthood
. Diese
classification
nicht nur
recognition of
property
u.
aristocratic element
im
government der society, sondern
direct movement gegen
d
ie
governing power der gentes
. Intention offenbar
to unite the chiefs of the gentes mit ihren
Familien
u. d
ie
men of wealth in the several gentes in a class by
themselves
, with the right to hold the principal offices in
which the powers of society were lodged. D
ie
separation d
e
s remainder in 2 grosse
classes
wieder Verletzung der gentes. Aber gelang nicht. Die
jetzt s.g.
Eupatrides
waren
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich d
ie
men der
gentes vorher called into office. Dies scheme brach down, weil es in
fact
no transfer of power
von gentes, phratries
u. tribes zu den classes u. weil such classes inferior den gentes as a
basis of a system.
Vor 776 B.C.
(erste Olympiade)
Amt d
es
Basileus
in Athen
abgeschafft
, an dessen Stelle
archonship
, wie es scheint
erblich in
gens
, d
ie
ersten 12 archons genannt
Medontidae
, von
Medon
, angeblichem Sohn des
Kodrus
, des letzten
Basileus.
711 B.C. Archonship
beschränkt auf
10 Jahre
, bestowed by free election auf
d
ie
würdigst gehaltne Person; hier
Anfang d
er
historischen Periode
, mit
election to highest office in the gift of the
people
.
683 B.C. Office of archon
made
elective annually, their number increased to nine
, blieb so
bis Ende der athen. Demokratie;
1)
Archon Eponymus
, von seinem Namen d
ie
designation des Jahrs
was derived; er determined
all disputes relative to the family, gentile u.
phratric relations
; was legal protector of orphans u.
widows.
2)
Archon Basileus
; had competence in complaints
respecting
offences ag
ain
st the religious
sentiments and homicide
.
3)
Archon Polemarch
(in times
prior to
Kleisthenes
)
leader of military force u. judge in disputes between
citizens
u.
non-citizens
.
4) D
ie
6 andern Archonten
hiessen
Thesmotetae
Thesmothetae
.
Erst war d
er
archon
chief of gens u. his office hereditary in
gens; when descent changed v.
female to male
line
the
sons of the deceased chief
the sons of the deceased chiefs
; Athener gaben später dann d
en
alten Titel des chief of gens –
Archon
– dem
highest magistrate, machten office
elective
,
irrespective of gens etc., erst lebenslänglich, dann 10, dann 1 Jahr.
[260–262]
624 B.C.
Draco
had framed a code of laws for the Athenians;
shows that
usages u. customs were to be
superseded
by
written laws
. Athenians
were in the stage wo
lawgivers appear
and
legislation is in a scheme or in gross, under the sanction of a personal
name.
[263, 264]
594 B.C.
Solon
comes into Archonship.
– In seiner Zeit had schon come in
existence der
Areopagus
, bestehe
n
d aus
d
en
Ex-archons
mit
power to try
criminals
u.
censorship over morals
,
zugleich mit Anzahl
neuer offices
in
military, naval u. administrative services
. –
Wichtigste event: Errichtung der ναυκραρίαι
(Naukraries), 12 in jedem tribe
, 48 in all: jede Naukrarie
a local circumscription of householders
, aus der
levies drawn into military u. naval service
u.
from which taxes
wahrscheinlich
collected
. Die naucrary was the
incipient deme
or
township
. Nach
Böckh
bestand sie
schon vor Solon’s Zeit
, da
d
ie
presiding officers der naucraries (πρυτάνεις τῶν
ναυκράρων)
schon mentioned früher.
Aristoteles
schreibt sie dem
Solon
zu, weil dieser sie in seine Constitution
aufnahm. –
12 naucraries
bildeten a τριττύς
(trittys) a
larger territorial circumscription
,
nicht necessarily contiguous; bildete germ of the »county«
.
Council of
chiefs
dauerte fort, aber jetzt daneben
agora
, d
er
Court des Areopagus
u. die 9 archons. It
doubtless had the general administration der finances.
Als
Solon
zur
archonship came, social state bösartig, in
Folge
des
struggle for the
possession of property.
Ein Theil der Athener in Sklaverei gefallen, durch
Verschuldung
, d
ie
Person d
es
Schuldners being
liable to enslavement in default of payment; andre had
mortgaged their lands
u. were unable to remove
the encumbrances. Ausser
body von Gesetzen
,
wovon einige neu, but
corrective of the principal
financial difficulties
, erneuerte
Solon
Project d
es
Theseus
die Gesellsc
ha
ft in
classes
zu theilen, diesmal aber nicht nach
callings
, sondern
nach
amount of their property
; er
theilte das
Volk in 4 classes
, nach measure of wealth.
[262–264]
⦗
Gentes weakened hierdurch, u. ihre decadence eingeleitet. Aber sofern
classes composed of persons
substituted for
gentes composed of persons
, government still
founded upon persons u. upon relations purely personal. D
ie
erste Classe
war allein eligible to the
high offices
, 2
te
zum
Reiterdienst
, 3
te
zur Infantrie
, 4
te
zu
leicht
bewaffneten soldiers
; letzte d
ie
Majorität; they
paid no taxes
, aber in der
popular assembly
hatten sie vote bei
Wahl aller Magistrate u. Officiere
, mit power to
bring them to an account; could adopt or reject all public measures.
Alle freemen, wenn auch nicht connected with a gens
u. tribe
, now brought, to a certain extent,
into the government, became citizens
u.
members of the public assembly
.
D
as
territorial element
was partially incorporated
d
ur
ch d
ie
naucraries
, wo wahrscheinlich was an
enrollment of citizens u. of their property to form a
basis for military levies u. taxation
. – D
ie
gentes, phratries, tribes blieben
in
full vitality
, though mit diminished powers – a
transitional condition.
[264–266]
Von d
er
disturbed condition der Grecian tribes
u.
d
en
unavoidable movements des people in d
er
traditionary time vor
Solon
, viele Persons transferred themselves v.
one nation to another, lost so connection mit ihrer eignen gens ohne
Verbindung mit einer andern zu gewinnen; dies wiederholt von Zeit zu
Zeit, d
ur
ch
personal adventure, spirit of
trade, exigencies of warfare
, bis
considerable number with their posterity in every tribe unconnected
with any gens
. All such persons without the pale of government.
Says
Grote
: „The phratries and gentes
probably never at any time included the whole
population of the country – and the population not included tended
to become larger and larger in the times anterior to
Kleisthenes
, wie nach ihm.“ Schon
zur
Zeit des
Lykurg
bed
eu
t
en
de
immigration nach Griechenland von d
en
Inseln
d
es
Mittelmeer
s
u. d
en
Ionischen Städten seiner östlichen Küste
; wenn
sie mit families kamen,
brachten sie a fragment of a
new gens
mit sich;
blieben aber aliens
unless the gens admitted into a tribe
, was wahrscheinlich
häufig geschah;
explains the unusual number of gentes
in Greece
. The poorer class would
not
be admitted either as
a gens
in einen tribe od.
adopted
in eine gens eines tribes. Zur Zeit
d
es
Theseus
schon, aber mehr
speciell in der des Solon Zahl der
unattached class
– exclusive of slaves – had become large;
diese class of persons a
growing element of dangerous
discontent
. Wurden d
ur
ch Theseus u.
Solon
admitted
to citizienship through the
classes
, aber blieben excluded von d
en
verharrenden
gentes u. phratries
. In d
en
Council
konnten
nur kommen 400, je
aus einem d
er
4 tribes (den new
prebouleutic
probouleutic
or pre-considering senate
); selbe conditions nach
old custom of eligibility für d
ie
9 Archonten
, also auch
für Areopag
.
⦗d
ie
tribes
bestanden nur of
gentes
u.
phratries
; wer also ausser
diesen,
ausser tribe
⦘ Also nur in
public assembly
(ecclesia) konnte ein
Athenian,
[der]
nicht ein member
jener tribes
Zulass erhalten, aber eben
d
a
d
ur
ch war er
citizen
, nahm
Theil an Wahl d
er
Archonten, nahm Theil in der jährlichen
decision ihrer
accountability
, konnte
claim redress for wrong von d
en
archons in
his own person
, w
ä
h
ren
d ein
alien
dies nur konnte d
ur
ch
intervention of an avouching citizen or
Prostatês
.
, whatever
their grade or
fortune
, befanden sich
auf level with d
er
4
ten
Klasse der
thetes
. Zugleich tended the
policy
of
Solon
to
invite industrious
settlers from other parts of Greece to Athens
. Dies
one
of
the reasons of the
failure of gentile organization
.
Andrerseits:
Schwierigkeit gens, phratry u. tribe
local zusammenzuhalten. Früher hatte d
ie
gens its lands in common, the phratries certain lands
in common for religious purposes
u. wahrscheinlich auch
d
ie
tribes other lands in common
. Wenn sie sich
established in town or country,
settled sie neben
einander
by gentes,
79
phratries, tribes,
gemäss ihrer social organization
. Jede
gens
in
the main by
itself
, nicht alle ihre Glieder, denn 2 gentes representirt in
jeder Familie, but the
body who propagated the
gens
. The gentes derselben Phratry suchten local
zusammenzubleiben, u. so d
ie
several phratries einer tribe.
Aber zur
Zeit d
es
Solon
lands u. houses owned by individuals
in
severalty, mit
power of alienation of lands
,
but
not of houses
,
out of
the gens
. So immer schwieriger to keep the members of a gens
locally
zusammen, wegen der
shifting relations
of
persons
to land
u. von d
er
creation of new property by its members in other
localities
. The unity of their social system was becoming
unstable in place u. in character.
Nur d
ie
unsettled condition u. incessant warfare
d
e
r
, from
their
settlement in Attica bis zur Zeit d
es
Solon
hatte
n
d
ie
alte
gentile Organization
so
long aufrecht erhalten können. –
The township mit its
fixed property u. its inhabitants
for
the
time being yielded the element of permanence now wanting in the
gens
.
Zur Zeit d
es
Solon
Athenians already
a civilized people
, had been so for 2 centuries:
b
e
d
eu
tend development
of
useful arts, commerce at sea
became a
national interest, advanc
e
ment of agriculture u. manufacture,
commencement of
written composition in verse
;
aber ihre
institutions of government still
gentile
, of the type of the
Later Period of
Barbarism
; beinah ein
Jahrhundert
nach
Solon full of disorders.
[266–270]
Theilte
Attica
in
100 demes
or
township
s
(wards)
, jedes
umschrieben by metes u. bounds
, u.
distinguished by a name
. Jeder citizen hatte
sich selbst
einzuregistriren u. to cause an
enrollment of his property in the deme wo er resided
. Dies
enrollment evidence u. foundation of his civil privileges.
The deme displaced the naucrary
; its inhabitants
had
powers of local self-government
. Diese
demotae
wählten einen
δήμαρχος
who had the
custody of the public
register
, also the
power to convene the
demotae for the election of magistrates and judges
, for
revising the registry of the citizens
, u.
enrolling such as became of age during the year
.
Sie elected
a treasurer
u. provided for
the assessment
and
collection
of taxes
u. for
furnishing the quota of
troops
required from the deme für state service. They also
elected
30
discasts
dicasts
or judges
, trying all causes arising in the deme
below a certain sum
; ausserdem had deme its
own temple, religious worship
u.
own priest
, der also elected by the deme. All
registered citizens
free u. equal
except equal eligibility to higher offices
.
Second member der organic territorial series:
10 demes, united in a larger geographical district
, was called
a
local tribe
–
φῦλον
τοπικόν
. (So w
ur
de d
ie
römische tribus
– ursprünglich ⅓ of the people
composed of 3 tribes – verwandelt aus
numerical
quality
in a
local designation
.) Each
district named after an
Attic hero
; einige der
10
demes
waren
waren
detached
(nicht locally contiguous)
w
a
h
r
s
chein
lich in consequence of
the local separation
of
portions des original consanguine tribe
who desired to have
their deme incorporated in the district of their immediate kinsmen.
Jede
Phyle
od.
District
[named]
nach an Attic Hero. D
ie
Einwohner
wählten einen
φύλαρχος
, der d
ie
Cavallerie
commandirte,
ταξίαρχος
commandirte foot-soldiers u.
στρατηγός
commandirte both; jeder District
5 triremes
zu liefern, wählten wahrscheinlich as many
τρῐήραρχος
to command them.
Clisthenes
Cleisthenes
increased Senate to 500
, assigned 50
to
each district
; elected by its inhabitants.
80
Third u. last member der territorial series
d
er
Athenische Staat
, aus 10 local tribes
besteh
en
d, represented by Senate, ecclesia, court of
Areopagus, archons, judges, elected military u. naval commanders.
Um Staatssbürger zu sein, musste man Mitglied eines Deme sein; um in
Senat gewählt zu werden od. zum Commando einer Division v. army or navy,
. The relations to gens or phratry ceased to
govern the duties of an Athenian as a citizen. The
coalescence of the people into bodies politic in territorial areas
now complete
.
Also
deme,
, u. Staat
an Stelle von
Gens, phratry, tribe
etc. Sie blieben
jedoch for centuries as a
pedigree
of
and
lineage
u.
fountains of religious
life
.
No
executive officer existed under the system
.
The
president of the Senate
, elected by lot for
a single day,
presided over the popular assembly
⦗konnte during the year nicht zur selben Würde wiedergewählt
w
er
den⦘ and held the keys of the citadel and the
treasury.
Sparta
retained the office of Basileus in period
of civilization; a
dual generalship
, hereditary
in a particular family;
the powers of government
co-ordinate
co-ordinated
between the
Gerousia
or
Council, popular assembly, 5 Ephors
(elected
annually, d
ie
Ephores
Ephors
mit powers analogous den Roman
tribues
tribunes
). Die Basileis
commanded the army
and
als
chief priests
offered the sacrifices to the
gods.
[270–275]
Part II. ch. XI. The Roman
gens.
⦗Mit
Bezug auf d
ie
4 tribes
des attischen Volks: 1)
Geleontes
; 2)
Hopletes
[;]
3)
Aegikoreis
;
4)
Argadeis
Nach
Schömann
:
Hopletes
Phyle
, die hellenischen Einwandrer, die einst unter
Xuthus
für d
ie
Attiker gegen
d
ie
euböischen
Chalcotondiden
Chalkodontiden
gestritten u. dafür d
ie
Tetrapolis
auf der nach
Euböa
schauenden Küste u. beträc
h
tlichen Theil des
angrenzenden Landes zum Wohnsitz erhielten; –
, in diesem Bezirk also
Ziegenhirten
d
ie
zahlreichsten.
Argadeis Phyle:
auf dem
vom
Brilessos
nach West u. Süd sich
hinstreckende
hinstreckenden
Theil d
es
Landes, wo d
ie
3 grossen Ebnen
liegen, d
ie
thriasische
, das
Pedion od.
d
ie
Pedias
u. d
ie
Mesogäa
. (Auch d
ie
Phyle der
Geleontes
hatte hier ihren Sitz. D
er
Hauptsitz d
es
Adels
(
.
»Hauptstadt
u. nächste Umgebung« bekamen
daher
d
en
Namen Geleontes
; er hiess d
er
Geleontenbezirk
, und alle, die in diesem Bezirk
wohnten, ob
Adliche od. Unadliche
,
w
ur
den der
Phyle der Geleonten
zugezählt, –
Als
nach Sturz der Pisistratiden
der
Adel unter
Isagoras
eine Zeitlang d
en
Sieg
gewann
, d
as
Volk in Gefahr, seine Freiheit zu verlieren,
wenn
Khlistenes
Klisthenes
nicht d
ie
Adelspartei besiegt
. (Darauf bezieht sich
Herod.
V 69.
)
Kleisthenes
vermehrte erst d
ie
Zahl des Volks
d
ur
ch
Einbürgerung vieler in Attica ansässiger Nichtbürger od.
Metöken
, wozu auch d
ie
Freigelassenen gehörten
. (
Arist.
Polit.
III, 1, 10.) Seine
Absc
ha
ff
un
g d
er
Eintheil
un
g in
4
Geschlecht
s
phylen
,
, theils
nöthig
,
weil in d
ie
alte Eintheilung
d
ie
Neuaufgenommenen nicht einrangirt werden
konnten
, andrerseit aber verlor dadurch
Adel den
Einfluss, den er bisher
in d
en
ländlichen Districten
geübt.
Khlistenes
Klisthenes
besetzte mehre u. zwar b
e
d
eu
tende
Aemter, nam
en
tlich d
as
Collegium der 9 Archonten
statt wie
81
bisher d
ur
ch
Volkswahl
– d
ur
ch
Loos
, aber diese Losung fand nur unter
Bewerbern statt aus d
en
3 oberen
u. für
Archonten nur aus d
er
ersten
Klasse
statt.
Kurz
nach den Reformen d
es
Khleistenes
Kleisthenes
Perserkriege
, worin sich d
ie
Athener aller Klassen ruhmvoll bewährt.
Aristides
setzte nun d
ur
ch, dass fortan d
ie
Schranken
aufgehoben, w
o
d
ur
ch d
ie
ärmeren
Bürger von d
en
Staatsämtern
ausgeschlossen
.
Plutarch
,
Aristides c. 22
:
Doch blieben gewisse
Aemter nur den Pentakosiomedimnen,
, zugänglich.
In d
er
4
ten
Klasse
auch
Wohlhabende
, die nur nicht
so
viel Landbesitz
hatten als
der Census der 3
oberen Klassen
erforderte. Und diese
Art
d
es
Wohlstands seit Solon’s Zeit
b
e
d
eu
tend gewachsen
:
Handel u. Gewerb
in rascher Entwicklung, gewannen nicht
weniger B
e
d
eu
t
un
g als Landbau. Ausserdem
hatte Krieg –
Attika wiederholt v. d
en
Perserschaaren verheert
– namentlich
viele
Landbesitzer ruinirt
, manche verarmt, unfähig ihre
niedergebrannten Höfe wieder aufzubauen,
mussten sich
ihres Besitzthums entäussern
, waren so in
4
te
Klasse gesunken
; auch diesen
d
ie
Aenderung d
es
Aristides zu gut kommend.
On
the whole aber hatte sein Gesetz d
ie
Wirkung
d
ie
einseitige Bevorzugung d
er
ländlichen
Grundbesitzer aufzuheben u. Gewerbtreibenden u. Kapitalisten ohne
Landbesitz Zutrtitt zu d
en
Aemtern zu gewähren
.
Pericles
:
Solange
nichts bezahlt
für d
en
Besuch der Volkversamml
un
gen
hielten
d
ie
Aermeren
sich meist gern davon fern.
Ephialtes
– selber Richt
un
g wie
Perikles
– entzog dem
Areopag
sein bisheriges
Oberaufsicht
s
recht über
d
ie
ganze Staatsverwaltung
, liess ihm nur
d
ie
Blutgerichtsbarkeit
. D
er
Areopag
gehörte grössten Theils zur
ruheliebenden u.
conservativen Partei
; statt seiner einges
e
tzt zur
Beaufsichtigung u.
Controlle des Raths, der
Volksversammlung u. der Magistrate eine neue Behörde
–
Collegium von
7 Nomophylakes
od.
Gesetzwächtern
;
.⦘
Pt. II. Ch. XI. The Roman Gens.
Bei
Einwandr
un
g in Italien v. Latinern,
Sabeller
Sabellern
,
Osker
Sabellern
u.
Umbriern
, wahrscheinlich
als one people, sie in
Besitz of domestic
animals
u. w
a
h
r
sch
ein
lich bekannt
mit
cultur v. cereals u. plants
; jedenfalls well
advanced in Middle Status of barbarism
, u.
als sie historisch erscheinen in
Upper Status
,
an Schwelle von Civilization.
Nach
Mommsen
: „
barley, wheat, and
spelt
gefunden
wild growing an der rechten
Bank d
es
Euphrat’s, northwest von Anah
. D
as
growth v. barley u. wheat in wild state in
Mesopotamien
schon erwähnt d
ur
ch d
en
babylonischen historian
Berosus
.“
Fick
in:
„Primitive Unity of Indo-European Languages“,
Göttingen, 1873
, sagt: „
Pasturage foundation … but very slight beginnings of
agriculture.
Sie waren bekannt
mit a few
grains, deren Cultivation carried on incidentally in order to gain a
supply of milk and flesh
. D
ie
material existence
d
es
people rested nicht on agriculture.
Wenige primitive words beziehn sich auf Agricultur
. Diese
Words:
yava
, wild fruit;
varka
(hoe) (od. plow),
rava
(sickle);
pio (pinsere) bake
u.
mak, G
ree
k
μάσσω which indicates
threshing out
u.
grinding of
grain
.
[“]
Zur Zeit d
es
Romulus
)
⦘
Latin tribes
– on
Alban hills u. ranges of the Appenines
östlich von Rom –
d
ur
ch Segmentation bereits in
30
independent tribes
zerfallen, still united in loose
confederacy
für mutual protection; ebenso
Sabellians, Oscans, Umbrians
. Alle, wie ihre
nördlichen Nachbarn,
Etrusker
, organized in
gentes
.
[277, 278]
Zur Zeit v.
Rom’s Stift
un
g
(ab
ou
t
753 B.C.
) had become
agricultural
mit
flocks of
domestic animals, monogamian family
, confederacy in form of
League
. – The
Etruskan
tribes confederated.
D
ie
Latin tribes
, possessed of numerous fortified
towns u. country strongholds, spread over the surface of the country for
agricultural purposes.
Unter d
en
institutions d
er
Latin tribes
bei
Beginn der historischen Periode:
gentes, curiae u.
tribes
.
Latin gentes
82
of same lineage,
Sabine
u. other
gentes
cognate
, except
Etruscans
. Zur Zeit d
es
Tarquinius
Priscus
, 4
ter
von
Romulus
, the organization
brought to a
numerical scale
:
10 gentes to curia, 10 curiae to a tribe, 3 tribes
, giebt
30 curiae u. 300 gentes.
Statt
confederacy of tribes, composed of gentes
u.
occupying separate territories
makes
Romulus
them concentrate u.
coalesce in
one city
; dies worked out in
5 generations.
Auf u. um Mons Palatinus
vereinigte Romulus
100 gentes
, organized as a
tribe, die
Ramnes
; dann
large
body of Sabines
added, deren
gentes
,
nachher
increased to
100, organized as a
2
nd
Tribe, Tities
; unter
Tarquinius Priscus
3
d
tribe, Luceres
,
100 gentes drawn from the
surrounding tribes
,
inclus.
Etruscans. – Senate
(Council of Chiefs),
comitia
curata
curiata
(assembly of the people) u.
military commander (rex)
.
upon its members u. their posterity;
d
a
d
ur
ch
privileged class
created, intrenched first in the
gentile
u. dann
political system
, ultimately overthrew the
democratic principles inherited von gentes.
[278–281]
Niebuhr
,
Hermann
,
Mommsen
etc
regard the gens
as composed of families
,
composed of parts of families
, u.
gens
, nicht
family unit
d
es
social system
.
power of gentes
bereits übertragen auf
new political bodies
bevor römische
Geschichtschreibung beginnt.
Gajus – Institutiones
III. 17
– sagt:
Cicero
,
topica
6.
Festus
:
Varro
:
»De lingua latina«
lib. VIII,
c. 4.
D
ur
ch andre Quellen constatirt
dass die nur
zur gens gehörten who could trace their descent d
ur
ch males
exclusively from an acknowledged ancestor in d
er
gens
;
.
445 B.C.
In address
d
es
Roman Tribun
Canulejus
, on his motion d
as
Gesetz abzusc
ha
ffen d
as
verbot
intermarriage
zwischen patricians u.
plebejans, sagte er:
(
Livius
IV, c. 4)
(Dies
involvirt
descent in male line
) Als praktische
Illustration, dass
descent in male line
:
Julia
,
Schwester
des
Cajus
Julius Caesar
, married
Marcus Attius Balbus
.
Ihr Name zeigt, dass sie gehörig zur
Julian
gens
. Ihre Tochter
Attia
nahm gentile name of her father, belonged
to
Attian gens
. Attia married
Cajus
Octavianus
Octavius
, w
ar
d Mutter d
es
Cajus
Octavianus
Octavius
(i.e. d
er
spätre
Augustus
).
Ihr Sohn nimmt Name d
es
Vaters, belongs to the
Octavian
gens.
Nach
Adam
s,
Roman
Antiquities
:
War nur
eine Tochter
in family, so called nach
Name der gens
; so
Tullia
, Tochter
d
es
Cicero
;
Julia
,
Tochter des
Caesar
;
Octavia
,
Schwester d
es
Augustus
etc. Sie
behielten denselben Namen bei nach Verheirath
un
g
.
Wenn
2 Töchter, die eine called Major
, die
andere
Minor
[.]
Wenn mehr als 2, unterschieden
d
ur
ch ihre
Zahl
in
Prima, Secunda, Tertia, Quarta, Quinta
, oder softer
Tertulla, Quartilla, Quintilla
. …
W
ä
h
ren
d d
es
blühenden Zustands der Republik
, d
ie
names der gentes
[,]
u.
surnames d
er
families
, blieben fix u. certain. They were common to all the
children d
e
r family, descended to their posterity. Changed
83
u. confounded
nach subversion of
liberty
.
. In allen
oben citirten
cases persons married out of the
gens
.
[281–285]
Folgende rights u. obligations d
er
Roman
gentes:
1)
Mutual
right
rights
of succession to the property of deceased gentiles
;
2)
Possession of common burial place
; 3)
common religious rites; sacra gentilicia
; 4)
Obligation not to marry in gens
; 5)
Common Possession of lands
, 6)
Reciprocal obligations of help, defence
, and
redress of injuries
; 7)
Right
to bear the gentile name
; 8)
Right to adopt
strangers into the gens.
9)
ad 1)
451. B.C. Law of 12 tables promulgated
; ancient
rule
der inheritance unter gentiles
bereits
superseded; passed to
sui heredes
(children) u.
in
default of children
to
lineal descendants
des defunct through males.
Gajus
, Inst.
l. III, 1 u. 2.
(
wife
was co-heiress
mit children) D
ie
living children took equally, d
ie
children of deceased sons the share of their father
equally
; the
inheritance remained so in the
gens
; the
children of female descendants of
the intestate, who belonged to other gentes
, were
excluded
. Wenn
no »sui
heredes«
(ib.
lib. III
, 9) by
same law
– the
inheritance
passed to the Agnates; agnatic kindred
all persons able to
trace
descent
though
through
males from same common ancestor with
the intestate
; vonwegen
dieses descent all
bore the same gentile name
, females wie males, u. were nearer
in degree to the deceased als d
ie
remaining gentiles
. D
ie
Agnates, nearest in degree
, hatten Vorzug; 1)
brothers
u.
unmarried
sisters
; 2)
paternal uncles u. unmarried
aunts
des intestate u.s.w. Aber d
ie
children of married sisters
ausgeschlossen –
weil
zu andrer gens gehörig
–
; the gentile right predominated
, weil d
as
principle,
retaining the property in the gens
, fundamental.
1) d
ie
gentiles
; 2) d
ie
Agnates, worunter
d
ie
Kinder des intestate
nach change of descent v.
weiblicher in
male line
; 3) d
ie
Kinder, mit Ausschluss der
[übrigen]
Agnaten
.
D
ur
ch Heirath erlitt a female
deminutio
capitis
; i.e.
forfeited her agnatic
rights
; an
unmarried sister
could
inherit,
nicht a married
, would have
transferred the property
in andre gens.
reversion of property in certain cases to the
gentiles
(bemerkt auch
. – The
freedman
erwarb nicht
gentile rights
in his master’s gens
d
ur
ch manumission, aber allowed to
adopt
the gentile name of his patron
, so
Cicero
’s freedman
Tyro
called:
M. Tullius
Tyro
. D
as
Gesetz d
er
12 Tafeln
gave the estate
eines freedman,
[)]
.
[285–287]
ad 2)
Im
Upper Status of
Barbarism
– a
burial place for the exclusive
use of members of the gens
. So
unter
d
en
Romans
. z. B.
Appius
Claudius
, chief d
er
Claudian gens, removed from Regili, town d
er
Sabini, nach Rom,
wo er Senator wurde, mit seiner
gens
u.
vielen Clienten
.
Er received burial place
for the gens nach damaliger custom.
D
as
family tomb
hatte in Zeit v.
Julius
Caesar
noch nicht
ganz das der gens
superseded: Beweis
Quintilius
Varus
, had lost his army in Germany, destroyed
himself, sein Körper fiel in d
ie
Hände der Feinde, half burnt.
Cic.
de Legibus
II, 22.
In
Cicero
’s
Zeit das
family tomb
nahm d
en
Platz ein
of that of the gens, as the families in the gentes rose to complete
autonomy. –
Vor d
en
12 Tafeln cremation u.
inhumation
equally practiced,
(
12 Tafeln verboten Verbrennen od.
84
Begraben innerhalb der city
. Das
columbarium
would
usually
accommodate several 100 urns
.
[287–289]
ad 3)
Sacra privata
od.
sacra
gentilicia
, performed by the gens at stated periods. (alle
members der gens dazu verpflichtet, ob
members by
birth, adoption oder adrogation
.
[„]
A person was
freed from them
u. lost the privileges,
connected with them,
when he lost his
gens
.“
[)]
Cases
erwähnt, wo d
ie
expension of maintaining these rites
[,]
Bürde für gens
wden
wurde
in Folge der verminderten Anzahl ihrer Glieder.
The sacred rites
– public and private –
exclusiv under pontifical regulation, not subject to
civil cognizance
.
Colleges of Pontiffs, curiones u. augurs
, with
elaborate system of worship unter diesen priesthoods, became
established, aber
priesthood
in
the main elective
; jedes Familienhaupt auch
priest des household
.
In
early times
of Rome hatten
viele gentes
their
own
sacellum
für
performans
performance
ihrer religious rites;
several gentes
had each
special sacrifices
to perform
transmitted from generation to generation, considered obligatory, Nautii
to
Minerva
, Fabii to
Hercules
etc.
[289,
290]
ad 4)
gentile regulations were customs having the
of law
; so
Verbot der intermarriage in gens
; scheint zu Rom
nicht später in
Gesetz
verwandelt
w
or
den zu sein; aber d
ie
Roman
genealoy
genealogy
beweist d
ie
rule – marriage out of gens.
Zeigt sich darin ferner: ohne Ausnahme: a
woman by
her marriage forfeited her agnatic right
,
.
(sollte property aus eigner gens in die ihres husband nicht transfer.)
Aus selbem Grund:
exclusion d
er
Kinder of a
female from all rights of inheritance from a maternal uncle or
grandfather
; da sie
ausser gens
heirathet, ihre
children
of
the gens of the father
–
.
ad 5):
; von
sehr
früher Periode
erscheint Theil ihrer lands
held in severalty by individuals
; at first
possessory right to lands in actual occupation
,
was sich schon im
Status of Lower
Lower Status of
barbarism
findet.
Unter d
en
rustic Latin tribes, lands held in
common by each tribe, other lands by gentes, still other by
households.
Allotments of lands to individuals
w
ur
de
n
gewöhnlich in
Romulus
Period, später quite general. Sagt
Varro
,
De Re
rustica
l. I, c. 10:
(Selbes bei
Dionysius
)
Similar allotments
said to have been made by
Numa
u.
Servius
Tullius
; diese die
beginnings
of absolute ownership in severalty
, presuppose a settled life
etc. It was not only
admeasured
but
granted by the government
, form
sehr verschieden
von
possessory right in lands growing out of an individual act
…
These
lands taken from those held in common by the
Roman people
.
Gentes, curiae u. tribes
held
certain lands in common
nach Beginn
d
er
Civilization, ausser d
en
individual
allotments.
Mommsen
sagt, dass: „das römische Territorium in
d
en
frühesten Zeiten
getheilt
in
Anzahl von
;
die später employed in the formation d
er
ältesten rural wards
districts
(tribus rusticae
[)]
…
Diese
Namen
nicht wie die der districts added at a later period,
derived von d
en
localities, sondern formed ohne Ausnahme v.
Gesch
lech
ternamen
, wie
Camilli
Camillii
, Galerii, Lemonii, Pollii, Pupinii,
Voltinii, Aemilii, Cornelii, Fabii,
Horatii, Menenii, Papirii, Romilii, Sergii,
Venturii
Veturii
.
“
Jede gens
hielt also
independent district u. was localized upon it
.
⦗aber auch
in Rom
selbst
gentes localized in separate areas
⦘
Mommsen
sagt
ferner:
„Wie
jeder Haushalt
seine eigne Portion Land
hatte, so d
er
clan
-household
or village, had
clanlands
clan-lands
belonging to it
which
… were
managed up to a comparatively
late period
after the
analogy
of house-lands
, that is,
on
the system of common
85
possession
…
These
clanships
jedoch von Anfang an nicht betrachtet als
unabhängige Gesellsc
ha
ften
, sondern als
integral parts of a political community (civitas
populi)
.
This first presents itself as
an aggregate of a
number of
clanvillages
clan-villages
of the same stock, language and manners
, bound to
mutual observance of law and mutual legal redress and to united action
in aggression and defence.“ Mommsen represents the
Latin tribes anterior to the foundation of Rome
as holding lands by households, gentes u. by tribes
, zeigt
the
ascending series of social organizations in the
tribes
,
to d
en
Iroquois – gens, tribe, confederacy
. Phratry
nicht mentioned.
The household referred to
could
scarcely
have been a single family
,
wahrs
chein
lich
composed of related
families occupying a joint-tenement house
u.
practicirend communism in living in the household
.
[290–293]
ad 6)
Ab
ou
t
432 B.C.
Appius
Claudius in prison geworfen
,
.
Aber
Livius
VI, 20:
W
ä
h
ren
d d
es
2
t
punischen
Kriegs
[,]
bemerkt
[,]
verbanden
sich
d
ie
gentes
to ransom ihre in
Gefangensc
ha
ft befindlichen Genossen
; der
Senat verbot’s ihnen
; nach selbem
Niebuhr
gens
verpflichtet
ihren
indigent gentiles
beizustehn;
[293, 294]
ad 7)
Zuletzt d
en
persons unmöglich
geworden
to trace their descent back to the
founder
.
läugnet d
ie
Existenz irgend welcher
Blutverwandtsc
ha
ft
in a gens,
weil sie nicht beweisen konnten a connection through a common
ancestor
; dana
c
h
gens bloss
fictitious organization
…
Nachdem
descendent
descent
von
female to male line changed
, d
ie
Namen d
er
gentes, w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich
taken v. animals, gave place to personal names
. Irg
en
d
ein
Individuum
,
, ward its
eponymous
ancestor
u.
diese Person
, nicht
unlikely, at
long intervals
wieder
ersetzt d
ur
ch andre
. Theilte sich
a gens
in F
o
lge von lokaler Separation,
so
one division apt to take a new name
; dieser
change of name
would not
disturb the kinship
w
orau
f d
ie
gens
begründet … nur auf einem Weg
adulteration of gentile
descent
– durch
Adoption
, dies nicht
häufig. … In an Iroquois gens of 500 persons – gens coming in with a
system of consanguinity reducing all consanguinei to
a small number of categories
, and retaining their descendants
indifinitely
indefinitely
in the same – all its members related to each other and each
person knows or can find its relationship to
the
every
other; so that the
fact of kin was
perpetually present in
archaic gens
. – Mit
monogamian Ehe
came
in a
totally different system of consanguinity
, worin d
ie
relationships zwischen collaterals rasch
disappeared
. Dies System d
er
Greek u. Latin tribes
bei Beginn d
er
historischen Periode.
Grote
,
History of Greece
III
, 33, 36 erzählt:
Chleistenes
Cleisthenes
of Argos
changed the
names of the 3 Dorian tribes
of
Sicyon
, einen in
Hyatae
(im singular:
a boar
), 2
ten
in
Oneatae
(an
ass
), 3
d
to
Choereatae (little pig)
; dies
intended as
insult
gegen d
ie
Sicyonians, blieben ihnen während
seiner Lebzeit u. 60 Jahre später. »Did the idea of
these animal names come down through tradition
?«
Nach Beginn des Verfalls der gentilen
Organization
, hört auf
neue
Geschlechterb
il
d
un
g d
ur
ch
d
en
process of segmentation; andre existirende died
out
. This
tended to enhance the value of a
gentile descent as a lineage
.
Zur Zeit d
es
Kaiserthums etablirten
f
or
tw
ähren
d sich
neue Familien from
foreign parts
, zu
Rom
u. nahmen
gentile names an
to
gain
social advantages
.
Emperor
Claudius
– 40–54 A.D.
– verbot
86
den foreigners röm. Namen anzunehmen, besonders
alter Geschlechter
.
Sueton.
Vit. Claudius, c. 25
sagt:
Römische Familien, belonging to the
historical gentes, setzten höchsten Werth auf their lineages, sowohl
unter Empire wie vorher in republic.
[294–296]
ad 8
.
)
Sowohl
unter Republik wie
Empire
practicirt
adoption into the
family
, die carried the
person adopted into
the gens
of the family; das
attended mit
formalities
, die es erschwerten.
Kinderlose
Person u. past the age to expect them
might
adopt a son
mit
consent der pontifices
u. der
comitia curiata
.
Cicero
,
Pro Domo
,
c. 13.
Die
Noch
noch
zu Cicero’s Zeit existirenden precautions, zeigen dass früher
d
ie
restrictions grösser u. cases seltner.
[296,
297]
ad 9)
Bei Römern keine direct information über
tenure des office of chief (princeps)
; jede
gens
, vor Entsteh
un
g der civitas,
hatte
einen chief
, probably mehre;
; d
er
rex
selbst, d
as
highest office
, was
elective
, the office of
senator
elective
or by
appointment
, so that of
consuls u. inferior magistrates
.
D
as
college of pontiffs
– instituted d
ur
ch
Numa
– filled erst (d
ie
pontiffs selbst sich ergänzend
) vacancies by
election
;
Livius
(XXV, 5) spricht of
election
of a
pontifex maximus
d
ur
ch d
ie
comitia
about
212 B.C.
Auf
Volk
transferred, d
ur
ch
lex Domitia
, the right to elect the members of
the
several colleges
of pontiffs u. priests,
später modified d
ur
ch
Sulla
. –
Diese
chiefs of gentes
od. eine
selection davon
, bildeten d
en
Council der Latin tribes
vor Stiftung Roms. „All
of these cantons
(
tribes
) were in primitive times
politically
sovereign, u. each of them was
governed by its prince
, and
the co-operation of
the council of elders
, and
the assembly of
the warriors
“ (
Mommsen
[)]
.
sagt: „In all the
cities
belonging to civilized
nations on the coasts of the Mediterranean a
senate
was a no less essential and indispensable part of the state, than a
popular assembly
; it was
a select body of
elder citizens
;
such a council
, says
Aristoteles
, there always
is,
whether the council be aristocratical or
democratical
; even in
oligarchies
, be
the number of sharers in the sovereignty ever so small, certain
councillors are appointed for preparing public measures.“
Senate
of polit. society folgte dem
council of chiefs der gentile society
.
Romulus
Senate
100 elders, representing the 100 gentes,
was
office for life, non-hereditary
, woraus
f
o
lgt dass
office of chief
was at
the time elective.
Ab
ou
t 474 B.C.
d
ie
Fabian gens
schlug dem Senat vor als a gens to
undertake the
Veientian
war. Ihr Antrag
accepted, fielen in Embuscade.
Liv.
II,
50
⦗see auch
Ovid
,
Fasti
, II, 193⦘
D
ie
Zahl d
er
300 would
indicate an equal number of females, who with the children of the males,
would give an aggregate von at least 700 für Fabian gens
.
[297–299]
87
Pt. II. Ch.
II
XII
: The Roman Curia, Tribe and Populus.
Societas
, founded upon
gens
, neben
civitas
, founded upon
territory u. property; letztere Organization im Lauf
v. 200 Jahren
gradually supplanting the former;
to a certain degree completed der change
unter
Servius
Tullius
curia
,
analogous to
Roman
Grecian
phratry, = 10 gentes;
10 curiae
=
1 tribe; unter
Servius Tullius
war
Populus Romanus
=
3 tribes,
10
30
curiae, 300 gentes
.
The events of human progress embody themselves
,
independently of particular men,
in a material
record, which is crystallized in institutions, usages u. customs, u.
preserved in inventions u. discoveries
.
D
as
numerical adjustment von gentes
etc – a
result of legislative procurement
,
not older
[,]
in the first
2 tribes, than the times of
Romulus
.
[300–302]
The
curia
der Romans –
grew into an organization, having distinct
governmental character engrafted
upon
itself. W
ahr
sch
ein
lich d
ie
gentes einer Curia
related to each other, versahn sich einander d
ur
ch
intermarriage
mit wives.
The organization as a phratry
– obgleich erst mentioned in Roman history in connection mit
legislation
des
Romulus
, von time immemorial in
Latin
tribes
.
;
ibid.
heisst’s:
Was
Romulus
was the adjustment
, was er fertig bringen konnte
d
ur
ch d
ie
accessions gained from the surrounding tribes
.
In d
ie
Ramnes
nahm er
related gentes
in selber curia, reached
numerical symmetry
by arbitrarily taking the
excess of gentes von one natural curia to supply
the deficiency of the other
. D
ie
Tities
meist
Sabiner
;
d
ie
Luceres
heterogeneous, formed later from gradual
accessions u. conquests; enthielten auch
Etruscan
gentes
. In d
er
reconstruction
gens
blieb
pure, curia
made to include
in some cases
. The third
tribe
in great part an
artificial creation
;
that
their dialect not
wholly
unintelligible to Romans
.
zeigte zuerst that the
people was sovereign
,
so-called
kings
had
delegated
power
, u.
dass d
er
Senat based on
principle of representation
. Aber
Niebuhr
at variance with
fact
facts
, wenn er sagt: d
ie
numerischen Proportions
seien unwiderleglicher
Beweis dass d
ie
Roman gentes
nicht älter als
d
ie
Constitution d
es
Romulus
, dass sie
„Corporations formed by a legislator in harmony with
the rest of his scheme“
. A legislator could not fabricate a
gens; auch eine curia konnte er nur machen by combinating gentes; er
konnte by constraint increase or decrease the
number
of gentes in a curia u. the number of curiae in a tribe
.
Mitglieder d
er
curia
hiessen
curiales
;
wählten
einen priest
curio
, chief officer der fraternity; jede hatte its sacred
rites, its
sacellum
as a place of worship u.
ihren Versammlungsplatz
für transaction of
business; neben d
em
curio gewählt an assistant priest
flamen curialis
, had the immediate charge of the
observances; d
ie
comitia curiata
, sovereign power in Rom, mehr
als der Senat des gentile system.
Vor Zeit
des
Romulus
unter d
en
Latin tribes
–
tribal
chiefs
(
Dionysius
II, 7); ein tribal chief – der
chief officer des tribe
, whose duties magisterial (in city),
military
(in the field) u.
religious
(administering the sacra)
(Dionys. l.c.)
[.]
Jedenfalls his
office
elective,
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich
gewählt d
ur
ch d
ie
curiae collected in a general assembly
.
D
er
»tribal chief«
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich genannt
»rex«
vor d
er
Gründung Roms,
. Nach der
coalescence der 3 Roman tribes
– the
national character of the tribe
lost.
Die
30 curiones
as a body w
ur
den
organisirt in
a college of priests
, einer davon
had the office of
curio maximus
; was elected by
the
assembly of gentes
. Daneben
college of augurs
, bestehend unter
Ogulnian law
(300 B.C.) aus 9 members, inclus.
their chief –
magister collegii
; u.
college of pontiffs
, 9 members unter demselben
Gesetz, inclus. pontifex maximus.
Populus Romanus
; war nichts als
a gentile society
; change
ernöthigt
u. zwar
fundamental one
d
ur
ch raschen Anwachs d
er
Bevölk
erun
g
unter Romulus u. namentlich in d
er
Periode
zwischen ihm u.
Servius
Tullius
.
[303–309]
Livius
sagt,
dass es
»vetus consilium«
(
Livy
I,
8)
,
, of the founders of cities to draw to themselves
an obscure and humble multitude, and then set up for their progeny the
autocthonic
autochthonic
claim.
Romulus
so opened
an asylum near the
palatine
Palatine
, u. invited all persons in the surrounding
tribe
tribes
etc.
Plut.
Romulus c. 20
u.
Dionys
.
II, 15 erwähnen auch d
as
asylum or grove
. Zeigt, dass d
ie
Barbarische Bevölk
erun
g Italiens
sehr
angewachsen, discontent unter ihnen,
,
existence of
domestic slavery
, apprehension of violence. –
Angriff seitens d
er
Sabiner
, wegen
d
er
ihnen gestohlnen Weiber;
resultirte
in
, Latiner u. Sabiner
coalesced
into one society,
jede division behielt its own military leader
, d
ie
Tities
unter
Titius
Tatius
. –
Tullus Hostilius
nahm
d
ie
Latin city of Alba
, brachte ihre ganze
Bevölk
e
rung
nach Rom
; sie besetzten angeblich
Coelian
Hill
; Zahl d
er
citizens
nun
doubled
nach
Liv.
I,
30
.
:
Ancus
Marcius
nahm d
ie
lat. Stadt
Politorium
,
transferred the people bodily to Rome; ihnen angeblich
Aventinus mons
eingeräumt mit same privileges.
Kurz nachher d
ie
inhabitants of Tellini
u.
Ficana
subdued, removed to Rome, also occupied
M
ons
Aventinus.
(
Liv.
I, 38)
D
ie
gentes, nach
Rom gebracht, blieben alle
locally distinct
;
dies thaten gentes überall in
Middle
u.
Upper Status of Barbarism
, sobald d
ie
tribes
began to gather in
fortresses
u.
walled cities
. ⦗In the
pueblo houses
in
New
Mexico alle occupants of each house belonged to the same tribe u. in
einigen Fällen a single joint-tenement house contained a tribe. At
Tlascala 4 quarters occupied by 4 lineages, probably phratries
etc
⦘ D
ie
greater portion dieser new accessions united
in the
3
d
tribe
Luceres
, der erst completed unter
Tarquinius Priscus
.
Growth der tribes
in Rome under
legislative constraint
, not entirely free from
the admixture of Foreign elements; hence name
tribus
, ⅓ of the people; Latin language must have had a
term equivalent of
,
; zeigt
heterogeneous elements in Roman tribes, w
ä
h
ren
d
griech. Phyle pure.
[309–312]
89
D
er
Senate
d
es
Romulus
mit functions similar to
those of the
previous council of chiefs
.
Jede gens
, sagt
,
sent its decurion, who was its alderman
to
represent it in the Senate. Also representative u. elective body, blieb
elective od. selective bis zum Empire. Office der Senators
lebenslänglich,
einziger term of office then
known
.
Liv.
1,
8
sagt:
Cic. de rep.
II, 8:
D
ie
distinction of
patricians
conferred upon their children u.
lineal descendants in perpetuity schuf at once an
aristocracy of rank
in centre d
es
Roman social system
where it became firmly intrenched; this
aristocratic
element now for the first time planted in gentilism
.
Nach der union der Sabines
Senat increased to 200
d
ur
ch addition v. 100 v. tribe der Tities
(
Dion.
II, 47)
u. when
Luceres
increased to 100 gentes
.
Liv.
I, 35:
Etwas
verschieden
Cic. De
Rep.
II, 20
:
D
ie
Form d
es
statement shows, dass
jeder Senator representative of a gens
; ferner, da jede gens
sicher hatte its
principal chief – princeps
–
dies
e
person chosen von gens od. 10 auf einmal v.
d
en
10 gentes wählend als curia
. Dies
dem Wesen nach auch
Niebuhr
’s
Ansicht
. Nach d
er
Erric
h
t
un
g
d
er
Republik
besetzen
d
ie
Censoren
d
ie
Lücken im Senat nach ihrer
choice, dies fiel später den
Consules
zu;
d
ie
Senators generally
selected
aus
ex-magistrates der higher grades
.
All public measures originated im Senat
, sowohl
die, wobei sie unabhängig verfahren konnten, als die die sie der popular
assembly zur adoption to submit. D
er
Senat hatte
general guardianship of public welfare, management
d
e
r foreign relations, levy of taxes and military
forces, general control of revenues u.
expenditure
;
hatte auch oberste
power over religion
, obgleich
d
ie
administration der religious affairs den several
collegia zufiel.
[312–315]
Assembly of the People
(
unknown in Lower u.
w
a
h
r
s
chein
lich auch Middle Status of
Barbarism) existed in
Upper Status
, in
agora der Greek tribes
(highest form in
ecclesia der Athener
), u. ebenso in d
er
assembly of warriors der Latin tribes
, erhielt
hier höchste Form in d
en
comitia curiata
d
er
Römer
. Letztre bestanden aus
d
en
adult members der gentes, jede curia had one
collective vote, majority in each ascertained separately
,
determined what that vote should be. (
Liv
.
I, 43;
Dion.
II,
14
, IV, 20, 84.) Es war d
ie
assembly der gentes, who alone were members of the
government. Plebejans u. clients
– forming already a numerous
class,
excluded
, weil keine connection möglich
mit
Populus Romanus
, ausser d
ur
ch a
gens and a tribe.
Comitia
did
not originate
public measures,
nor
amend
those submitted to them;
nahm
en
sie an od. verwarf
en
sie;
alle magistrates
u.
high
public functionaries
, incl. rex, elected by the comitia
on the nomination of the Senate
. So
d
ur
ch
comitia curiata
elected
Numa
Pompilius
(
Cic. De
Rep.
II, 11.
Liv.
I, 17),
Tullus
Hostilius
(
Cic. de Rep.
II, 17)
u.
Ancus Martius
(
Cic.
De Rep.
II, 18;
Liv.
I, 32). Mit Bez
u
g auf
Tarquinius Priscus
bemerkt
Livius
(I, 35), dass der Populus
d
ur
ch great majority ihn zum
rex
ernannte.
Servius
Tullius
assumed the office, afterwards
confirmed
by the
comitia
(
Cic. De
Rep.
II, 21)
. – The
Imperium
conferred upon these persons by
a law of the
assembly
–
Lex curiata de imperio
–
Roman method of investing with office; vor dieser Uebertragung
d
es
imperium konnte d
ie
person elected nicht ihr
office antreten. D
ie
comitia curiata
, by appeal, had the
ultimate decision in criminal cases
involving
the life of a Roman citizen. The
office of rex
abolished by a popular movement
.
D
ie
assembly had no power to convene itself
; it is
said to have met on the
summons of the rex
, oder
in his absence, des
praefectus
urbis
urbi
; in d
er
Republik
d
ur
ch d
ie
consules
berufen, od. in deren
absence d
ur
ch
praetor
; in allen Fällen
präsidirte d
ie
berufende Person über d
ie
deliberations
der comitia.
[315–317]
90
D
er
rex
war General u. Priest, aber
ohne civil functions
.
, wie
die
2
warchiefs
war-chiefs
der Iroquois
.
D
er
rex as chief priest
took the
auspices
on field of battle wie in city on important
occasions, verrichtete auch
other religious
rites
.
,
ihre
priestly functions übertragen
auf
d
as
neu geschaffne office des
rex
sacrorum
od.
rex sacrificulus
; bei
Athenern analog d
er
eine der 9 Archonten
Archon basileus
, der a general supervision of religious
affairs hatte. – D
ie
Romans in diesen 200 years (bis
Servius Tullius
)
had experienced the
necessity for written laws to be
enacted by themselves als Substitut for usages u. customs
; had
created ausserdem a
city magistracy
u.
a complete military system
, including the
institution of the equestrian order
.
Unter d
en
new magistrates
created wichtigster that of
warden of the city – custos urbis
, war zugleich
Princeps Senatus
. Nach
Dionys.
II, 12 appointed by
Romulus
. Nach d
er
Zeit d
er
Decemviri
dies office changed to
praefectus urbi
, its powers enlarged u. it was
made elective by the
new comitia centuriata
.
Unter Republik
had d
ie
consules
u. in their absence
the praetor power to convene the Senate
u. also to
hold the comitia
. Später d
as
office of Prätor – Prätor urbanus
(absorbed the
functions of the old office des
Praefectus
urbi
).
A judicial magistrate
, prototype of
the modern judge
[,]
der Roman
»Prätor«
. –
[317–321]
Part II. Ch. XIII. The institution of Roman Political
Society.
Seit
Romulus
röm. Gesellsc
ha
ft
gespalten in
Patricians
, constituting the
Populus
, u.
plebejans
,
d
ie
Plebs
; beide
persönlich
frei
u. beide entered
the ranks
of the
army; plebejans aber, nicht einbegriffen in
gentile
society
, ausserhalb
the government
.
Nach
d
ie
Existenz d
er
plebs
als annerkannt
freie
u.
sehr zahlreiche
Portion
der Bevölk
erun
g nachweisbar bis zu reign
d
es
Ancus
Marcius
. Plebs excluded v.
office, comitia curiata, sacred rites d
er
gentes
. Zur Zeit
d
es
Servius
fast so
numerous
plebs
f
a
st so
numerous wie
populus
; subject to military
service, possessing families u. property.
[323, 324]
Entstehung d
er
plebs
, i.e. v.
Personen not members of an organized gens, curia,
tribe
. Adventurers who flocked to the new city from the
surrounding tribes, war captives afterwards set free, unattached persons
mingled with the gentes transplanted to Rome, would rapidly furnish such
a class; ausserdem might happen that in filling up the 100 gentes of
each tribe, fragments of gentes and gentes having less than a prescribed
number of persons, were excluded. Aus d
em
Epitheton d
er
[senators of the]
Luceres
ersichtlich dass d
ie
old
gentes reluctant ihre entire equality anzuerkennen. Nach filling up des
3
d
tribe mit d
er
prescribed
number of gentes the last avenue of admission closed, wonach
d
ie
Zahl der plebejan class
rasch anwachsend.
läugnet, dass
clients part d
es
plebejan
body.
Dionys.
II, 8 u.
Plut.
Vit. Romuli, XIII, 16
schreibt
schreiben
Romulus
d
ie
Einrichtung
der
relation v. patron
u. client
zu, ditto
Suetonius
,
Tiberius
, c. 1.
– Nach
Dionysius
II, 8 (vgl.
Plut.
[,]
vit.
Romuli, XIII) fand Erric
h
t
un
g d
er
Patrician class vor Bildung d
es
Senats
statt
; war zusammengesetzt aus Personen ausgezeichnet
d
ur
ch Tapferkeit, birth
u. wealth. Danach blieben aber noch large
class in d
en
several gentes, die
keine
Patricier
.
Cic. de Rep.
II, 12:
91
D
ie
Bild
un
g d
er
Senatoren aus chiefs d
er
gens
schliesst nur ein dass d
ie
gewählten
family
chiefs
– und nur
eine family aus
d
en
vielen der gens
hatte ihr Haupt im Senat,
bedingt nur, dass
Patres
u. nur
ihre progenies patricii
, aber nicht alle members jeder gens,
also d
er
ganze populus
wie
Niebuhr
meint.
Unter d
en
reges u. d
er
Republik individuals
patricians
by the government.
Vellejus Paterculus
I, 8:
There could be no
patrician gens
u. no
plebejan gens
, obgleich
particular families in one gens
could be
patrician
u. other
plebejan
. All the adult members of the
Fabrician
Fabian
gens
, 306, were patricians; could either trace their
descent from senators
or to
some public act
, w
o
d
ur
ch their
predecessors raised to patriciate
. Vor
Servius
Tullius
Romans divided in
Populus
u. Plebs
; nachher, namentlich
nach der
Licinian legislation (367 B.C.)
, w
o
d
ur
ch alle
Staatswürden jedem
civis
zugänglich gemacht, alle freien Römer in
2 Klassen:
Aristokratie
u.
Commonalty
; die
ersteren bestanden aus
senators
u.
deren descendants
[,]
mit denen, die eins der
3
curules
offices (consul, praetor, curulis aedilis)
innegehabt u. deren
Nachkommen;
; d
ie
gentile organization
verfiel u. d
ie
old division nicht länger haltbar. Personen, die
in d
er
ersten Periode
zum
Populus
gehört, gehörten in der 2
ten
zur
Aristokratie
, ohne Patricier zu sein.
D
ie
Patrician class
zahlreich;
, conferred patrician rank auf ihre
Nachkommen; others v. Zeit zu Zeit zu patricians gemacht d
ur
ch
act of the state. (
Liv.
IV, 4)
Schatten d
er
alten Unterscheid
un
g v.
Populus u. Plebs
blieb:
Liv.
IV, 51.
[324–329]
Numa
, der Nachfolger d
es
Romulus
, tended to
traverse the gentes
, d
ur
ch Eintheilung d
es
Volks in Klassen (wie
Theseus
), some
8 in number, entsprechend to their arts u. trades.
Da diese classes aber nicht invested mit
d
en
powers exercised by the gentes, the measure failed.
[330, 331]
Servius
Tullius
[’]
Periode
576–533 B.C.
folgt closely der d
es
Solon
(596 B.C
[.)]
u.
vor der des
Chleisthenes
Cleisthenes
(509 B.C.)
modeled nach der des Solon; was
in practical operation
bei Erricht
un
g
der Republik
(509 B.C.).
D
ie
Hauptchanges, setting aside the gentes
u.
inaugurating
political society
, were: 1)
substitution of classes
, formed nach individual
wealth; 2)
comitia centuriata
, the new popular
assembly, statt
comitia curiata
, assembly der
gentes; 3)
creation of 4 city wards
,
circumscribed by metes and bounds, u. named as
territorial areas
, wo d
ie
residents
of
each ward
required to enroll their names and register their property
.
nach
value of their
property
, wovon effect
to concentrate in one
class the wealthiest men of the several gentes
.
Property qualification
war für
1
ste
class
92
100,000
asses;
2
t
class
75,000;
3
t
class
50,000;
4
t
cl.
25,000;
5
t
class
11,000 asses.
(
Livy
,
I, 43)
Dionysius
fügt
6
t
class
hinzu,
consisting
of
one century,
mit 1 vote
; composed of those
without
property
or less than required for
admission
in 5. class
; paid no taxes u. dienten nicht in Krieg. (
Dionys.
IV, 20)
Jede class subdivided in centuries
, deren
Anzahl
willkührlich, ohne Rücksicht auf
Personenzahl in der class, with
one vote to each
century
in d
en
comitia
. So
1
ste
class
zählte
80 centuries
, hatte
80 votes
in the
comitia centuriata
;
2
t
class
20 centuries, wozu
2 of artisans
attached
[,]
mit 22 votes;
3
d
class
20 centuries mit 20 votes;
4
th
class
20, wozu 2 centuries
of
hornblowers
and
trompeters
, 22 votes;
5
th
class
of 30 centuries mit 30 votes. Ausserdem
Ritter
mit
18 centuries
u. ebensoviel votes. Dadurch
government
, soweit
beeinflussbar d
ur
ch d
ie
popular assembly,
comitia centuriata
– in
hands
der 1
sten
class
u.
der equites
, hatten
zusammen 98 votes
,
majority d
es
whole. – Die
centuries jeder
class
divided into
seniors
, über
55 Jahr, charged mit duty as soldiers of defending the city, u.
juniors, v. 17 Jahren bis 54 Jahr inclus.
,
charged with external military enterprises. (Dionys. IV, 16) – Jede
centurie
agreed upon its vote separately
when
assembled in the comitia centuriata; in
taking a
vote
upon any public question,
equites
called first, then the
1
st
class
. Stimmten sie überein in ihrem vote, then the
question decided
, u. d
ie
übrigen centuries
nicht
caled
called
upon to vote
; wenn they disagreed,
2
nd
class
called upon
u.s.f.
comitia
curiata
, etwas erweitert, übertragen auf d
ie
comit.
curiata
centuriata
; elected all officers
and
magistrates upon the nomination of the Senate; enacted or rejected
laws proposed
d
ur
ch letzteren;
repealed existing laws
auf
sein
Verlangen,
;
declared war auf seine
recommendation
, aber
Senat schloss
Frieden ohne sie zu consultiren; an
appeal to the
comitia centuriata in all cases involving life
; they
had no control
over finances
. –
Property,
not numbers controlled the gvt.
Meetings of the comitia jährlich
held in
Campus Martius
für
Wahl v.
Magistrates u. officers
u. zu andern Zeiten, wenn nöthig. Volk
assembled by centuries
u. by
classes under their officers, organized as an army
(exercitus)
; centuries u. classes designed für
civil
u.
military
organization
. Bei erster Musterung unter
Servius Tullius
80,000
in
Waffen
im
Campus Martius, jeder Mann in seiner century, jede Century in ihrer
Klasse, jede Klasse
besonders.
(
Liv.
I, 44,
Dionys.
, der 84,700 zählt, IV. 22.)
Jedes member einer Centurie
nun
; dies d
as
Hauptresultat.
[331–334]
Nach
Cicero
,
De Rep.
II, 22
wählte
Servius Tullius
d
ie
Equites
from the common mass of the people
u. divided
the remainder into 5 classes.
[334, 335]
The property classes subserved the useful purpose of
breaking up the gentes
,
– The 5 classes, mit
some modification of the manner of voting, remained to the end of the
republic.
Servius
Tullius
soll auch instituirt haben d
ie
comitia tributa
, a separate assembly of each
local tribe
or ward, deren chief duties relating
to the
assessment and collection of taxes
u. to
furnishing
contingents of troops
. Später elected
dies assembly d
ie
tribunes
of the people.
[335,
336]
Einer d
er
ersten acts d
es
Servius
– der
Census
.
(
Liv.
I. 42.)
Jede Person hatte sich selbst to
enroll
in ward
of his residence, with statement
of amount of his property, geschah in Gegenwart von Censor;
the lists when completed furnished the basis upon
which the classes were formed
.
Creation of
4 city wards gleichzeitig
, circumscribed by boundaries u. mit
eignen Namen; such
Roman ward
a
geographical area
, mit a registry of citizens u.
their property, a local organization, a tribune u. other elective
officer
offices
u. with an assembly – aber nicht wie
Attic
deme zugleich polit. body
mit complete
selfgovernment
self-government
, elective magistracy, judiciary u. priesthood.
93
Dies
Roman ward
a nearer copy of the previous
Athenian
naucracy
naucrary
, die wahrscheinlich auch ihr model war.
Dionys.
IV, 14
sagt, dass nachdem
Servius Tullius
inclosed the
7 hills mit one wall
, he divided
the city in 4 parts
1)
Palatina
, 2)
Suburra
, 3)
Collina
, 4)
Esquilina
(früher hatte d
ie
city 3 parts);
setzte
sie
commanders über
jeden tribe
, as
phylarchs
u.
comarchs
,
whom he directed to note what house each inhabited. Nach
Mommsen
hatte jeder dieser 4 levy districts to furnish the
4
th
part nicht nur of the force as a
whole
, sondern
von jeder ihrer militair.
Unterabtheilungen
u.
jede century
zählte
from each region
, to merge all
distinctions
of gentile
u.
local nature into one
common
u. d
ur
ch influence of military spirit to bind
meteoci
metoeci
und
burgesses
into one
people.
Ebenso d
ie
Umgegend
, under the
government of Rome,
organized
in
tribus rusticae
, nach einigen 26, nach andern
31, mit d
en
4 city tribus in einem Fall 30, im andern 35. These
townships did not become integral in the sense of
participating in the administration of the government
.
The
overshadowing municipality of Rome made the centre
of the State
.
[336–339]
Nach Einführung d
es
new polit
ical
system behielten
d
ie
comitia curiata
noch
,
bei d
as
: they
conferred the imperium upon all the higher
magistrates
, became in time a matter of form only.
After 1
st
Punic war
verloren sie alle B
e
d
eu
t
un
g u. fell soon in
oblivion; ebenso d
ie
curiae
– beide
superseded
rather than abolished
; gentes blieben lang ins empire hinein,
as a
pedigree u. a lineage
.
The
element of property
, which has controlled
society to a great extent
during the comparatively
short period of civilization
, gab mankind
despotism, imperialism, monarchy, privileged classes
u.
finally
representative democracy
.
[341, 342]
Pt. II. Ch. XIV. Change of Descent von Female to Male
Line.
:
u.
her children (sons u. daughters); children of her
daughters
, and of her
female descendants
through females
, in perpetuity. (
Children of
her sons
, and of her
male descendants
,
through males were excluded.) Dies bildet archaic gens.
Descent in male line:
Gens consists of a
supposed male ancestor
u.
his
children
, together mit d
en
children of his sons
and of his
male descendants
through males in
perpetuity.
Bei change v. 1) zu 2)
Mitglieder derselben, nur in future
all
children
, whose fathers belonged to the gens, should
alone remain in it u. bear the gentile name
,
while the
children of the female members should be
excluded
. This would not break or change the kinship or
relations of the existing gentiles; but thereafter it would
retain in the gens the children it before
excluded
, and
excluse
exclude
those it before retained
.
Solang descent in female line
: 1)
Marriage in the gens prohibited
; hence
children in an other gens than that of their reputed
father
.
2)
Property and the office of chief hereditary in the
gens:
thus
excluding children from
inheriting the property or succeeding to the office of their reputed
father
.
With
property accumulating in masses and
assuming
permanent forms, and
with an
increased portion of it held by individual ownership, descent in the
female line
certain of
overthrow.
Change to descent in male line
would
leave the inheritance in the gens as before
,
but it
would place children
in the gens of their father
u.
at the head of the agnatic kindred
.
Probable, that when
descent changed to the male
line
, or still earlier,
animal names for the
gentes laid
aside and personal names substituted in their
place. After this substitution, the
eponymous
ancestor became a shifting person
.
The more celebrated Grecian gentes made the change of names; they
retained the name of the mother of their gentile
father
and
ascribed his birth to her
embracement by some particular god
. So
Eumolpus
, d
er
eponymous ancestor der
Attic
Eumolpidae
, was the
reputed
son of
Neptune
u.
Chione
.
[343–346]
94
440. B.C.
Herodot
: sagt v.
d
en
Lyciens
Lycians
(von denen er erzählt, dass sie
sprung
from Creta, u. nach Lykia gewandert unter Führung d
es
Sarpedon
,
dass „ihre customs partly
Cretan
, partly
Carian
“
,
)
:
„Die
Lykier
haben eine
sonderbare Gewohnheit
worin sie abweichen von
jeder andern Nation in der Welt
. Frage einen
Lykier
wer er ist
u. er antwortet indem er
seinen Eigennamen
giebt, den
seiner Mutter und so on in the female line
. Ferner, wenn eine
freie Weibsperson
einen
Mann
heirathet, der ein Sklave ist, so
sind
ihre Kinder freie Bürger
; aber wenn ein
freier Mann ein ausländisch Weib heirathet
, oder cohabits
with a concubine
, selbst wenn er die first
person im Staat ist,
the children forfeit all the
rights of
citizenship
.“
Wenn ein
Seneca-Iroquois
ein
fremdes
Weib heirathet, sind seine Kinder
aliens
; aber wenn
ein
e
Seneca-Iroquois Weibsperson
einen
Fremden
heirathet, od. einen
Onondaga
, sind
ihre Kinder Iroquois
of
the
Seneca tribe
u. of the
gens u. phratry ihrer Mutter
. D
ie
Frau
überträgt ihre nationality u. her gens auf ihre
Kinder
, whoever their father.
, dass die
Lykier
organized in
gentes
(of archaic form),
.
D
ie
aborigines v. Creta
waren
Pelasgian, Semitic u. Hellenic tribes, living locally
apart.
Minos
, der brother des
Sarpedon
, gilt als head der Pelasgians in
Creta; d
ie
Lykier
zu
Herodot
’s Zeit ganz hellenisirt – conspicuous
unter d
en
Asiatic Greeks
for their
advancement. D
ie
Insulation ihrer Vorfahren
auf Creta-Insel, vor
ihrer migration in the legendary period to Lycia, mag erklären ihre
retention of the female line
in this late
period.
„Etrusker ⦗nach
Cramer
:
Description of Ancient Italy
(dieser selbst quotes
Lanzi
)⦘, wie wir aus ihren Monumenten
sehn, liessen ihre
Weiber
zu ihren Festen u.
Banquets zu; sie
beschreiben ihre parentage u.
family
invariably
with reference to the
mother
, and
not the father
. Dieselben
2 customs noticed
von
Herodot
bezüglich der Lykier und Caunians
v.
Asia Minor
.“
Curtius
(
Griech.
Geschichte
)
commenting on
Lycian,
Etruskan u. Cretan descent in female line
, sagt: dies wurzle in
d
en
primitive conditions of society
, als Monogamie
noch nicht etablirt hinreichend to assure
descent on
the father’s side
. D
er
Gebrauch erstreckt sich daher
weit über
Lycian territory
; occurs heut noch
in Indien
; existirte unter
den alten Aegyptern
; mentioned by
Sanchoniathon
(p. 16,
Orell
); bei
Etruskans, Cretans
, who called their
fatherland
–
Motherland
.
D
ie
Stelle bei
Herodot
beweist nur, dass sich d
ie
custom of descent in female line von
allen related to the Greeks u. am längsten unter d
en
Lykiern
erhalten … As life became more regulated,
relinquished
u.
naming children after their
fathers
became
general in Greece.
Bachofen
(Mutterrecht)
has collected u.
discussed the evidence
unter
Lykiern,
Cretern, Athener
n
, Lemniern, Aegypter
n
,
Orchomenians, Locrians, Lesbians
u. unter
östlichen Asiatischen Nationen
. Dies aber setzt voraus –
gens in its archaic form
; diese would give
the gens of the mothers
the ascendency in the
household. D
ie
family –
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich schon in syndyasmian
form
– noch environed
mit d
en
remains of conjugal system of still earlier condition
. Such
family – a married pair with their children – mit kindred families in
a communal household
wo d
ie
several mothers u. ihre Kinder of the same gens
,
the
reputed fathers
dieser children
of other gentes
.
Common lands u. joint tillage
would
lead to joint-tenement houses and communism in
living
;
.
Women entrenched in large households, supplied from
common stores, in which their own gens largely predominated in
numbers
– … When descent
changed to male
line mit monogamian family the joint-tenement house displaced
,
stellte in midst einer
rein gentile society
the
wife and mother in
a single house
u.
separated her from her gentile kindred
.
Bachofen
sagt v.
Cretan
city
of
Lyktos
: diese Stadt
w
ur
de betrachtet als
lacedämonische
Colonie
u. auch als
related to the
Athenians
; war in beiden Fällen so
on the
mother’s side, denn nur d
ie
Mütter waren spartan.
Abkunft
. D
ie
Athenian Verwandschaft
geht zurück auf
Athenische Weiber
welche d
ie
Pelasgian Tyrrhenians from Brauron promontory
enticed haben sollen. – Mit
descent in male
line
,
, w
ür
de d
as
lineage d
er
women unberücksichtigt geblieben
sein
; aber mit female line gaben d
ie
Colonists their pedigrees through
95
females only
.
Monogamy unter Greeks
probably nicht
vor Upper Status of Barbarism
.
:
[„]
Denn
vor der Zeit
des
Kekrops
hatten
d
ie
Kinder
nur eine Mutter, keinen
Vater
; they
were of one line
. An keinen
Mann ausschliesslich gebunden, brachte das Weib nur
spurious
children zur Welt.
Kekrops
machte
diesem Zustand der Dinge ein Ende;
brachte zurück
die
lawless
union of sexes
zur
Exclusivität der Ehe, gab
d
en
Kindern einen
Vater
und
eine Mutter
u. machte sie so from
unilateres – bilateres
.“
: „Die
Lokrier
selbst
haben mich versichert, dass
ihre eignen traditions mehr dem Bericht des
Aristoteles
entsprechen als dem des
Timäus
.
Geben davon folg
en
de Beweise … alle
nobility
of ancestry
ist unter ihnen
von Weibern
abgeleitet u.
nicht von Männern
. Die allein sind
noble
, die ihren Ursprung
von d
en
100 families ableiten
; diese families were
noble unter d
en
Locrians
vor ihrer
Wanderung
; u. waren in d
er
That dieselben von denen
d
ur
ch Loos 100 virgins taken, wie d
as
Orakel
befohlen hatte, u. die nach Troja gesandt wurden.“
Wahrscheinlich d
er
hier erwähnte
Rang
connected mit
office of chief of gens
, ennobled d
ie
besondre Familie innerhalb der gens
, auf eines
deren
Glied
Glieder
es conferred; dies implicirt
descent in the
female line both as to persons u. office
; d
as
office
of chief
hereditary in the gens
u.
elective unter its male members in archaic
times
; mit
descend
descent
in
female line passes v. Bruder zu
Bruder
u. von
Onkel zu Nephew
. Aber
officed
office
stets passed through females, the eligibility der Person
depending upon the
gens of his mother
, who
gave him connection with the gens
u. the defunct
chief whose place he was to fill. Wo
office u. rank
runs through females
, it
requires descent in
the female line
for its explanation.
In
traditionary period d
er
Greeks:
Salmōneus
u.
Krētheus
own brothers,
Söhne d
e
s
Aeolus
. Der erstere gab seine Tochter
Tyrō
in
Ehe ihrem Onkel
. Mit
Descent
in male line Krētheus
u.
Tyrō
of the
same gens, hätten nicht heirathen können; mit
descent
in female line
.
Nach der Zeit d
es
Solon
konnte ein
Bruder seine Halbschwester heirathen
, wenn
sie born of different mothers
,
. Mit descent in female line,
they would be of
different gentes
; aber in
male descent line
– u. diese existirte damals
faktisch – of
the same gens
, ihre Heirath daher
verboten.
Cimon
heirathete seine Halbschwester
Elpinice
, vom selben
Vater
, aber verschiednen
Müttern.
Im
Eubulides
des
Demosthenes
sagt
Euxithius
:
.
Vgl.
id.
Eubulides
, 24
.
Descent in the female line presupposes the gens to
distinguish the lineage
; war –
– ancient law d
er
Latin, Grecian u. other Graeco-Italian gentes
.
[347–352]
Annehmend Zahl of
registered Athenians zur Zeit
Solon
’s
= 60,000 u.
dividing them equally unter d
en
360 Attic gentes
, gäbe average
von 160 persons to gens
. D
ie
gens was a great family
of kindred persons, with
common religious rites, common burial place
, u.,
in general,
common lands
.
Intermarriage verboten.
Mit
change of descent to male line, rise of monogamy, exclusive
inheritance in the children
u.
appearence of
heiresses
way gradually prepared
for free
marriage regardless of gens
, except
prohibition für certain degrees naher Blutsverwandtschaft.
Marriages
began in
the group, alle males u.
females of which
–
ausschliesslich der
Kinder
–
were joint husbands u. wives
;
aber
husbands u. wives
were of
different gentes
; it
endend
ended
in
marriage between single pairs
with
a
an
exclusive cohabitation
.
96
Das Turanian Verwandsc
ha
ft
s
system
(Asien, Africa, Australien)
⦗entsprechend dem
Ganowánian
in
America
⦘
muss auch unter
Greek
u.
Latin tribes
in selber Entwicklungsperiode geherrscht haben.
Ein
Characterzug desselben
: die
Kinder von Brüdern
sind
selbst Brüder u. Schwester
n
, als solche nicht
intermarriable;
d
ie
Kinder von
Schwestern
in demselben Verhältniss,
unter
selber prohibition
.
Dieses erklärt
d
ie
Legende d
er
Danaiden
(worauf
Aeschylus
seine
»Schutzflehenden«
gegründet).
Danaus
u.
Aegyptus
waren Brüder
u. descendants der Argivischen
Io
.
Danaus
, von different wives hatte
50 Töchter
u.
Aegyptus
50 Söhne
; letztere sought the first in marriage;
diese nach
Turanian System
–
Brüder und Schwestern
, unverheirathbar. Wenn damals
descent in male
line
,
hätten sie auch zur
selben gens
gehört, andres
Heirathobstacle. Die
50 Danaustöchter
– Danaiden
–
flohen von Aegypten nach Argos
, um dem
unlawful und blutschänderischen wedlock zu entfliehen. Dies event
foretold to Io von
Prometheus
.
(
Aeschylus
853)
In den Schutzfliehenden d
es
Aeschylus
erklären die
Danaiden den
kindred Argives
(in Argos), sie
seien nicht vebannt worden von Aegypten, sondern:
»
Nachdem sie den casus der
gehört,
beschlossen die
Argiver in Council
ihnen
Schutz zu gewähren
, was implicirt Existenz von
Verbot solcher Ehen u. the validity of their objection. Zur Zeit, wo
diese Tragödie aufgeführt in Athen,
erlaubte u.
forderte selbst das Athenische Gesetz marriage between the children
of brothers
im case of
heiresses u.
orphans
, obgleich diese Regel auf solche Ausnahmsfälle
beschränkt scheint.
[353–355]
Pt. II. Ch. XV. Gentes in other tribes of the Human
family.
Celtic branch d
er
Aryan family (ausser denen
of India)
hält länger als irgend andre d
ie
Gentile Organization
bei; –
Scottish Clan
in d
en
Highlands of Scotland
–
feuds
u. blood revenge, localization by gentes, use of lands in common,
fidelity of clansman to his chief
und
members of the Clan to each other
. –
Irish
Sept.
–
⦗Celtisch:
Villein-communities on French Estates
.
.
Die
Sanscrit »Ganas«
.
[357, 358]
Germans:
were in
Upper Status
of Barbarism
, when first known to the Romans; konnten kaum mehr
developed ideas of government haben als Römer u. Griechen, wenn first
known.
97
.
.
Tac. Germ.
c. 7:
98
Caesar de bello Gallic.
VI,
c. 12
c. 22
;
transitional stages
, diese organizations, between a gentile
and a political system, the grouping of the people still resting on
consanguinity.
Nach der
form des statement
bei
Caesar
scheint
die family
syndyasmian gewesen zu sein
.
[359–361]
99
J. W. B. Money
Barrister-at-Law: „Java; or how to manage a colony.“ London 1861 (2
v
o
ls.)
Vol. I
Java
being subject to earthquakes, the houses are
built of only one story. (p. 6)
Java, mit Madura
, long narrow island, about
52,000 □ miles
its
area
, somewhat less than
England
and Wales
⦗= about 58,000 □ miles⦘, its length = 666 miles ⦗greater
than that of
Engld + Scotland
= 635 miles⦘; its
breadth varies from
56–136 miles
, so that no part of
the interior very far from the sea. (17) Hauptstädte:
Batavia, Samarang
u.
.
(l.c.)
Dustoree
Dustooree
habit
ausgerottet
in Java, still existing in India
; consists in
every Native
, through whom any payment is made to
another,
levying toll
on the money passing through
his hands. (24) Natives of Java all Mussulmans. (27)
European (Dutch) planters and landed proprietors.
(p. 33)
Native Chiefs.
The Natives of rank are all chiefs,
either present or expectant
salaried servants of the
Dutch gvt
; ausser d
en
chiefs in the Preanger districts u.
einigen wenigen other parts des Islands,
none of them are
landed proprietors
. (34)
The
Regents
and their chiefs govern jede Regency,
under supervision der Europ. authorities. (l.c.) Extravagant
Javan form of respect
, noch wie in
Native officials
exact their strict performance,
both towards Europeans and themselves als »indispensable to a due regard for
authority«. (35)
Peasantry
, richer als irgendwo ausser U. St.
Native cultivation
excellent;
artificial works
of
terracing and
irrigation
. (l.c.) In d
en
cottages
grosse Reinlichkeit, eingeführt
d
ur
ch d
ie
Dutch. (37) Diese cottages (huts) haben
meist stables mit
buffaloes
, carts, u. ponies. (36)
(39)
Dutch Colonial Reports
fuller than of any Engl. Colonies. (41) Java
Budget announces a
yearly subsidy from Java to
Holland
, generally of ab
ou
t
3 Millions
£.St.
,
relieves the Dutch
of Holland from
so much personal taxation. (l.c.) Hence Interesse d
er
holl.
States-General
for Java Verwaltung. (42)
Government monopoly
(wie in Indien) in
Opium u. Salt
u. in
Gambier
(this imported like Opium for native consumption).
Exclusive right of exporting the produce of the Java crown lands
given to the
Nederlandsche Handel
Maatschappij
:
about ⅔ of the produce des island so excluded von
export
trade der private merchants
in Java. (
43
44
)
Spice monopoly
does not exist; aber
spices pay so viel schlechter als alles andre, dass nur grown on crown
lands, hence von da for sale
exported on account of the
Dutch gvt
. Kein
spice monopoly
seit Engl.
conquest u. in keinem part der
Dutch East Indies
s
ei
t
1824
, wann the spice monopoly in
Amboyna u. the rest of the Molucca group
abolished
.
High differential and protective
duties
in favour of
goods imported direct from
Holland
, and on
produce exported to that
country
u.
disabilities of foreigners as
compared with the Dutch
. (44)
In the
interior, the Natives
are practically denied
European education, and
are secured against missionary
efforts for their conversion
(45)
Government: paternal
to the Natives, despotic in its
requirements, selfish in its ends, such to secure the material welfare of
the people, u. avoids all
risk of discontent and
disturbance
. (45)
The control exercised by Gvt over Europeans in their
dealings with the Natives
called »tyrannical interference« by some
young Dutch (
[;]
wish for
English rule
, deren »
free and liberal policy
would at
once convert the crown land into private estates
, deprive the
Native grandees of all power,
every European then allowed
to deal as he liked with the peasants
«. (45, 46)
A large revenue per head, no debt, yearly increasing surplus sent as tribute
to Holland. (48)
in
In
Java
16s. 6d.
per
head
of gross income, with only
1s. 6½d. per
head direct land tax
, w
ä
h
ren
d in
India
about 5s. 0½d. per head of gross revenue, wovon
2s. 8¼d.
per head is taken directly from the soil
. (48, 49)
D
ie
3 od. 3½ Mill. £.St.
tribute about the difference
zwischen d
em
reproductive expenditure, the
price
at which produce is delivered to Gvt, in repayment for advances
,
and the
East India revenue in Holland
, or the price
100
paid for the same produce by the European consumer. (49)
Java pays in fact to Holland a certain
amount of coffee,
sugar
, etc., for which it receives a
large return, and it
[is]
the Europ. consumer
who
plays
pays
the surplus revenue to Holland. (49, 50)
I) Java under the Dutch prior to the English conquest in
1811.
⦗cf.
Sir
Stamford
Raffles
:
„History of
Java“
and
Crawfurd
:
„History of the
Indian Archipelago.“
⦘ ⦗
C. J. Temminck
:
„Coup d’œil
général sur les possessions neerlandaises dans l’Inde
Archipelagique“
.
⦘
[55,
57]
Monopoly Revenue
; nämlich:
»Monopoly of Production«
of certain more valuable crops
limited in amount
(to
keep up their price)
(surplus destroyed)
u.
Monopoly of Trade
in all products, could only
be sold
– at very inadequate prices – to the
Dutch East India
Co.
, die sie exported od. retailed for
consumption in the island. Dies brachte herbei
destruction der East Ind. Co. Ende des 18. Jh.
; aber
d
ie
monopolies continued by
Dutch
gvt
in a mitigated form. (55–56)
Uncontrolled
oppression
of people d
ur
ch native chiefs, diese wieder d
ur
ch
d
ie
Dutch etc. (56)
Lower classes
subject to exactions of labour and forced deliveries, without limit or
mercy; hence great misery, constant
emigration von
Dutch part of Java into the native states. Ab
ou
t
3 millions
d
er
population d
es
Dutch part of
Java –
in joint village communities
– produced
gross revenue v. nur 2½ mill. of Java rupees in
1805
.
raised it to 3½ m. rupees in
1810
. (56, 57)
II) Java under the English v. 1811–1816.
Natives of Rank über that of village chiefs
were
deprived of their old power, made mere salaried pensioners, or
subordinate tax collectors and police
superintende
superintendents
.
Indian Ryotwarree system
, with
separate property in the soil, introduced:
a
separate settlement of the land tax
made with
each peasant statt
former joint property
and
joint taxation of the old village community
.
(59) Old
village system
für
purposes of police, petty arbitration
u.
village management
maintained, aber
the
village chiefs made elective
. Abolished
all
forced labour u. compulsory deliveries
, ditto
all monopolies of production u. export. Internal
trade
of island, in labour and produce, freed from every
restriction,
external trade
thrown open to all
on payment of the custom dues. Equality of
rights, duties, imposts
proclaimed for all, ohne
Untersc
h
ied v. race, creed, family. (60)
D
ur
ch d
ie
landtax
revenue raised v.
3½ mill. Java rupees in 1810 to
7½ M.
for the Engl. part of Java and its dependencies in
1815
; dazu 2 millions for the
Native provinces
giebt 9½ M. Java rupees; 8½ M. davon raised
von Java u. Madura alone; giebt on
census population
of 1815
(4,615,270) about 3 shill. per head. (60, 61)
D
ur
ch
inquiries
herausgefunden
dass
Gvt the sole
owner of about
7
/
10
of the then subject part
of Java; the
Preanger regents
had about
2
/
10
;
private
Europeans u. Chinese
were
freehold
owners
of the whole country around Batavia, which had been sold
by the Dutch governors before Engl. conquest. Zusammen dies mit
d
en
crownlands
granted unter Engl. rule to Europeans
u. natives, made the private estates ⅒ of the whole; comprises heut alle
the
private estates
des island, liegt chiefly in
d
en
residencies of Batavia u. Buitenzorg near
Batavia
, u. in denen von
Bantam u.
Krawang
, liegend in
western
u.
northwestern parts
d
er
Insel. (61) In
d
en
Sunda od. Preanger districts
the
old Dutch treaty with the Sundanese regents
, liessen ihnen
Selbstregier
un
g, zogen v. ihnen nur
coffee tax
payable under that treaty. (62)
Raffles
introduced
ryotwarree
(on the crownlands) –
peasant tenures of specific fields with proprietary
rights
of the new owners, subject to a
landtax in money
, settled with each peasant individually,
fixed for 3 years
wonach das
assessment was to be readjusted
. (62, 63) Dies
property made liable to sale for non-payment of
taxes
, or in satisfaction of the peasant owner’s
personal debts
. (
62,
63)
Their habits made them prefer, and use made them
feel
their strength
to consist in,
forming part of the village community, with only a
vicarious liability to the State, through the village chief
,
with a
yearly allotment in severalty of village land,
according to size and labouring capacity of his family
, and
with joint produce and joint labour of the common
village fields
, under the control and direction of the elected
village chief. (63) Trotz d
em
Engl.
ryotwarre
ryotwarree
w
ur
de d
as
alte village system
wie vorher fortgeführt,
101
the village lands were still yearly allotted to the
villagers by the village chief, according to the size of each man’s
family,
and
according to a certain rotation, so as to allow
each villager, in his turn, to occupy the better soils
; the
rent
for
the whole village lands was still paid by the village chief as
collected by him from the chance occupants for the
year
. (64) D
ie
revenue had
risen v.
3½ mill. florins in 1810 to 7½ in 1815
, aber davon
f
a
st 1 Million
for tin in
Banca
Banka
, not received d
ur
ch Dutch for some years
before the Brit. conquest, u. 2½ M. for
landrent
unter d
em
Ryotwarre
e
system
,
w
ä
h
ren
d land rent unter Dutch nur etwas über
23,000 fl. (1810), was nur a
quit rent
to Gvt of
¾ of 1% on the value of Europ. u. Chinese private estates. (65)
Unter Dutch
zahlten
zahlte
d
er
Native cottier his land rent to his Native
chief
chiefs
, denen d
ie
Dutch d
as
practical gvt of the
people überlassen hatten; this land rent d
en
chiefs nur gezahlt
für d
ie
rice lands
u. d
ie
Dutch tax
on
the peasant
limited to
his forced labour on other lands
in
producing articles for export.
Crawfurd
sagt dass ½ d
es
produce d
er
wet rice lands
u. ⅓ of that of dry lands were
the
shares of the
native gvt
; ausserdem unlimited
exactions on the peasant by the native chiefs under the old system.
(
Crawfurd
,
Raffles
) Aber d
ie
Dutch sagen that
the
original law of the land
was always appealed
to by the peasant, obgleich ineffectually, ag
ai
nst such
spoliation; viz: that the
legal reddendum was ⅕ u. ⅕
only of the produce and the labour
. Nach old native custom, the
peasant
owned
owed
to the sovereign, od. dessen grantee,
his
labour every 5
th
day, and ⅕ in kind of the
produce of his land, and no
more
(66.)
Raffles
gab auf the
old labour
rent of one day’s gratuitous work in five
, u. fixed a
money rent on each field
, at
the proportion of ⅓ to ½ of the estimated produce of wet rice lands
u. von ¼ to ⅖
dry
rice lands
. (66)
–
Gvt. sale of land for arrears of land tax
, and
judicial sale of land for private debts
⦗die
in wenigen Jahren would have made the
Chinese money
lender the lord of the soil with Java peasant his ground down and
impoverished slave
, in fact if not in name⦘ nur bei für
private estates
, mostly held by Europeans, aber
abolished them with regard both to the lands
assigned for the support of Native officials and to the lands held
in peasant tenure
. (69, 70) D
ie
Dutch resort oft to
summary methods of defeating the usurious claims der
Chinese usurers
, die sehr verhasst d
en
natives, aber
constantly resorted to by them for the means of gratifying a passing
wish. (71) ⦗
III) Java
Under
under
the Dutch von 1816–1830.
Sie fanden, dass
Gvt. was
still a
large recipient of produce
, v. d
em
Preanger by treaty u. von d
en
crown cottiers, die generally
ihre tax in
kind
zahlten
, on
account of the scarcity of coin
. Theil dieses
gvt produce
was sold in the island, aber
Rest still exported to Europe for sale there on acc
ou
nt of the
Engl. gvt. of Java. D
ie
English had thrown open Java to the
ships of all nations, aber praktisch hatten sie d
as
Monopol
bis Frieden v. 1814
. Dann bis
19 August 1816
(Datum d
er
cession v. Java an Dutch)
hatten Dutch, American u. other ships begun to compete mit English for
trade of the Indian Archipelago. (72)
D
ur
ch d
en
London treaty of 13 August, 1814
, der
d
en
Dutch ihre East Indian possessions stipulirte,
festgesetzt dass Java customs duties on
good
goods
in foreign bottoms 2x mehr als those on goods in Dutch ships.
(l.c.) Auf Sir
Stamford Raffles
’
advice
Singapore
set up as a
free port at the entrance of the Dutch East Indies
[.]
(p. 72) The great success of Singapore
induced the Java Gvt.
[to follow that example]
in 1848
by making
Mangkassar
, in the Island of Celebes, a free port. (73) Lage
v. Singapore, at the
mouth of the pass from the
Indian to the China seas
, has made it the centre of the trade
to the Archipelago, except the Dutch trade, which goes direct to Java by
the Straits of
the
Sunda. (73)
102
Dutch abolish
Ryotwarree
, substitute for it the
same
settlement
for the whole village lands
;
.
(74)
Zwischen
1818
u.
1830
schafften sie auch dies
modified form des
Ryotwarree
ab, reverted to the
old system of
a smaller proportion of produce mit a certain amount of gratuitous
labour
. (74) They reduced the labour rent
v.
⅕ to ⅐
, substituting one day in the European week of 7 days,
for 1 day in the Java week of 5 days. (76)
»The
old idea under the
native rule was
, that
the land belonged to
the prince, the usufruct of it to the cultivator
.« (76)
Landlord Property
: Wo d
ie
Dutch masters by treaty
(nicht d
ur
ch
Erober
un
g) sind
produce rent
u.
labour rent
paid to the Native Princes, wie in
dem Preanger, in Soerakarta und Djokjokarta. (76) In d
em
Rest
der Insel, wo d
ie
Dutch masters by conquest
, gehören the ⅕ of
produce and ⅐ of labour to Dutch Gvt. ausser on
private estates
, wo d
a
s Gvt has pro tanto granted
away its rights. Dort das ⅕ u. ⅐
paid d
ur
ch
peasant an European or Chinese landowner
, welcher seinerseits
an Gvt zahlt
¾% jährlich
on the
total value of his estate
, höchstens = ⅕ of net
yearly income. (76, 77)
Peasant’s Property
ist,
under
the native system
,
zu
dem die Dutch zurückgekehrt, v. 3erlei Sorte:
1)
Village lands belong jointly
to the whole
village community; jeder
housholder
householder
has his share in it; d
ie
joint village lands yearly partitioned and separately
allotted to every head of family according to the size of his
family
u. according to their capacity to cultivate the land so
allotted.
2)
Lands formerly uncultivated
, which
belong exclusively to the peasant who brings them
into cultivation
. Er zahlt für diese the ⅕ u. ⅐ after 5 years,
aber ist
w
ä
h
ren
d d
er
ersten 5 years exempt from all payment for them
, and from all
gratuitous labour whatever.
3)
Lands
which have descended from the first
cultivator to his representatives. D
er
first cultivator, wie
seine representatives d
ur
ch purchase or descent haben
ausser diesem Land, das ihnen ausschliesslich
gehört
, their
share as householders in the
village lands
, so long as they choose
to
claim and cultivate such share
, but no longer. Entweder der
first cultivator od. seine descendants
can sell any
part of such their exclusive land
, aber nur
as a peasant holding
an einen andern cultivator, u.
d
er
Käufer tritt an Stelle des Verkäufers
, paying
his ⅕ u. ⅐ (77, 78).
»When any holder of such exclusive
land dies without heirs,
his exclusive land reverts
to the common lands of the village within whose boundaries it
lies
. In
some districts
, by
custom, the first
cultivator only holds the land exclusively rent and labour free for
6 years, when it reverts to the common lands of the
village
.
[«]
(p.
79
78
)
Present Java Land Tenure.
land tenure has ever since obtained in ganz Java
ausser d
en
Natives
Native
States
of
Soerakarta u. Djokjokarta, on the southern coast, still maintaining a
kind of controlled u. protected independence wie many Native
States
.
(78
[, 79]
) D
as
System d
ur
ch
d
ie
Dutch so far auch für
Private
Estates
; nämlich the
landlord’s claim for
rent
, long limited by custom, w
ur
de
1836 d
ur
ch ausdrückliches Gesetz limited to ⅕ of his
tenants’ produce
u.
to 1 day’s gratuitous
labour in 7
. D
as
⅕ of produce on
private estates
generally taken by the landlord from each
cottier
in kind
, w
ä
h
ren
d
d
ie
produce
rent on Government
land
, settled at ⅕ with the village chief for the whole village,
must be paid in money
. D
ie
labour rent on
crownlands
is mostly employed
on the roads and public works; on
private estates the labour rent
generally
applied by the landowner to the cultivation of such parts of his
property as he keeps in his own hand
.
Labour rent:
Jeder cottier, ob
auf gvt land or on a private estate, gibt his one day’s gratuitous
labour
auf je 7 Tage, seinem landlord, according to the
roster
kept by
the elected village chief. Dies
gratuitous
labour
, eben
weil a part of the rent for
land yielding
produce
,
is
weder zahlbar
d
ur
ch artisan
noch d
ur
ch
any one holding house property only
Dies ⅐
labour due d
ur
ch
jede family
, hence nur
Familienchef eingetragen in roster
,
w
ä
hr
en
d any competent grown member der family od.
other
substitute performs the labour for him
.
Obgleich bei d
er
jährlichen
d
er
villagelands
a large family gets more than a small one, doch nur ⅐ of a man’s
labour is due by that family, however large
.
Result
davon generally, dass d
ie
householders employ some few day
103
labourers to do the gratuitous work for the whole
village
u. diese
erhalten dafür certain
daily payment from the villagers
. D
ur
ch
constant work
on
the gvt
roads u. irrigation embankments
these men become good hands.
(79, 80)
Produce Rent:
Sobald
rice crop
ripe
, aber not yet
cut
, it is
assessed by agreement
mit Bezug auf
Quantum u. Werth
d
ur
ch both, den
cottier tenant u. the landlord. Im Fall v. agreement the peasant is left
to cut down and sell his crop u. hat dann
4 months
after harvest
to pay
the amount. Verlangt landlord the
⅕ of the produce in
kind
, so muss tenant es deliver at the landlord’s
grange on the property as soon as reaped
. (80,
81)
Können landlord u. tenant nicht übereinkommen as to the
number of piculs the different fields will yield per
bahu
, so the
rest of the villagers
called
in, crop is at once cut down, tied up in
geddings
or
bundles of
padi
as big as can be held in the two arms and put up in
heaps of 5 geddings each
. Landlord or his agent
then takes one gedding from every heap. The villagers get a certain
proportion of the geddings for cutting down und stacking the crop; dies
macht’s Interesse des tenant to agree to a
rather
higher assessment in quantity
, so dass er selbst seinen crop
mähen kann. Andrerseit
s
im Gegenfall hat auch landlord so far
Nachtheil, dass, wenn d
ie
villagers cut down the crop,
he has to carry away his own share
; dies
veranlasst ihn not to insist
on quite the highest
valuation in quantity
he thinks the crop can bear. (
80,
81)
Stimmen tenant u. landlord überein mit Bezug
auf
Quantum
, aber nicht über
Marktpreis
, so
hat peasant selbst to cut down his crop, u.
d
em
landlord to deliver ⅕ d
er
stipulated
quantity of padi in kind
u. village chief responsible for the
safe delivery. (81)
D
er
Werth
, um den es sich handelt, ist d
er
current market value of the neighbourhood in full
harvest
, wen
n
folglich
niedriger als sein
average throughout the year
. Tenant weiss, dass bei
Uebereinstimm
un
g d
es
landlord mit ihm er 4 Monate
Zeit zur Zahlung hat. Er weiss dass nach Einherbstung u. nach
Verkauf der produce rent
(der
Nachbarsc
ha
ft) on the spot, od.
dessen
deren
Versendung for export
, d
er
Productpreis
wieder steigt auf die in seiner
Lokalität
gewöhnliche Höhe
. So Interesse des
tenant to »agree«, w
ä
hr
en
d landlord kept within bounds
by the tenant’s right to pay the actual ⅕ in
kind
. (81, 82)
Large European landowners:
Obgleich d
ie
englische Regier
un
g
bei inquiry found
»that the
Native chiefs did not even claim any
proprietary rights in the soil
«, gab sie dennoch in einigen
wenigen Fällen
considerable tracts of crown
lands to Natives
as
private estates. Die
Dutch erkannten
an
alle English grants u. alienations
, aber seitdem
von d
en
crownlands,
sondern only
leased them out
.
Die
few Natives
, die d
ur
ch d
ie
Engländer so in Grundeigenthümer verwandelt, traten in selbe Bedingungen
wie d
ie
alten
European u. Chinese landed
proprietors
u. ihre
estates became liable to
sale for arrears of land tax or for mortgage debt
;
gradually alienated most of their properties, u. jetzt nur noch ½ dozen
– out of the Preanger u. other Native
states
– who are still owners of land. Jeder Native kann buy any private estate
for sale, aber Dutch government
discourages
the
practice. (82, 83)
In
Java
land tax on private estates
nur ¾% on the
value of the
property estimated every 3 years
,
höchstens =
⅕ of
the
net
profits
. Solcher light impost selten in Rückstand, u., when so,
realized by mild means. Kein estate kann verk
au
ft
w
er
den für arrears of land tax, bevor jedes andre Mittel has
failed. An
absentee proprietor
erhält full
notice eh so was sich ereignen kann. Kein estate verkaufbar
for the default of others
, also nur für its own
land tax. In
India
dagegen variirt
land
tax
on the landholder von ½ auf ¾ d
er
net profits des
estate, ausser in
Bengal
, wo
unter
half the net income
«.
Such heavy impost nur eintreibbar d
ur
ch
, u. the most general –
sale of the land for the arrears
. Ist land
tax nicht paid by sunset of the last day for payment, and not afterwards
received,
the estate is ordered to be sold
.
D
er
Absentee kann ample funds seinem manager rückgelassen
haben od. d
ie
rents collected vom estate mögen mehr sein als
nöthig zur Zahlung d
er
tax; hilft nicht; any neglect or fraud
des agent »loses the estate« eh proprietor weiss von d
er
Gefahr.
Anf
an
g d
es
19 Jhdts
d
as
revenue sale law
much used in this manner by
unjust stewards, in collusion with the native clerks of the local
courts, u.
viele grossen Bengalischen proprietors
thus robbed of most of their property
. (
[83,]
84)
Ebenso d
ie
estates of
104
co-sharers
in
sold for
the
default of any one co-sharer
, so long as the shares remain
undivided on the collector’s book; u. zugleich »
the
impediments in the way of partitioning estates
« so numerous,
dass nur ausführbar mit grossen Kosten und with great delay. (85) A
revenue land sale also destroys
. (85)
, which repeals the
former sale laws
u. reenacts its provisions,
subject to some new means of working it with less injustice. Absentee
can now secure his land from sale, through the neglect of his agent, by
depositing Gvt securities
sufficient to meet
the demand for the land tax.
Co-sharers u.
undertenants
can protect their interests from forfeiture,
through the default of their co-sharers or landlord, by
registering separately
, and paying a separate
land tax on their respective shares or under-tenures. Aber dies wieder
cumbered mit difficulties by the
usual fond
resource
of
Indian legislators,
viz referring parties to a
civil suit
; auch enterprise nicht encouraged by the necessity
of depositing available capital to obtain safety. (89)
In
Java
, wie in
, liability of private estates to sale for the debts
of the proprietor
. Dies natürlich passender für d
ie
European u. Chinese landowners of Java
, als
d
ie
ignorant u. reckless feudal chiefs of India. Dies law
eine Hauptursache des discontent mit Brit. rule unter the most
influential classes d
er
Indian natives. Wenn a
money-lender
in India once gets the native
landholder into his books, his object is not to receive back the money
lent, nor even the high interest on it,
but to make
it the means of buying his debtor’s land as cheap as possible, and
far below its real value
. Treibt his debtor an that his
izzut
, or personal dignity, that mainspring of
native action, requires extra show and expense,
u. at
the same time offers the means of supplying this extravagance. Should
the debtor propose to pay off the debt when the next rent comes in, the
creditor refuses the money, begs the debtor to keep it, or suggests
other ostentatious employment for it; leads so den poor flattered
landlord blindly into the net, exactly wie shown in the old comedies u.
novels,
which portrayed an analogous state of
society in Europe. Unterdess
the several
loans
, whith compound interest at 12%, and
monthly rests
, run up in a manner that would have astonished
even
Gil Blas
’ Spanish noble
who borrowed his own money
. The play goes on in true 15
th
century fashion, till landowner so involved
that his
knows he
cannot pay
. Dann scene
change
changes
u. the incongruous machinery of the 19
th
century is called in for the
dénouement
. The cringing creditor suddenly demands his money,
sues his debtor, and
proceeds to advertise his land
for sale
. He
gives out among the native
community his determination to buy the estate
, and
that any one who bids ag
ain
st him he shall
consider and treat as his deadliest enemy
. Er hat den
advantage over all the other bidders, of not having
to deposit at once a large portion of the purchase-money
, and,
as the debtor and his family have not the means of doing so,
the creditor generally buys the estate at the auction
sale
far
below its value
. If possible,
er kauft ihn
for less than the orginal debt
, so
that the debtor’s personal
liability for the
remainder may be used as an engine for maintaining possession
ag
ain
st the ill will of the ruined landowner, and of
his old tenants and retainers
. The whole object, therefore, is
to force the land from the debtor at the lowest
possible rate at which the creditor can avoid having his
objected
object
defeated by being paid his debt
. (90–92)
In
Java
the law helps the
usurer
nur
to recover his money and nothing
else
. The debtor’s personalty must be first exhausted. Jeder
article seized must be valued by both debtor u. creditor, or their
agents,
and the European civil servant
, obliged
to preside at the seizure, decides between them u. fixes ohne appeal the
value of each article. The goods are put up for sale in such order as
the debtor chooses to direct, but any article, for which the bidding
does not rise to the estimated value, is delivered to the creditor in
discharge of so much of his debt. When personalty nicht hinreicht, kommt
Land dran. Hier wieder
105
the debtor directs into
what lots the land is to be divided, and in what
order the lots are to be sold
; the value of each lot is
estimated as the creditor has to
take such of the
lots at that value as fail to realise it at the sale
. However
inconvenient etc the possession of these lots may be to the creditor, he
can of course sell them by private contract, so as to realize on the
whole the amount of his claim. (92, 93)
D
ie
European landowners
nützlich in Java; have so
raised the price of land there, that estates can hardly be bought to pay
4%. The purchaser
looks to his own improvements
,
and to raising the value of the estate,
by inducing
emigration from government land
, to bring the
rental
up to the
ordinary
interest for money, which in Java is ab
ou
t 8
%.
D
ie
European landlords u. viele planters suchen to add to
the population on their estates. Every landlord knows that any of his
peasantry who choose to go over to his neighbour’s property can get
land, buffaloes, and money at once
u. er weiss
that the peasants themselves know it
. (93,
94)
No Middlemen in Java
; w
ä
h
ren
d
–
Putnee, Durputnee, Seputnee, Izara
etc – who
do nothing for the estate or its cultivators
,
but
each of whom lives on the difference between what
he pays and what he can underlet the same interest for
– sind
the drones of society
[.]
(94)
Im Preanger u. in Soerakarta u. Djokjokarta
the ⅕
of produce is
applied in the old way
, d.h.
partly to religion, partly to education
, and
partly
to
the support of the
Native chiefs
, u. d
er
peasant pays no more. Im übrigen
Theil d
es
island, obgleich d
er
peasant nur zu zahlen ⅕
to his landlord, ob Government od. private person,
yet the priests and native chiefs generally exact some further
portion of his produce for religion u. education
. D
ie
Dutch do not enforce the latter payment,
. Im schlimmsten Fall this leaves, as
the Java peasant’s own, a
proportion of his crop far
exceeding that retained by the Indian cottier
.
[95,
96]
; the greatly increased expenditure exceeded
the enlarged income (averaged
1817–1830 etwas unter
24 Mill. florins
). D
as
great deficit caused by the
Java war, but the chief increase of expenditure arose v. d
en
more numerous and more efficient European instruments
required for the systems of justice and administration, introduced
by the English
. The maintenance
d
es
Engl. system necessitated
an outlay incompatible m.
d
en
existing resources des country. (97, 98)
Nach Engl. Census of 1815:
Population f. Java u. Madura
=
4,615,270.
Dutch Cens. of 1826:
" " "
=
5,403,786;
decimal increase von nur about 16%
. (98)
Deficit u. Debt:
v.
1814
1817
–1824
considerable surplus of revenue over
expenditure,
v.
1824–1833
constant deficit.
Von return d
er
Dutch
–1833
altogeter
altogether
Ueberschuss v. Ausgaben über Einnahmen
= 37,700,000 fl. = £3,141,666.
Dies deficit = about 1½ year’s income, was supplied by Holland u. thus
formed the Java debt.
D
er
Zins für diese
Schuld, having to be sent out of the country, war a
greater drain on the finances of Java
als a
larger amount
of debt held in the island
would have been. (98) Population u.
revenue von Java waren beide fast stationär;
increase
of expense
, constant deficit, yearly growing debt. In 8 years,
zwischen 1825–1833, diese Schuld gewachsen von 0 to 1½ year’s revenue.
The people were living in great poverty, with, in some places, a bare
subsistence.
Increasing deficiency in cattle
and
other means excited fears as to the future prospects of the
country. Oppression by the chiefs, much violent and organized
106
crime among the poor. Notwithstanding the large increase
of revenue, the Dutch East Indies seemed destined to continue a burden
on the small mother country. (99)
Average revenue of the Dutch East Indies per head
v.
1817–1833
=
7s. 1¾d. p
er
annum,
ranging in different years
von
5s. 5d. to 9s. 3½d. (99)
, involving all officials,
European or natives, u. all branches of the expenditure – impairing
seriously the
efficiency of both the military u.
civil service
. Mit all dem
expendit
u
re
immer noch > als income
in 1830
,
.
[101–103]
The Culture System.
als
Generalgouverneur d
er
Dutch East Indies
, nahm d
ie
nöthigen funds
mit sich, auch Anzahl of
young Dutch free from the prejudices of the colonial service.
(104) … His scheme to offer
culture contracts on
liberal terms
, and
large advances of
public money without interest
to European inhabitants of
Java; Hauptsache: to make the
crown cottiers
plant such portions of the crown lands as were not required to
grow rice for their own subsistence
, with
the colonial products in demand in Europe, and
best suited to the soil
; the
profits of
these more valuable crops
to be divided in such proportions
zwischen
grower, manufacturer u. gvt, as to give
to the two former the larger share
.
–
Building Advance
; jeder contractor
credited in the books
of a branch of the
administration, expressely created for the purpose, with a
building advance
of the amount required to
start his manufacture; erst calculated at
2 lacs
of florins copper
od.
200,000 F. C. =
£.13,888. 17s. 9½d.
; von diesen 2 lacs durfte contractor
draw was er brauchte meanwhile für seine family, nicht über
1500 fl. copper
per mensem. Dies
building advance made für 12 J.
,
ohne Zins
, but
repayable
by
instalments of ⅒ in the
3
d
and every succeeding year
.
It was to be applied by the contractor under Gvt. superintendence in
building his mill, bringing water to it as a
motive power, buying u. importing from Europe the proper
machinery
; his machinery imported duty free; the special
culture department assisted in procuring machinery from Europe, gave
the contractors advice and information, supplied them with the best
works relating to their respective manufactures, and applied each
man’s building advance in a liberal spirit to the preparation of his
mill, as the contractor and his supervising official required. A
sufficient
amount of the gratuitous labour
,
furnished by the neighbouring peasants to Gvt., was put at the
contractor’s disposal for the
first 2 years
.
He took what timber and materials he required from gvt land for
nothing. His general supervision was facilitated by the gratuitous
use of the gvt post horses. He laid the advance out as he thought
best. (105, 106
[)]
Yearly Advance.
Van den Bosch
also undertook,
that, by the time the mill was ready to work, the
surrounding
villas
villages
should have a certain area planted with the crop to be
manufactured ready for cutting. About 400 bahus
, or 600
acres
calculated to give full employment to the mill. Gvt was also to
advance yearly beforehand
to the
contractor, without interest, the whole sum
required for the purchase and manufacture of the crop
.
These
advances were to be repaid to the Gvt in the produce of the
mill.
At first the contracts required the manufacturer to
deliver to Gvt. the
whole produce of his mill at
a fixed rate, about ⅓ above the cost price
. Diese
original contracts
afterwards varied. It was
made optional with the contractor
to
insist on Gvt buying the whole produce of his
mill at the contract rates
, or only to deliver to Gvt
so much as, at the contract rates, would repay
the yearly advance and ⅒ of the original building advance
.
107
D
ie
respectable Dutchmen
, denen van
den
Bosch first offered his contracts,
.
Bosch
rechnete auf stimulus given d
ur
ch
high
wages, with
official encouragement u.
supervision; this would
increase the material over which to spread the cost of
manufacture
. Da
no interest on the
advances, no commission to agency houses, no outlay for freight
or transport
, hatte der contractor nur eine expense – the
cost of manufacture
. (108)
. (109)
The
amount to be paid for the purchase of each
crop was fixed
, so as to make
its
cultivation more profitable than rice
. The
expenses of manufacture
were estimated at a sum =
the amount to be paid to the grower
.
And the contract-rate was
fixed about ⅓ higher than the product of those two sums.
The product of those two sums would be the
yearly
advance of Gvt for the cost-price of the whole crop
, so
that, if the estimates proved correct, the
delivery to Gvt of ⅔ of the manufactured article at the
contract rate
would repay the yearly advance,
leaving the contractor ⅓ of his manufacture for
his profit
. (
[108, ]
109)
Mode of carrying out the System.
D
ie
crown villages, whose situation u. soil seemed best adapted for the
success of the enterprise, were selected …,
amount of land required to be under rice
, to
provide for the wants of the surrounding
population
, was
ascertained
u.
people told that this
amount of rice land
should never be intruded upon. (p. 109) They were ordered to plant ⅕
of their lands with the contractor’s crop. (110) A village which set
apart ⅕ of its rice fields for the
cultivation of
a crop suited to the market of Europe
, not requiring more
labour than the cultivation of rice, was
to be
exempted from the payment of land rent
. The
village was further to receive any value above
the amount of the remitted land rent which the contractor’s crop
should turn out to be worth. Bad crops were to be at the risk of
the Gvt
, in so far, at least, as these should not be owing
to want of zeal and labour on the part of the Javanese. And
four men were to be told off to do the work of
one
. (110, 111)
Fand sich jedoch, that
the remission of the land
rent
, in return for the contractor’s crop,
would lead to an unfair taxation
of
the individuals composing the village
community
. D
ur
ch diese remission some relieved
from tax without rendering any equivalent; nämlich those who,
according to Javanese ideas
, were above work
and independent,
having separate rice fields of
their own which they cultivated by day labourers
; die
dagegen,
turned out to work
on the
contractor’s crop – the
poorer classes
–
would be the
only members of the community on
whom the tax of the whole village would fall
. Dieser Theil
d
es
culture system daher nur carried into effect in two
residencies,
Madioen u. Kediri
;
w
ur
den aber sehr b
a
ld auch hier fallen gelassen
für
present system
,
which is to collect the land
rent from the whole village community
,
and to pay each man
individually for his work on the contractor’s crop
. (111)
Unter diesem System the
land rent on the whole of
the village cultivated lands
is still taxed, only at the
old rate and in the old manner,
as if all under
rice as before
.
The price of the contractor’s crop
, on the
contrary,
is fixed so high
, that the money
received for its growth on ⅕ of the village lands,
must be more than double the land rent on the
whole village lands
. This leaves the villagers a large
cash-balance in hand, after paying their land rent, besides the
whole rice produce of the ⅘ of their land for their own consumption.
It relieves them from the former necessity of having to meet the Gvt
demand by selling part of their rice crop, probably at inadequate
rates, or by borrowing money at exorbitant interest. (
[111,]
112)
Culture system ohne contractors
wo no
manufacture of raw material required, od. wo treatment des product
for export is easy enough to be carried out by the native grower.
(112)
The
native’s share
in
the
culture system
, both of labour and reward, was regulated by
fixed rules plainly beneficial to him.
His
cultivation of the contractor’s crop
was carried out under
the orders and supervision of
his native
chiefs
. The
price for the contractor’s
crop was arranged by him with the European officials
. And
till the crop was cut and carried to the mill, the
contractor
neither had nor was allowed to
usurp other control over the cultivator, than to report to the
officials such neglect or misconduct as he thought likely to injure
the crop. (113)
108
D
as
Cultursystem mit intervention of a
contractor
w
ur
de applied on the crown lands in
different parts of Java auf
Zucker
,
Indigo
,
Cochineal
Thee, Tobacco. D
ie
gvt cultures of coffee, cinnamon
u.
Pfeffer have always been carried out by native labour ohne
Europ. contractor
. Erfahrung zeigte,
dass
letztrer nützlich für
Zucker, Tabak u.
Thee
; dass andrerseits
Indigo
u.
Cochenilla
hardly
require
and cannot bear the expense of a Europ.
contractor
. (
[113,]
114)
D
ie
wichtigste culture – d
ie
of
sugar
. (l.c.)
Contract Sugar Culture.
Price paid den
villagers fixed auf
3½ fl. Kupfer
for each
picul of sugar produced from the
canes
grown
by them; w
ur
de expected that
average
yield
=
30 piculs of sugar to 1½ acres
(1 bahu) of canes
; so hatten d
ie
villagers yearly
105 fl. Copper per bahu of 1½ acre, or £4.
17s. 9d. per acre
. D
en
peasants erklärt dass die
canes
, sobald reif u. bevor cut, would
be estimated as to their yield by the Taxation Committee, in selber
Art wie der rice crop jährlich estimated für land rent; ferner sie
should be at once paid
3 florins copper u.
50 doits per picul of the estimated yield
; sobald their
canes crushed, sollten sie receive a further sum of
3 fl. copper u. 50 doits
for every picul of
the actual yield above the estimate. (
[114,]
115)
Suppose village had 100 bahus od. 150 acres of
rice land
; to be planted nun ⅕ or 20 bahus (30 acres) mit
sugar cane. Giebt dies ⅕ 600 piculs, or 30 piculs of sugar per bahu,
so –
zu 3 fl.c. 50 doits per picul
– dies
would give
2100 fl. copper
, to be paid
to the peasants in cash by the Gvt contrôleur
before the canes were cut
u. which they might keep whether
the canes gave the estimated yield or not. (115) the land under
sugar to be taxed for land rent only as if under rice. (l.c.)
Vigilance u. active
exertions der Europ. u. native
officials
secured
by a small percentage
to each on every picul of sugar made by the district
; unter
ihrer supervision d
ie
canes were carefully cultivated
; nach
einigen Jahren Erfahrung u. improvement, they yielded,
on the best lands wo d
ie
Zuckermills
zuerst etablirt
, average v.
40 piculs
per bahu
, statt 30. Ausser obigen 2100 fl. copp., die
d
ie
villagers erhielten als estimated yield, erhielten
sie, 2 od. 3 months später, when the real yield was known, fernere
700 fl.c., as the
price at the same rate of the
extra 10 piculs per bahu above
the estimate. (116)
Reift d
er
crop nicht, od. ist er burned or washed away
before the canes are ripe
, and therefore
before the estimation
of
the yield
, the peasants get nothing for their labour.
to use
care and caution
to provide ag
ain
st
accidents. (116) D
ie
villagers daher take active
precautions against the
canes being burnt up for
want of irrigation
, or washed away by the violent rains for
want of protection, u. in most cases mit Erfolg. (116, 117)
D
ie
villagers
further paid by the
contractor for cutting the canes and carrying them to his
mill
; d
er
contractor hat zu diesem Behuf Contracte
zu machen unter supervision des
contractor
contrôleur
, generally about
1 fl.c. per picul of
the yield
. So d
ie
villagers erhielten ferner v.
contractor in cash on delivery
800 fl.c. for
cutting and carrying the canes
of their 20 bahus, at 40
piculs per bahu. Sie erhielten also, total:
F.(lorin) C.(opper).
für growing, cutting u. carrying 20 bahus
of canes:
Value at estimated yield
of 30 piculs
2100
Value of surplus yield
of 10 piculs
700
For cutting and carrying,
at 40 pic.
800
Total
3600
Flor. Copper. (117)
3600 fl. copper = 3000 fl. silver
=
£.250
for 20 bahus or ab
ou
t 30
acres of land. (118)
D
ie
villagers’
culture wages
variiren daher je nach yield von about
7 zu über
8 £ p
er
acre
. (l.c.
[)]
D
as
Dutch gvt zieht nicht ab
d
ie
von d
en
culture wages, but most of the villagers doubtless pay it from that
source. (118)
Land Rent
:
calculated by having the
produce of the village lands
, when the
March rice crop
is ripe and before it is
cut,
yearly
estimated by the
Taxation Committee
; dies besteht aus
European contrôleur, the native Chief
109
of the district, the village chief
, and a
certain number of Native
mantries
, or petty
chiefs. Diese examine the
crop of the land
in the presence of the villagers, and calculate the number of
piculs of padi or pari
(rice in the husk),
and whether of 1
st
, 2
nd
, or 3
d
quality, which the
crop will give per bahu; average about
20 piculs
of padi
per bahu u. ausnahmsweis bis 30 piculs. In Java
giebt
the padi about ½ of its own weight
–
in rice, in
Indien
selten mehr als ⅖ des padi
. This padi is
valued
at the market price in harvest time
,
which, in the interior, generally von
2–3 fl. per
picul of first-rate padi
, aber in
Nachb
a
rsc
ha
ft
d
er
towns will rise to 4 u. selbst 5 fl. per picul.
(118, 119)
In 1854:
highest average produce of padi in any residency
30.05 piculs per cultivated bahu
lowest
5.22 " " " "
The average all round
17.14. " " " "
Highest average price of padi in any residency
4 fl. 80 doits per picul
Lowest
1 fl. 13 " " "
Highest average price all round
3 fl. 5 " " "
Lowest " " " "
1 fl. 113 doits per picul.
In 1857:
rice produce all round
17.09 piculs per bahu,
highest average price all round
2 fl. 47 doits per picul,
Lowest
1 fl. 85
" "
Suppose:
of the 80 bahus under rice
10 give per bahu
30 piculs
of first rate padi,
worth 3 fl. per picul
probably:
20 " " "
20 "
of second rate " "
" 2 fl. 60 doits p. picul
"
50 " " "
15 "
of third rate "
" " 1 fl. 80 " " "
The 20 bahus under sugar
are calculated as
rice land
, giving the same
quantity and quality
as the best of that
village land really under rice.
Pic Padi
Village land rent account then:
30 bahus
(10 Rice u. 20 sugar) at
30 pic. padi per bahu
900
20 "
20 " " " "
400
50 "
15 " " " "
750
Total produce of 100 Bahus
2050
900 Pic Padi
at
3 fl. per
Picul
fl.
2700
400 " "
2 fl. 60 doits
"
1000
750 " "
1 fl. 80 "
" "
"
1250
Total value of produce
"
4950;
of this land rent ⅕
,
in money, = 990 fls.
(p. 119,
120)
In 1854:
cultivated area of rice fields on the Java
crownlands
1,712,312 bahus
Davon planted for gvt. under culture system weniger als
1
/
26
, viz.
63,868 bahus
Cultivated by the people for themselves
1,678,444
1,643,444
" "
In
1857
the cultivated area of rice fields in
the Java crownlands = 1,896,177 bahus od.
275,797
acres
more than in
1854
, showing an
extension of cultivation not far short of 100,000 acres per
annum.
In 1854
the total landrent was
8,617,972 fl. 33 doits,
or at rate of
503 fl.
per 100 bahus on the whole cultivated area.
1857
9,659,794 fl. 44
od. " "
509 fl.
(p. 120, 121)
In
f
o
lg
en
der
v
er
gl
eichender
Tabelle
is
the rice produce
of 100
bahus
supposed
same in amount u.
value
in
1830
, wie
in 1857
; in der That were amount und value
smaller
in 1830
; this makes the difference
zwischen old u. new systems
smaller
than it
really is; hence the
benefit caused by the
culture system understated
(p. 121), d
ie
Tabelle
:
110
1830
Pic Padi
Florins
1830:
30 Bahus at
30 Pic Padi per Bahu:
900 at fl. 3
2700
20 " "
20 " " " "
400 at 2 f. 60 d.
1000
50 " "
15 " " " "
750 " 1 f. 80. "
1250
2050 "
4950
Deduct ⅕ to be sold for land rent
410 or
990
Left to Village for Consumption and saleone crop
of Padi:
1640 pics worth
3960
1857
Pic Padi
Florins
1857.
20 Bah. Sugar mit cutting and carrying at least Fl. Cop.
2700
2250
10 Bah. Rice, at 30 Pic
p
e
r
Bahu
300 at fl. 3
900
20 Bah. d
i
tto at 20 " "
400 at 2 f. 60 d.
1000
50 B. d
i
tt
o
at 15 " "
750 at 1 f. 80
1250
60 B. same land, second crop of Tobacco
1800
4950
1450
4950
7200
Land rent paid out of the Sugar money
990
Left Village for Consumpt
ion
or sale 2
crops worth
4950
Cash in hand
1260
6210
Also 6210
fl. clear in
1857
gegen
3960
clear in
1830
. (p. 122)
Under this new system, with such large yearly cash balances,
villagers soon relieved von
grip of Chinese
money-lenders
. The power to purchase gave rise to new
wants, and the indulgence of those wants led to increased industry.
(123)
Ferner: The
idle months zwischen d
er
harvest in June u. dem sowing in November
used to be the
period for regularly organized burglaries u. other violent crimes,
formerly as prevalent in Java as they still are in India. Employment
at good wages during those months secured to
part
of the population in the manufacture of sugar at the mill
;
rest of the population also thereby employed during the same period
on their own village lands.
The
water-course
, made by the contractor to turn his own mill,
supplies them with
constant irrigation
not
dependent on the rains, and
thus enables the
village lands to bear a double instead of a single
crop
.
The
mill also is a
ready market for the village
produce
, such as
fuel, padi,
rattans
(
⦗
,
bamboos
etc, and for the
village
manufacture
, such as
oil,
pots
,
bricks
,
wooden u. iron tools
etc. (123,
24
124
)
D
ie
rice lands
– i.e. d
er
proportionate
share of the ⅘ of the village lands to be planted with rice,
allotted every year to each householder – sind
separately cultivated d
ur
ch jeden householder u. his
family
. D
ie
yearly division u. allotment
are made by the
Koewoe
od.
village
chief, with the help of the council of village elders
.
Dagegen d
as
⅕ under sugar
, which is
changed every year
, so as to let the
same land carry sugar only once in 5 years, is
not allotted
, but
the whole of the
cottiers work at that by turns under the orders of the
Koewoe
. (124)
Culture Wages:
When the
canes
are to be paid for, the
money is
taken to the place where
the
wedana
(chief of the district) lives.
Lists
have
been prepared beforehand for each village – so many bahus, estimated
at so many piculs, at
three F.C.
,
50 d. per picul
, so much –
so
many villagers
worked in the sugar canes (
excl.
the
priests
,
the infirm, and those of rank above work) to divide so much, will
get, per man, so much – and then
seriatim the
names of the workmen, with each man’s amount
. The village
is summoned, perhaps mit 5 or 6 other villages. (124)
The heading of the list, showing the calculation and the amount per
man, is read out to the villagers in the presence of the
assistant resident
, the
contrôleur in charge of the village
, the
regent
in whose regency, the
wedana
in whose district, and the salaried
mantrie
in whose
sub-district the village
is situated, and of the
Koewoe or elected chief of the village
. Each
man’s name is then called out
, and
the money is paid by the contrôleur into his own
hand
. The assistant resident has to report to the resident
the whole circumstances of the payment of each village, with the
names of each official present, and the name of the person by whose
hand the money was paid to the villagers. (125)
Obgleich each man’s money paid into his own
hand
, it was notorious that
the whole
sum was
, on the return to the village,
paid by the peasants to the village chief and council of
elders, who redistributed
to
it, according to the account kept by them of every
man’s daily work in the canes
, or
of the
supply of carts and buffaloes for the purposes of the sugar
cultivation
. These latter are often provided by people of
rank or of age above work, whose names even are consequently not on
the Gvt list. (125)
111
If any
further payment to be made from
the
yield of sugar exceeding the amount
estimated
, the whole process is gone over again etc
(125
[, 126]
)
to
the
local officials given personal interest
in the success; many
of the official salaries are
doubled by their percentages
, obgleich d
er
percentage universal, but
very small
,
z. B. so many doits per picul. The
aggregate
forms a respectable sum. (126)
Copper Coin:
Van den Bosch
imported v. Europa
viele millions of copper coin
, in which
the advances to the contractors for expenditure in Java were made.
Dies hatte intrinsic worth v. nur
40 centimes
, od.
8 d. per 100 copper
coins called doits
, aber Gvt made it a
legal tender in Java
at
the rate of 120
doits to a silver florin worth 20d. Engl
. D
ie
copper coin avancirt von Gvt. an contractor u. paid by him to
peasant, at that rate,
the contractor repaying
the nominal amount of the advance in sugar at the contract
price
. So der
advance made by the Gvt.
really cost it less than half the nominal amount
of the
advance. (127) Dies copper coinage had many of the advantages – in
that state of society – of a paper currency.
It
was not hoarded
, it represented a
conventional value far above its real cost
, war nicht
constantly returned to Gvt. for silver. Had disadvantages of bulk u.
leicht counterfeited u.
the difference between
its real value and that for which it was a legal tender in
Java
gave
rise to smuggling
, in the
introduction of large quantities of the same inferior copper coin
into the island. So a
large circulating
medium
provided, suited to the wants der country;
Gvt
recieved the whole or any part of the
land tax, or of any other payments,
in the same
copper coin at its legal rate
. Später this inferior copper
coinage called in u. replaced by copper and small silver coins of
proper intrinsic value. (
[127,]
128)
Contractor’s Profits
: D
er
contractor
risked nothing ausser time u. labour.
Van den Bosch
foresaw that
the great benefit to the country would arise von d
er
extension d
es
system by private enterprise; er wollte
zeigen dass
liberal scale of remuneration to the
peasant
consistent mit large and rapid fortunes to the
contractors. Er erlaubte daher dem contractor to
pay in sugar, at such prices as to leave him a large share of
the profits der manufacture
; he fixed the
contract rate wozu the sugar to be delivered to
Gvt
in the neighbourhood of the mill at
10 fl. copp. per picul
. Dies =
13s.
10½d. for 136 lbs avoirdupois
, od. just under
1¼d. per pound
. Des
contractor’s calculation
made on expectation
of 30 piculs of sugar to the bahu of canes
;
the
usual amount of land in each contract was
400 bahus
,
divided among the different culture villages
attached to that sugar mill
. At these rates,
the contractor’s account
:
F.C.
Pic. Sug.
400 Bahus, at 30 piculs of Sugar per Bahu
12,000
Yearly advance for canes, at 3 F.C. 50 doits per
picul
42,000
Yearly advance for cutting und making, at 3 F.C. 50 d. " "
42,000
Repay ⅒ of original building advance
20,000
To be repaid
104,000
Contractor repays this by the delivering to Gvt at 10 F.C. per Picul
10,400
Estimated surplus for Contractor’s profit
1,600.
(p
[129,]
130)
D
er
yearly government advance to contractor = 7 F.C. per
picul of
suggar
sugar
. The contract rate for delivery, being 10 fl.c. per picul,
would enable him to repay yearly advance + ⅒ of building advance, u.
machen considerable surplus for his profit. D
ie
results für
contractor wie für peasant
sehr increased by the
canes yielding 40 piculs per bahu statt 30
. D
es
contractors account
on the real product ion
,
dann so:
F.C.
Pic. Sugar
400 Bahus at 40 piculs per Bahu
16,000
Canes at 3 F.C. 50 d. per picul
56,000
Cutting and making (less per picul for a larger amount) 3 F.C. per Picul
48,000
Repay ⅒ of Building Advance
20,000
To be repaid
124,000
=
12,400
Real surplus for Contractor
Pic. Sug.
3,600
(p.
[130,]
131)
112
Diese
3,600
Piculs of Sugar, if badly made
and sold at 12 fl. per picul, gave
43,200 fl.
od.
£ 3600
; if well
made u. of superior quality, sold at 15 f. p. pic. gave
51,000 fl.
od.
£
4353
.
In beiden Fällen hatte contractor bought ⅒ of his mill, worth £1381.
17s. 9d. Dies mit von £3600 bis £4353 cash surplus, made in all v.
5000 bis 5600 £
p.a. as his
yearly profit
for his time u. labour.
(131)
As the
advances to the original contractors began to
come in
,
by the sale of the produce
delivered to the gvt
, d
er
Gen. Governor able to
extend the contract sugar cultivation rapidly to the different parts
des island,
where there was sufficient
population
u.
soil suited to the growth
of sugar
. System not allowed to degenerate into
mere investments for moneyed men, to be carried
on by managers
; the
contracts were made
personal to the contractor
, and ceasing on his absenting
himself for more than a certain short period.
Leave of absence to Europe
, in case of illness, Gvt
appointing a substitute.
Sale of contract
to
any
approved purchaser
generally allowed to
contractor, and never refused to his family in case of his death.
(
[131,]
132)
Dies d
ie
terms der first sugar contracts
, to
last for 20 years
, w
ä
h
ren
d
deren d
ie
contractors large fortunes machten. Most dieser
contracts jetzt expired, renewed for a further period of years for
nearly same terms. Contractor has now to deliver etwas weniger als
⅔ of his sugar to Gvt. at 7½ fl. per picul =
8 fl.C. 75 d.
, statt zu
10 fl.C. per
picul
as before. Dies, zusammen mit
various expenses for packing, forwarding, percentage to
officials, commission to agents
etc, all borne by the Gvt.,
raises the cost
of
the contract sugar to nearly 10 fl. silver per picul in the Gvt
stores for export
. Average cost in
1854
=
9 fl. 106 doits per picul
,
in
1857
exact
10 fl. per
picul
. (132, 33)
The remaining advances, if any, are paid in money from the proceeds
of the remaining ⅓ of the sugar, which the contractor sells on his
own acc
oun
t. D
ur
ch
improvement
in culture
, namentlich auch der
manufacturing processes
, Zucker jetzt much cheaper
produced so as to enable large profits still to be made on these
terms, nam
en
tlich
improvement in
machinery
, since the introduction of the culture system.
D
ie
mills
, at first built, machinery bought, u.
watercourse made for 2
lacs of fl. copper
(=
£13,888
) jetzt generally worth 5 lacs
od.
£34,722
. Dies improvement mostly made by
fresh building advances from Gvt, repaid by
yearly instalments
in the same manner as the original
building advance; diese
mills jetzt the private
property der contractors
. (133)
Contract Indigo Culture.
Etablirt zu selber
Zeit wie die d
es
Zuckers. It was limited to the
surplus village lands above
requirements for rice
. It was to be paid for by Gvt at a
price far more remunerative to the peasant than rice. All
advances to be made to the contractor without
interest
. And he
to repay these advances
in indigo at contract rates
, leaving him a large profit.
(
[134,]
135)
Alles Indigo produced on the crown lands
is
delivered to Gvt., theils weil d
ie
contract rate jetzt höher als Marktpreis in
Java
, so dass d
ie
contractors, übereinstimmend mit
d
er
power reserved to them, wälzen ihr ganzes Product
auf Gvt., aber auch
z.Th., weil grosser Theil
d
er
Indigo Cultur auf Kronland jetzt carried on by
Gvt ohne contractors
.
Höhere
Qualität des Bengal Indigo
u.
dessen rasches Wachsthum w
ä
h
ren
d der letzten 30 J.
haben d
en
Preis des Java Indigo
reducirt, bis seine
Cultur nur noch vortheilhaft fortsetzbar
d
ur
ch Verminderung der Produktionskosten
;
Java Indigo
w
ur
de so
ein Artikel nicht »able to bear the extra cost of
the contractor’s profit«
.
(135)
Indigo d
er
blaue Farbstoff extrahirt von
sap des Indigo leaf
, w
ir
d made into the
cakes, which form the indigo of commerce
,
d
ur
ch an
easy process
.
Sob
al
d es nöthig w
ur
de d
ie
Kost
d
e
r Indigo p
ro
d
u
ction zu reduciren,
gefunden
[»]
that the
same indigo could be produced as well and cheaper without a
contractor«
.
(135,
136) Gvt. verweigerte daher Erneur
un
g d
er
ur
s
p
rüng
lichen Indigo contracts.
113
Wie d
ie
contracts expired, Gvt
bought
back the factories u. plant
, u. carried on the indigo
culture direct
d
ur
ch d
ie
crown
peasants unter Aufsicht ihrer native chiefs
. (136)
Independent Planters.
Nachdem Kultursystem
etablirt in verschiednen Theilen d
er
Insel d
ur
ch
gvt. Vorschüsse, u. d
ie
large fortunes made by the
contractors had called forth enterprise, refüsirte Java Gvt.
any further sugar or indigo contracts
.
Independent planters then encouraged to settle auf crown lands in
districts wo d
as
Cultursystem noch nicht introducirt.
D
ie
ersten unabhängigen crown leases granted für
Zuckercultur
; diese leases
did not
include any portion of the existing village lands
, sondern
nur benachbarte uncultivirte crown
lands
, obgleich diese ohne Zweifel sehr oft used by the
villagers für
collection of timber
od. other
purposes. Here a
lease for 20 years
to be
obtained of 300 od. 400 bahus of ground or more. Erst a
rent
paid to Gvt
of one
picul of sugar for each planted bahu
; später commuted to a
fixed yearly money payment von 6 fl. silver
per bahu
, od.
6s. 8d
[.]
per acre
; planter has in this
case to find his own capital u. machinery etc. Such leases erst
granted
1839 u. 1840
, in accordance mit
d
er
policy prevalent in
Java vor
1830
u. in
India
bis jetzt.
(
[136,]
137) D
as
Result has not been in favour of the independent
planters
;
(137,
38) In these
leases of wild crown lands
, the
rent of 6 fl. per bahu
beginnt erst nach
einigen Jahren u. ist nur gradually extended to the whole of the
land rented. Länge of lease variirt von 20–40 J., je
nach d
er
time required by the proposed
new culture to yield produce
. (138) Kein private planter
allowed to settle on Gvt. land in districts wo das Gvt. system of
cultures under contract is in operation,
unless
he agrees to pay the ryots the same rates
, u. treat them in
same manner,
under the same Gvt. superintendence
and support
. (139)
In Java: »No contracts
made on advances
are
either allowed or enforced. Culture contracts are only recognized
when made personally before a Europe
an
official and
registered … when registered, the specific performance of contracts
is summarily enforced.
[«]
(153)
The Culture System.
II.)
(p.
159
158
)
Kaffee:
Preanger Kaffee
; – Preanger bis
Anfang des 19
t
Jhd.
Hauptsitz von Javas Coffeecultur; es ist dies
ein Bergdistrikt, inhabited by Sundanese, die nicht selbe Sprache
reden wie rest der natives. About
Mitte
d
es
18. Jhd.
w
ur
den Holländer masters
des Preanger
d
ur
ch treaty
: dieser
liess d
en
native princes the gvt of their own country u.
the receipt der Land Revenue, unter Dutch protection; dagegen hatten
sie zu cultivate
solche Anzahl Kaffeebäume
als Dutch should at any time require u. deliver the whole produce
dem Dutch gvt. zu
3 fl. 30 cts
per picul.
Dies bis jetzt einzige Revenue derived d
ur
ch Dutch von
Preanger district. D
ie
Sundanese regents
betreiben die Kaffeecultur
vermittelst the
gratuitous labour rent of their
cottier tenants
, under Superi
n
tendenz der Dutch
officials. Den Kaffee deliver die regents in
the
husk
; d
as
Dutch gvt hat Europ. contractors on
the spot
, with
mills for
cleaning and sorting it. D
er
Preanger Coffee
yields dem Dutch Gvt d
en
largest profit per picul, owing to
the small price paid for it; doch sein Quantum relativ gering
verglichen mit d
em
Kaffee grown in the conquered parts of
Java.
(159, 160)
Anf
an
g d
es
19 Jhdts
Kaffeekultur extended to
the different hilly
districts
of
the crown lands in the
interior
. (160)
1808
kam
Marschal
Marschall
Daendels
als
Generagoverneur
General Governeur
des holl. Ostindiens zur Zeit als
Louis Napoleon
K
öni
g v. Holland;
,
hanging peculators
, European u. native, over their own
doors without trial. (160)
114
Errichtete in Java, in
2 Jahren, all over the island
admirable system of
roads
– by
forced labour
, at a
great sacrifice of life. Jeder road is
double
, one
for horse u. carriage
traffic
, d
er
andre for
cart u.
cattle traffic
; each is wide enough to admit 3 vehicles
abreast, and the 2 generally run alongside of each other, divided by
a bank, often with a well-clipped Hibiscus hedge upon it. The horse
road now macadamized, kept in as good order as any coach road in
Egld, is constantly attended
to,
every depression filled up with metal, as soon as, and only to the
amount, required. The chief
part of the labour
rent
furnished gratuitously by the people to Gvt is applied
to this purpose, and to the maintenance of the cattle road etc.
(160, 161)
Coffee Culture on the old plan
, i.e.
Daendels
’
system
. Jede
s
hill village
, dessen soil suited to coffee,
was obliged to plant on the uncultivated parts a certain number of
coffee trees, generally ab
ou
t
1000 trees
per head of family
. Im
5
t
year after planting
the produce
was estimated, and the village required to deliver gratuitously,
into the
Government stores on the sea shore
,
⅖ of the estimated crop, properly cleaned, sorted, and of first-rate
quality. (161) In case of default, the village had to pay to Gvt the
Java market price
, fixed u. published
once a year, generally ab
ou
t
25 fl. per
picul
, for so much
[of the two-fifths]
of the estimated crop as was not delivered
by the
end of December
. D
ie
andern ⅗ des crop were the
villagers’ own property, at their free disposal. D
as
Dutch
gvt. verpflichtete sich
to pay the same fixed
market price for every picul of coffee
, above the ⅖,
delivered into the sea-shore coffee stores, properly cleaned, sorted
u. of first
[-]
rate quality. (162) Gvt
wollte so d
as
ganze Coffee product in seine hands bringen;
failed utterly;
it got the
whole of the small amount of coffee grown near the stores on
the sea-shore
, aber
nur kleinen Theil, weniger als ⅖ von d
em
far larger coffee
produce of the interior. (l.c.) numerous mountain villages had nur
bad communications mit d
en
roads, u. in allen Fällen, the
village had no joint machinery for the transport, even along the
best roads, of large loads of coffee for great distances. (l.c.)
Hence the coffee, badly u. carelessly cleaned u. prepared, was
bought by any purchaser on the spot at very low rates; od. – u. dies
was the general speculation up to 1830
–
was exchanged for ½ or ⅓ of its weight
in
salt
. (163)
Salz
–
Regier
un
gsmonopol in Java wie in Indien –
w
ur
de sold by Gvt at the salt-stores on the sea-shore f.
8 fl. per picul
.
W
ur
de hier gekauft d
ur
ch
speculators, who took it into the hills, tauschten
es
dort mit d
em
Hill people aus for 2 or 3
times its weight in coffee
; erhielten so
2 or 3 piculs
coffee, worth 20–25 fl. per picul, für
1 picul of salt worth 8 florins. (l.c.)
D
as
Gesetzt
Gesetz
, das gratuitous delivery
von ⅖ des hill
coffee crop erheischte
, unerfüllbar wegen der difficulty
d
es
transport. Zahlung für diese ⅖, at the Gvt rate,
gleichzeitig verhindert d
ur
ch d
ie
low prices got for the coffee in the
interior
. D
ie
hill villages daher, nicht able to
discharge their coffee u. land tax, zahlten dem Gvt what money they
could well afford, u. let the remainder fall into arrear. (l.c.)
D
ie
villages near the sea-shore coffee stores
,
being able to deliver the coffee without trouble for what was a very
paying price to them
, took
pains in its cultivation, and in the cleaning u. sorting of the
berry, and delivered their whole crop to the Gvt., ⅖ gratuitously, ⅗
at the rate of 25 fl. per picul. (163, 164)
Gvt erhielt so kleinen Theil d
es
coffee crop in first-rate
condition, w
ä
h
ren
d d
er
far larger part,
sent to Europe by its private purchasers, was dirty, broken u.
unsorted. Dies gab dem
Java Coffee a bad name in
European market
u.
affected the price of
the good gvt coffee
. Andrerseits d
ie
mountain
villages, getting so little benefit from the coffee, neglected nicht
nur its cultivation, sondern would have allowed their plantations to
become fruitless, if not for constant attention of the officials. –
Engl. Gvt.
abolished in Java the
gratuitous delivery of coffee; d
ie
villagers, being no
longer under any obligation to grow coffee, and having little sale
for it, neglected the coffee gardens u. resorted to crops better
suited to the local market to raise money to pay the new land tax.
(164)
115
Nach return d
er
Dutch
Daendels
’
coffee system re-established.
d
en
coffee villages near the
sea-shore
, who, though they had to deliver ⅖ gratuitously,
received 25 fl. a picul for the other ⅗, equal to
15 fl.
a picul all round.
Their
proximity to the coffee
stored
stores
saved these villages any considerable
expense of transport
, in which case … the
villagers preferred the coffee crop at these rates, as giving the
largest profit with the least trouble and without any
on-lay
outlay
. Dagegen bei d
en
hill villagers des interior
–
same distance u. difficulty of transport
. (164, 165)
Coffee culture under the New System.
Van den
Bosch
– while introducing the gvt. sugar
culture, – tried to remedy defects of coffee culture: 1) by giving
the villagers all over the island large profits from coffee instead
of small;
2)
by saving the villagers the transport, thus
putting all on an equality
;
3) by
getting the whole coffee crop grown
on
the
crown lands into the hands of Gvt.
, so
as to have it all properly treated, and made of first
[-]
rate quality, thus »to
rais
raise
its reputation in the European market
[«]
. (165, 166) to this purpose:
v. d.
Bosch
made
roads into the
centre of each mountain coffee district
, and
built coffee stores
in
the neighbourhood of each coffee plantation
. Every hill
village was required to plant on the
uncultivated
hill sides
, in 4 years,
600 coffee trees
per head of family
, in
regular
gardens
, and to mantain a sufficient nursery of young
trees, to keep 600 trees per head of family in full bearing. Careful
preparation der gardens u. nurseries, wie subsequent attention to
the coffee trees, were secured by the monthly supervision of a
European contrôleur, who also superintended the
gathering of the crop
, leaving the villagers to dry, clean
and sort the coffee, and deliver it into the neighbouring gvt coffee
stores at their own convenience. (166)
Price was fixed at 12 fl. per picul
;
nähmlich by taking
15 fl. per picul on the whole
crop
, as
equivalent to ⅖ of the crop
delivered gratis
, mit
25 fl. per picul
paid on the remaining ⅗
. Von diesen 15 fl. per picul on the
whole crop ferner deducted
3 fl.
, as the
equivalent of the transport to the sea shore saved to the
villagers;
liess
12 fl. in cash net to the villagers
for every picul
delivered into the coffee store
in their own village
.
Da
jedes Familienhaupt has the care of, and sells the produce from,
600 coffee trees, yielding ab
ou
t a picul
of good clean coffee per 200 trees
, so jede Familie im
village averages für 3 piculs of coffee
36 fl.
net per annum
, = ab
ou
t
6 months’ wages
at the ordinary price of Java labour. Wenn
village besteht aus 100 families, erhält d
as
village
jährlich
3600 fl. = £.300
. (
[166,]
167)
Land
tax
could not exceed
1000 fl.
jährlich on
100 bahus, the usual amount of rice
land cultivated by a hill village of 100 families
. Wegen
d
es
low price of rice in the hills
, land tax
w
a
h
r
scheinlich nicht = 1/2 jener Summa, thus
leaving the village über £200 clear surplus cash in hand, neben
d
em
whole produce of their cultivated lands under rice
or other crops for their own consumption. (167)
The coffee plum, when ripe, is a red oval fruit, ab
ou
t the
size of a cherry, the
stone or kernel of which
consists of 2 coffee beans
, with the flat sides together.
The
fleshy husk
has to be removed, and the
coffee berries
Dried
dried
, when a thin skin that holds the coffee beans together
breaks and
peals
peels
off, and the coffee, after being winnowed, cleaned, u.
sorted, is fit for export or use. These various operations performed
by the villagers at no further expense than a
light wooden pestle and a bag of buffalo skin for
cleaning, and a few bamboo hurdles and rattan trays for drying
and sorting, all manufactured by themselves from materials at
hand
.
The
hill peasants thus
but labour, and with
not even much of that. The coffee plantations in Java are made in
the tall jungle on the hill side
, and
but little care is bestowed on them,
further than
cleaning about a foot of ground
round the stem of each tree
twice a year. This, and the plucking
116
of 600 trees,
easily done by each family without interfering with their ordinary
cultivation, and the women and children pound the coffee in the
buffalo bag, and sort the berries on the rattan trays, when not
otherwise employed. (167, 168)
Zur Zeit als
van
d
en
Bosch
d
en
change
machte, producirte
Preanger
ab
ou
t
30,000 piculs, rest of the island 220,000 pic. jährlich. Hiervon
d
ie
30,000 Picul
s
d
es
Preanger u. ⅖
der übrigen od. 88,000 piculs, gut, zus.
118,000
piculs, worth 25 fl. per pic. gross, = near 3
mill. fl
. D
ie
andern ⅗ der
220,000 piculs =
132,000
, schlecht cleaned
u. sorted, nur werth
20 fl. per picul
, zus.
über 2½ mill fl. Hence Gesammtcoffeeprodukt v. Java damals =
5½ mill. fl.
in
round
numbers
od. unter
½ mill. £.St.
jährlich
. (168, 169)
1854
producirt
Preanger
–
–
243,554
piculs of coffee; d
er
rest d
er
Java crown lands
gave to
Gvt
840,310
piculs;
zus.
1,083,864 piculs
, being superior
coffee, realised
on sale in Holland 34 fl.
76 cents gross
, giving gvt.
27 fl.
45 cts net per picul
, excl.
of freight
and expenses of sale
. At these rates the value d
es
coffee produce in 1854 über
37 millions
fl.
od. über
3 mill. st. gross
u. close on
30 mill fl. or 2½ Mill. St. net. Yield v. Java Coffee daher
1854
mehr als
4mal so
gross
u. ab
ou
t
6x
werthvoller
als vor d
em
Cultursystem. (169)
Ausserdem received gvt in 1854, –
131,522 piculs
, u. in
1859
1857
– 198,779 pic. of coffee cultivated by the
villagers on the crown lands in
Sumatra
on
the same principles as in Java. In good years the Java Gvt erhält so
von d
en
crown lands in different parts of Dutch India
ab
ou
t
1 Mill. od. 1,200,000 piculs
of coffee
, equal to from ab
ou
t
60,000 to 72,000 tons
, all das
exported
nach Holland for sale
. Ausserdem after satisfying the
demand in the island, exports
private trade
ab
ou
t
150,000 piculs
; so:
1854
:
Gesamt Coffee produce von Java
über
1,200,000 piculs
od.
1,457,142 cwts
; dahingegen:
1857–58
d
as
Coffee produce von Ceylon
(see Sir
Emerson Tennant
: „Ceylon.“ V. II
)
424,700 cwts,
. (169, 170)
There is the same
official percentage on
coffee
, and on all other Gvt cultures, as on sugar.
Dieselben European u. native authorities theilen unter sich, in
selben proportions,
50 doits per picul of coffee
delivered to Gvt
in their several districts. The
Koewoe
, or head of the
hill village
, also gets a coffee reward, as his
brother of the plains
does for sugar; he
receives 24 doits for every picul which the statement of the bringer
shows to come from his village. (170, 171)
Coffee is packed u. transported
at Gvt
expense by
private carriers
, after public
competition for a 3 years’ transport contract. (171)
Cinnamon culture.
Zimmt ist the peeled u.
dried bark of the cinnamon shrub;
cinnamon
gardens
cultivated for Gvt in 4 of the Java residencies by
village labour, and in 2 by hired day-labourers. The bark is peeled
u. dried by the villagers u. sold to Gvt. in same manner as coffee.
No monopoly as to cinnamon or any of the other spices. Spices not
grown by private individuals for same reason that prevents
Englishmen at the free ports and islands of Singapore and Penang
growing any but
nutmegs
. Seit Jahren
spices one of the worst paying Oriental
crops
; of late
selbst nutmegs
can
hardly be cultivated to a profit, while the
cultivation of other spices entails a loss, the present
prices
being little
more than sufficient to pay for the collection
from wild spice trees in the jungle
.
(172) The cinnamon culture kept up
by Java Gvt.
for the sake of the large wages
paid to the villagers in aid of their land rent. (173)
Pepper Culture
; grown for Dutch Gvt. in same
way as coffee u. cinnamon.
Pepper Plant
a
shrubby creeper
,
cultivirt in Java in rows
trained over
trellis-work
oder posts, ähnlich wie Weinstock in Fkch. D
ie
rows of
pepper-creepers oft placed zwischen den rows of coffee trees, u.
beide Artikel dann kultivirt, preparirt, u. sold at the
neighbouring Gvt store
by the same
villagers. D
ie
Pfefferpflanze trägt kurze spike-shaped
clusters of berries, sehr ähnlich denen des holly in size u. colour.
Ihre Behandlung für export besteht nur in
plucking, drying u. sorting them
, during which they lose
their smooth red appearance, u. become dry u. wrinkled. (173)
III.)
Culture System by a Contractor with Day
Labourers.
i.e. on Java crown lands by contractors mit
day labourers
, statt village labour. Hierhin
gehören:
Cochineal u. tobacco plantations
,
wovon jedoch viele auch cultivated d
ur
ch village labour wie
Zucker, was bei tea
plantations
nur to a
117
slight extent in d
en
Preanger Regencies
stattfindet. (174)
:
Govt cactus culture
for the production of cochineal is
carried on
z.Th.
d
ur
ch European
contractors, sei es mit village labour wie Zucker od. mit paid day
labourers wie Thee, u.
z.Th. d
ur
ch gvt
selbst
, sowohl mit village als day labour.
Diese Cultur geht – wie die von Indigo – graduell über von
Cultur mit Contractor to one without him
, so
as to reduce the
cost of production within the
average market price
.
Cochenille d
ie
bright red dye contained in body of an
insect
living u. reproducing itself, in large numbers, on
the broad fleshy leaves of a species of very large cactus.
D
ie
cactus plants arranged in rows; when peopled mit
d
em
insect look as if coarsely sprinkled mit hair
powder. D
as
insect ist schneeweiss, covered mit a small
downy
fluff
, u. about the size u.
shape of a grain of barley. D
ie
culture besteht nur in
rearing u. watering the cactus, protecting the
insects by moveable mat roofs from being washed off the plants
by the rain
, and in the proper period sweeping the insects
off the plants into trays, which are then put over an oven. The heat
kills the insects u.
dries their skins,
preserving the red dye in their bodies
, which are then
packed in bags for exportation. (174, 175)
Tobacco
Culture.
;
Taback allzumeist grown on the Java crown lands d
ur
ch
independent planters on lease
from gvt;
kultivirt theils d
ur
ch village labour, theils
d
ur
ch day labourers. D
ie
Pflanze selbst so leicht bestellt wie
cabbage
(Kohl), dem sie sehr ähnelt. Was aber beständige u.
intelligent supervision fordert, ist d
ie
Preparation für
d
en
europ. Markt, sei es as leaf tobacco od. as cigars
– Taback meist sehr profitable article für grower; sein
market price
has turned out
weit über the contract rate
, so that none is
delivered to Gvt which can be avoided; zu dieser delivery
d
ie
independent planters nicht bound; u. selbst
d
ie
contractors haben g
an
z free disposal of
their tobacco produce on certain terms as to the repayment of the
Gvt. advances otherwise than in kind.
Quinine Culture
; lately introduced by Gvt
Cinchona Calisaya
, wovon best quinine
made. Nur noch ⦗damals⦘ one small garden of it in
the hills near Bandong
, at elevation v. 4600–4700 feet
über sea level. The plants obtained von
Peru u.
Bolivia
there reared under
Dr.
F. W. Junghuhn
, Inspector of
Natur
al
Physics, u. Prof.
de Vriese
,
Inspector of Chemical Experiments in Dutch India. D
ie
plants flourished well, just before our arrival in Java
the first seeds obtained from them
. Diese
seeds have been planted in various localities and at different
heights, so as to ascertain the soil u. elevation best suited to
them in Java. If they succeed, kann Java in wenigen Jahren
supply East at a low rate
with this
invaluable medicine,
in quantities only limited
by the demand
. (
[175,]
176)
Tea Culture:
, wo grown by
village labour, diese culture carried on by Gvt. Contractors
entirely with hired labour; d
ie
meisten tea lands
taken from the
uncultivated u. uninhabited hill
sides
; um
Arbeiter zu haben, muss contractor sie attract by paying high wages;
dies dadurch facilitated dass
such day labourers
not liable to labour rent
, even when they hold land under
the tea planters; ihre
liability to Gvt. for
labour rent ceases
when they cease to be
direct Gvt cottiers
. Da d
er
tea planter kein
landowner, sondern nur lessee des Gvt.,
no labour
rent is due to him, but only the ⅕ of produce
. Dies adds to
the inducement of high wages. (
[176,]
177)
judgment u. experience nöthig for selection of a
favourable site for a tea plantation
; preparation des soil
u. Säen des Samens leicht; constant supervision u. high cultivation
required to secure the speedy u. healthy growth der plant; ebenso
skilled labour u. constant intelligent European management nöthig
für the subsequent
process of making
the
leaves into tea, black and green
. (177) Gvt,
das alle advances machte, imported but a few men from the
teagrowing
tea-growing
districts of China, to give the first rudiments of
information. So numerous tea-plantations set up in different parts
of the hills in Java
von 1835–1845
, about
selbe Zeit wo
Ostind. Co.
Theecultur in
Indien einführte. D
er
Java contract tea planter
ersetzt nicht nur
wie der sugar contractor the Gvt. advances in kind, sondern sells
his whole crop to Gvt. at contract rates. (178)
118
In all new cultures Gvt takes the risk upon itself, as
the only means of largely introducing a new
cultivation
. Wo such new culture turns out a superior
article, the contractor only delivers to Gvt.
so
much in kind
as will repay his
advances
at the contract rate
, and sells the rest for
himself at the higher market price
. Wo
unsuccessful, the contractor delivers
the whole
crop to Gvt at the contract rate, leaving Gvt. to bear the loss
on resale at the market price
. In Tea affaire,
the power of selling the whole crop to Gvt
is the only thing that has kept up
the Java tea
culture
ag
ain
st the great losses with which it had
to struggle. (178, 79)
The
contract rates
wozu der Java tea taken by
Gvt. variirt mit d
en
kinds of tea
, aber jeder contractor has to
deliver 50% des tea, in certain proportions of each kind of tea,
both black u. green; 4 distinct kinds of black tea, von common
congou to flowery pekoe, ebenso viele Sorten green tea; 50%
d
es
tea delivered müssen bestehn aus allen 8 kinds in
certain proportions; d
ie
andern 50% mögen aus einer od.
mehren d
er
8 Sorten bestehn in dem planter beliebigen
Proportionen. (179)
D
ie
grösseren Verluste früherer Jahre daher, dass tea
schlecht gemacht u. meist v. inferior quality; fand daher kaum a
market, bis
solcher
created for it in Germany
, wo
induced to buy it in preference to China
tea wegen d
er
comparatively low rates wozu offered by the
Dutch Gvt.
(179, 180) Nach u. nach auch bessere
Sorten gemacht;
es kostet beträchtlich mehr
to make the leaves into
green als in black
tea
, dagegen the
cost of making high or
low class teas
is much the same; d
ie
difference in
d
en
Klasses of either kind of tea
chiefly consists in the quality of the leaf
,
w
ä
h
ren
d d
ie
prices at which the Gvt.
takes the teas of different classes per lb. range v.
60 cts or 1sh. to 120 cts or 2s
.
D
a
d
ur
ch jedes Jahr
brought into the hands of Gvt. better made teas, and a larger
proportion of high class teas, which have thus gradually raised the
price in Europe. (180) Unterdess machten
large fortunes. (180) D
as
cost of growing, making, and packing
etc in
1857
ab
ou
t
49 cts per lb all round
, nahm aber rasch ab
mit d
em
increasing produce of the
area
, w
ä
h
ren
d on the good plantations the
different prices received von Gvt. then averaged in the aggregate as
high as 85 cts or 90 cts
per lb, in
consequence of those plantations delivering a larger proportion of
high class teas. (l.c.)
Meisten d
er
exististing
existing
contracts had lasted über 15 J. u. sehr wenige more to run
than 4 od. 5 J., dann die tea planters to be left mit d
en
tea plantations, paying a fixed rent to Gvt u. having to compete in
the Europ. market. (181) Obgleich diese contractors
machten fortunes,
verlor d
as
Gvt on the tea
, u.
amount of their annual loss published yearly
. Erst in
letzterer Zeit found that Gvt can net for the tea in Europe, after
paying all expenses, a higher price than it costs to make in Java,
u. dass selbst »the bad Java tea« can be grown for sale in the open
market at a large profit. Seitdem
applications
for leases by independent planters are pouring in
etc.
Jetzt
tea produce in Java
2¼ Mill. lbs.
(181)
Mr.
Fortune
averages the full yield in
North West of
India
at
300 lbs per acre
jährlich;
in
Java
tea produce in
1856
beinah 700 u. in
1857
just
650 Amsterdam lbs
, od. respectively 754
u. 706 pounds avoirdupois per bahu of 1½ acre, = 470–500 lbs per
acre. Seit
1858
improved cultivation u.
use of guano
haben d
en
average noch
erhöht. Aber d
er
Java tea has a
strong
acrid taste
, which prevents its being drunk in the island,
as the excellent Java coffee generally is.
The
only market for it is Germany
, wo
by use acquired an actual relish for this
acrid taste, and now buy the Java tea, at moderate prices, in
preference to China teas.
(182,
183) An unfortunate mistake
119
was made in the tea
contracts by omitting all stipulation as to quality (183), doch
scheint d
ie
universal bad quality u. acrid taste of the tea
from the several Java plantations in soil u. climate ihren
G
run
d zu haben. (l.c.)
Indian Tea
[:]
Ist of a
higher market value
than the Chinese
. In
Kumaon
u.
andre
n
neighbouring parts der Himalayas a wild tea
called, from the colour of its infusion,
loll
tcha
or red tea, made up by the natives there as an old
industry, not for consumption, but for export through Tartary to
some part of China, wo dem chines. Thee vorgezogen. (184)
imported tea plants
u.
Chinese workmen
, u. set up
experimental
farms of a few acres each
in different parts of
Assam, Northwest Provinces
u.
Punjaub
, superintended by Gvt officers with
none but an official interest in the spread of the tea cultivation
u. managed chiefly by discharged soldiers u. men of a like class.
(184) Doch success dieser experimental farms grösser als erwartet.
(l.c.)
(184, 185)
1840
large company got up by private
enterprise, mit subscribed capital of £200,000 u. dieser
d
ie
small Gvt tea farms in Assam made over. Verloren
grösseren Theil ihres money d
ur
ch mismanagement ihrer
agents, peculation of all kinds; doch mit remainder dehnten sie
d
ie
gvt tea farms over a large tract of country aus,
now of ab
ou
t
4000 acres in Assam
,
blühn nun as
Assam Tea
Company
…
Einige few private tea planters, attracted by this Co’s success,
have set up plantations in Assam u. in Cachor. (185) D
ie
Experimental tea farms in
North West
Provinces
u.
Punjaub
erst etablirt
nach success der tea cultivation in Assam. Tea dort aber so
superior, that it sold on the spot at first for 10s. per lb. Einige
few Engl. w
ä
h
ren
d d
er
letzten Jahre began
tea cultivation in Northwest u. Punjaub. (186)
Assam Tea
Co.
machte in
1853
lbs. 370,669
; in
1857 lbs
707,132,
u. d
ie
private tea planters
in India, in
1858 ab
ou
t lbs 300,000
–
abo
u
t
1 Mill. lbs
per annum for
the whole produce of the finest tea-soil yet known, developed by
Engl. industry u. private capital, ag
ain
st
2¼ mill. lbs of tea p
er
annum
, as
the produce in the same period of the bad tea soil of Java,
developed by Dutch industry and Gvt capital.
(186)
the colony passed over to the crown as
the property of the sovereign, and was governed by the King of
Holland through his colonial minister;
1848
new Dutch Constitution, w
o
d
ur
ch the Gvt of old
Dutch colonies transferred von sovereign, personally, to sovereign
as head of the state, to be carried on „as regulated by law“.
1854
passed by King u. States-General of
Holland
„Regulations for the Government of Netherlands
India“. (235
[,
236]
)
Spices in Java
technically mean
nutmegs
,
mace
(beide produce des
nutmeg tree
) u.
cloves
.
[.]
(253)
1824
the former prohibitory laws gegen
growth of cloves abolished u. kein vestige mehr of the old system
etc. (254)
The
tin
produce of the Dutch East Indies
mostly comes from the
island of Banka
on the
east coast of Sumatra
. It is mined by
associations of Chinese
under their own
mining captains, with Gvt advances, and with the interests of the
miners as carefully and minutely looked after as in the case of the
cultures. (258, 259)
Area
of
Java u.
Madura
, given in the
colonial report for
1849
, is
2,444.6 □ Dutch Geographical
Miles
=
51,790
Engl. □ miles.
England
nach census von 1851 hat nur
50,922
Engl. □ miles
(p. 266)
1826
Census
gab Bevölk
erun
g für
Java
u.
Madura
5,403,786. (268)
1808
(nach
Marschall
Daendels
’ Estimate)
3,730,000
1815
(English Census)
4,615,270
1754–1795
(Result von Estimates verschied. Theile Java’s in
„Le Moniteur des Indes“
)
3,559,611.
V
on
1795–1826
sind 31 Jahre;
giebt increase
von 51% in
31 Jah
ren
;
also
doubling in
ab
ou
t 60 years
.
Aber
1855
giebt:
10,916,158
, Verdopplung od. 100% in 29 J. (gegen
Jahr 1826
)
1857
nach „Colonial Report“ the population had risen to 11,594,158. (269)
120
1826
V
er
h
ä
l
t
niss der Java population
zu area,
i.e.
per □ mile
105.
1856
⦗wo Bevölk
erun
g (
Colonial Report
) = 11,290,450⦘
per d
i
tto
218.
1857
" "
223.
(p. 269)
The assumed population of
Brit. India in 1856
giebt
per □ mile
157
. (l.c.)
D
as
culture system raised the
Java
population
also
in 30 J.
von ⅓
below to ¼ above our Indian standard. (l.c.)
In Java, wie in
India, the
great mass of the people
is irregulary distributed
in dense patches
mit
intermediate wastes
, over a
wide extent
of country
, and
more than half the
cultivable surface is as yet uninhabited
. (268)
1857
the
gross
revenue =
9½ Mill.
£.St.
wovon
3½
" " od. more than ⅓ net
surplus. (272)
The existing revenue of Dutch India may be divided into
3½–4 mill.
[£]
St.
, raised by the
taxation of about
11 millions of people
, at the rate of
ab
ou
t 6s. 6d. per
head;
4½–5 mill. £.
, derived from the profitable
cultivation of ab
ou
t
1
/
26
of the crown lands in Java and
Madura;
ab
ou
t ½ mill. £. v.
tin mines of Banka,
coffee of Sumatra
u.
spices of the
Moluccas
. (272)
Wether
Whether
considered
as rent or as tax
, the
land revenue is in both countries
a
direct
compulsory contribution
, as such more or less hateful to a
people in a low state of civilization.
Indirect
taxes
, on the contrary … seldom give rise to such feelings
among Natives, and
least of all when levied in
their most objectionable form by monopolies
. The peasant
who pays an extra halfpenny
per lb for salt
from the retail dealer, in the interior of India, neither knows nor
cares whether such
rise in price
is due to
extra duty imposed by Gvt, or
merely to the stock
of salt in the neighbourhood
having fallen so far below the
demand as to make the retail dealers think they can levy this extra
price on the people.
This latter occurs so often
in the interior of India
, and
the
absence of roads makes the prices of all articles
, whether
taxed by Gvt or not,
there fluctuate so
much
, according to whether the local supply or the local demand
is in excess, that the
effect of a slight
difference in duty
is seldom practically perceptible to the
consumer. (278)
In
1856
the
Java direct
compulsory
contribution
=
1s. 6¾d. p
er
head, out of a taxation revenue of
6s. 5½d., and out of a gross revenue of 15s. 2¼d. per
head.
In 1856–57
in
India
the compulsory tax
=
2s. 8¼d. per head, out of a taxation revenue of 4s. 3½d.
and out of a gross revenue of 5s. 0½
[d.]
p
er
head. So, to raise a revenue
relatively less than ⅓ that of Java, people of India subject
to not far from 2x the amount of compulsory payment
p
e
r
head.
In Brit. India the land revenue absorbs from
½ to
¾ of the landowner’s net profits u. v. ⅓ to
½
of the produce of crown lands in peasant
occupation
. Mehr als
½
– if
we exclude the opium revenue
paid by the
Chinese consumer –; near ⅗ of the India receipts are direct land
tax. (
[279,]
280)
, the land revenue in Java
had risen von ab
ou
t 4 to ab
ou
t 8 mill. fl., this
varied von ⅓ to ¼ of the whole revenue. On the population of
1831
the land revenue of that year was 1s.
11d. p
er
annum
head
. V
on
d
er
introduction des culture system bis
1845
, land revenue had risen to about 12 mill. of fl. Aber
in
F
o
lge d
es
still greater rise
in the culture revenue
u. in
the
indirect taxes
, the
land revenue
had comparatively sunk unter ¼ d
er
local und ⅐ der
Gesammtrevenue von
1845
; on the
popul
ation
of
1845
the land
revenue was 2s. 2¼d. per head.
121
In
1846 the land revenue was assessed more lightly
u. from
that to present day
allowed to remain about
stationary
, trotz great increase in cultivated area u.
value of produce. (
[281,]
282)
The form of
yearly estimating u. assessing the
land rent on the Dutch crown villages is maintained
, so as
yearly to assert the Gvt’s right as
landlord of
the crown lands
. But the amount thus fixed as land rent on
each village is
generally only the same as for
previous years
. As this land rent is collected rateably
from the villagers by their elected village chief, each man derives
some benefit,
from improvements and further
cultivation, for which thus practically no further rent is
paid
. The Gvt land rent levied, though nominally ⅕ of the
produce, is now unquestionably far
less than that
proportion of the yearly increase from the crown lands
. The
culture revenue
has meanwhile increased
enormously.
1857
the land revenues less than
¼ of the local, and then ⅒ of the whole receipts. On the
popul
ation
of 1857, the land revenue 1s. 6½d. p. head.
(282, 83)
In
Java unproductive Expenditure
(for
administration, army, justice, police
) nur⅗
des whole, d
ie
directly
reproductive
(for public works, cultures etc) = ⅖ … this
probably exceeds
the reproductive expenditure of
any other country in the world
. (p.
[283,]
284)
(tables furnished to
»Money« by Java Gvt distinguish unproductive u.
reprod
uctive
expend
i
t
ure
erst
seit 1848)
Dagegen in
Brit. India
about
9
/
10
unproductive, ⅒ reproductive (public works). (l.c.)
The
culture outlay
was largest at first, when
not only
the yearly but also the building
advances
had to be made. Bis
1844 diese
expenditure
kept in a separate account mit d
er
Dutch Trading
Co.
. Seit
1844
d
as
culture outlay made directly d
ur
ch gvt.
Seit 1848
it is distinguished in the expenditure tables
supplied to me, and averages yearly ab
ou
t
2 mill. £., out of a total expenditure of
v
on
4½ to 5½ mill.
£
st.
yearly
. (
[285,]
286)
Dutch East Indian Debt.
bis 1833 incl.
the aggregate excess of expenditure over
receipts, excl. of the sums advanced by the
Netherlands Trading Society
for the
establishment of the culture system came to
37,700,000
fl.
; this difference,
being supplied v. Holland, then
formed the real
debt of Java; 1838
dies debt reduced to
36 Mill. fl.
; aber
Java then
suddenly
saddled mit a
new debt of
200 Mill. fl
. By the laws of
24 April
1836, 11 March 1837, 27 March 1838 u. 22 Dec. 1838
a new
East Indian Debt created
of
236 mill. fl
[.]
,
or £19,800,000
. V
on
dieser Summe 200 millions fl.
were to bear 4% interest, which would require 8 mill. fl. yearly
payment. The other
36
mill. bore 5%
interest, requiring 1,800,000 fl.
Total yearly
interest of 9,800,000 fl.
so charged upon the revenues of
Java. Hiervon schuldete Java nur 36 Mill. to Holland. D
ie
200 mill. fl.
were simply the
part of the Dutch national Debt formerly born by
Belgium when united with Holland
, and repudiated
by les braves Belges
on the separation of
the 2 countries. (291, 292)
relieved themselves of this extra
burden,
by charging the payment of the Belgian
interest on the surplus Java revenue
. (292)
Dies imposition als unjust charge on the colony opposed
bes
onders
by
Kruseman
, Director
[-]
General of Finance; aber
van
den
Bosch
,
damals returned to
Holland
,
. (l.c.)
Von
1838 bis 1857
hat Java in d
er
That
(nach Abzug des Yearly interest on the real
Dutch East-Ind. debt)
overpaid an Holland
Fl. 291,504,123
,
. Dies overplus,
however, instead of being applied to pay off this
debt,
has been taken by the Dutch gvt
as tribute from
the colony
u. verwendt in
making
railways in Holland and for other European purposes
, wovon
Java nichts benefits.
(292, 293)
(293)
122
Ausser dem interest on the
Dutch East Indian
debt
there is also
the interest on a
small residue of culture debt
.
The
advances made by
d
er
niederl. Handels
Maatschappij
for the introduction of the culture
system, their yearly supply of funds to carry it on, and their
charges for selling the culture produce in Holland
, were
regulated by the
so-called consignment
contract
. D
er
account dieser advances u. of the
Co’s commission and charges on sales, was kept in Holland, u. nur
d
ie
balances, either of advances or repayments, were
entered in the Java revenue tables. The am
oun
t of the
advances averaged about 13 mill fl., more than 1 Mill. £.,
jäh
r
lich v.
1832 to 1844
.
Hiervon the larger portion borrowed during the first few years, for
the introduction of the culture system, u. less for the later years
of that period. The
company repaid to themselves
their advances in certain proportions
, agreed on in the
consignment contract,
by retaining so much of the
sale of proceeds received by them on acc
oun
t of
Gvt. Letzteres
occasionally
von der Co. to supply the immediate necessities of the state.
1844
acc
oun
ts were adjusted when a
balance of ab
ou
t 10 millions of fl.
found owing by the Gvt in Holland to the society
. Dies
balance
, by the
laws of
6 March u. 23 Nov. 1844
converted into a
permanent loan of that amount ch
ar
ged against the
colony
, the interest at 4½% to be
paid out of the colonial revenues.
1849
charter der Co. renewed für weitere 25 J. u. interest reduced to 4%.
D
ur
ch weiteres arrangement in
1853
Zins weiter reducirt auf 3½%.
–
this
balance did not arise from payment on account of the colonial
but of the home administration
(295, 296)
Trade.
Als landlord d
es
greater part of Java erhält Gvt. large
proportion u. in some articles the whole of the produce von
d
en
crownlands
crown lands
. Dies exported to Holland u. dort sold by the
Handel Maatschappij
for
acc
oun
t and risk of the Gvt. (304)
(304, 305) D
as
ganze gvt produce – save the very small part
sold in the
– is exclusively exported d
ur
ch d
ie
„Nederlandsche Handel Maatschappij“
; sind
mere agents
for gvt; ist a
chartered joint-stock co.
mit limited
liability, besitzt
large capital
u. has its
head office u. direction in Amsterdam u. its principal factory in
Batavia, with agencies at the chief ports in Java u. other parts of
Dutch India. (305)
Diese Co. etablirt in Amsterdam 1824; ihr
ursp
rün
gl
iches
Capital
37 mill. fl.
, über 3 mill. £. St.; dies
1827
reducirt auf 24 mill. fl. u.
1835
auf 23 m
ill
. D
ie
erste charter
d
er
Co. war für 25 J. m. Zins von 4½% ihr garantirt von
Wilhelm I
, der selbst einer
ihrer principal shareholders. Anfangs sie nicht erfolgreich. In
1827
part u.
1830
the whole of the guaranteed interest had to be paid by the king;
aber seit
v
an
den Bosch
sein Cultursystem in Java
errichtete, f
or
tw
ä
h
ren
de prosperity
derselben. D
ie
advances to start and work the culture
system, zum Betrag v. ab
ou
t 3 mill. £., made to
van d
en
Bosch
d
ur
ch diese
society, at 4½% garantirt d
ur
ch d
en
Staat. Für
diese avances d
ie
Compagnie appointed the sole agent of the
gvt. in buying u. importing in Java alle gvt supplies, u. in
exporting the gvt produce v. Java u. selling it in Holland. Diese
advances der Co.
on a running account repayable
out of the proceeds of the culture system
u. consequently
discharged mit interest in a few years. (
[305,
]
306)
The
private trade of Java
unrestricted wie in
India. Eb
en
so growth u. manufacture aller articles frei
ausser Opium u. Salt, die gvt monopolies in Indien wie in Java.
Import of firearms u. ammunition
verboten.
(nur importirbar für sporting purposes, under guarantees as to their
disposal and use) (p. 306, 307)
123
Was
coffee
angeht, so zahlt Gvt immer nur
noch
12 fl. per picul
,
w
ä
h
ren
d solcher coffee jetzt
30 fl.
worth in
Batavia
. (
[307,]
308)
Java Import trade f
a
st vervierfacht,
w
ä
h
ren
d population nur verdoppelt seit
1825
. W
ir
d
imported treasure
added to the merchandize
, so d
ie
relativen
proportions d
er
imports zu Bevölk
erun
g
5s. 1d. per head
jährlich f. d
ie
5 years end
in
g
1850
1830
, 7s. 9d. per head f. d
ie
5 years
end
ing
1855
u. 9s. 1¾d. per head für 1857.
(
[308,]
309) Largest increase in
europ. Product
, namentlich
linen u. cotton goods
; population verdoppelt
in letzten 30 J., aber verzehrt 7× mehr linen u. cotton goods als
früher. (l.c.)
Java Exports: versechsfacht
jährlich
w
ä
h
ren
d selber Periode. (309) Addirt man
d
en
exported treasure hierzu zu merchandize, so
d
ie
relative proportions of exports to population
4s. 6d.
p
er
head jährlich für 5 J.
ending
1830, 11s. 9d.
p
er
head
jährlich f. 5 years ending
1855
, u. 15s.
2¾d.
p
er
head f.
1857
. (
[309,]
310) Entsprech
en
d Steigen v. shipping u. tonnage
w
ä
h
ren
d selber Periode. (l.c.)
1857 exports über 8½ mill. st.
u.
imports nearly 5½ mill. £
; hence on
11½ mill. of the Java population,
import of
merchandise
= 46,780,033 fl. at the rate of 6s. 8¾d.
p
er
head u.
export of produce
für
99,902,198 fl
[.]
at the rate of 14s. 4¼d. p
er
head.
Inclus. of specie
, imports u. exports
together at the rate
£1.4s.
£14s.
4½d. p
er
head.
(311)
Export nähmlich > als import, weil ⅓
. (311)
Relatively to population
Java trade
mehr als
3 times larger than the
Indian
ist.
[(]
p.
(
313–318)
Japan Trade
; galt als bed
eu
tendste
Branch d
es
Dutch colonial commerce;
. (318)
v
o
l. II
Java u. Madura getheilt in 25 residencies
, die
hinwiederum composed of 78 regencies. (17)
Criminal justice
mostly affects Natives in the lower
ranks of life, while
civil justice
deals chiefly
with the interests of large
landed proprietors and
moneyed men
. Causes of complaint, arising from civil regulations,
thus arouse
the more powerful, who, in a low state of
society
, and particularly under foreign rule,
are the really dangerous classes
. (51)
Malay „running a muck“. (p. 138)
The
conversion of Java from the Hindoo to the Mussulman
religion completed in 16
th
und 17
th
centuries
; aber unlike the converted
Hindoos of India, the Java Mussulmans have not retained any of the Hindoo
caste prejudices. (139, 140)
In
the East the European identity of the lowest classes
and the labouring classes does not hold good. Birth
is there the
real distinction to which
employment
is only a
corollary. In
India
the labouring peasantry include the highborn and proud
Brahmin and Rajpoot
, and all the intermediate grades down to the
lowborn and humble labourers of the vile and contaminating castes. In
Java
also there is a great distinction of birth
between men whose
wordly
worldly
positions are equally
low
in a European point of view. In
India
, however, it
is generally the better born among the peasantry who seek military service,
whereas in
Java
the native ranks are recruited
almost exclusively from the low born. (140)
It is to
be hoped that the necessity of the crisis
will excuse in the judgment of history, the
Acts passed by the Indian Legislature in 1857
, under which powers of life and death,
without restriction of procedure, without record of evidence, and without
appeal, were sown broadcast over the land. These
were
indiscriminately given, not only to official, but to unofficial
Englishmen
, till but few knew who had and who had not such
authority.
… in
some cases, the absence of appeal and the immediate execution of the
sentence, together with the general confusion, enabled
these capital powers to be usurped with impunity
, and to be
exercised equally without authority and without truth. Even
among those directly appointed by Gvt
, some … most
unfit to be entrusted with such responsibilities, … applied them without
discretion … abused them most grossly.
Men are pointed
out by name, whose first application of their new authority was to hang
their own creditors
, and whose conduct … the cause of certain
influential Natives preferring the chances of rebellion to the tender
mercies of such interested judges. (161, 162) But the great evil was
the concurrent exercise by civil and military
authorities
of the summary
124
and unguarded judgments
generally left to the soldier.
Civilians
daily
sentenced Natives to immediate execution alongside of and in addition to,
the summary disposal of suspected rebels by
drum-head
drumhead
courts-martial under military law. No
sufficient provision was moreover made for the military judgments
.
The
officers
of
the newly arrived
English regiments
, of course ignorant of the language of the
natives, were often without the means of repairing their own deficiencies.
The frightful spectacle was then seen of
English officers
summarily judging and hanging Natives
, on the mere proof of their
having been found in a particular place, without even being able to
understand the frantic appeals of their victims. … men … saved from the
halter at the last moment, by being accidentally recognized as the servants
of other officers, or as attached to some neighbouring regiment, and whose
loud assertions to that effect had been previously unheeded, because not
understood. Every human feeling stands aghast at the mockery of military
justice on a wretch … where the judges do not understand the criminal’s
language, and
remain ignorant of even the substance of the defence proffered; or where the
forms of justice are prostituted to inflict death on
such charges
as „winking rebelliously,“ or „mutinous demeanour.“
(162, 163) It was
doubtlessly
doubtless
partly to prevent such scenes that
a young
civil officer
, with a knowledge of the language, was attached to
each body of troops, to whom was given
uncontrolled and
unencumbered power of life and death. But the remedy was worse than the
disease
. The
Iron Duke
defined
martial law to be the absence of all law
… It is
the evil fate of war, necessarily more general and indiscriminate in a civil
war of white and black races … Aber the common sentiment of civilized
mankind is outraged, where equally hasty and often unjustifiable sentences
are passed by civil officers without control or appeal, and followed by
summary execution without time for reflection or repentance. (163, 164)
The
climate in the low lands round the coast
is about
as hot as at Madras, without much variation in temperature at any season,
except that the rather
hotter days and colder nights of
the 8 dry months
are exchanged for about the
same amount of muggy heat through the whole 24 hours in the 4 wet
months
. … aber
delicious temperature of the
hilly interior
, bathed in perpetual spring, producing buds, flower,
and fruit indiscriminately throughout the year. (187, 188)
The
direct powers
granted to
Europ. and Chinese landlords
over their peasantry are small ⦗diese
private estates mostly situated in the districts round Batavia⦘, but their
indirect powers
are large. The landowner pays
yearly to Gvt ¾ of one % on the total value of his estates, estimated every
3 years, and is solely entitled, but at the same time limited, to the ⅕ of
produce and ⅐ of labo
u
r due from the peasant. He … entitled to
appoint, with the approval of the resident or assistant-resident, a
Native police officer or chief of the estate, with Native
subordinates
in
each village, all of whom he is
further bound to pay
. The chief
of the
estate, and his
subordinate village mandors
, have
the same small police powers and duties as the wedana and mantries on the
crown lands, and exercise those powers under the orders of the
Native demang
, or head police officer. This
functionary is appointed by Gvt, and holds a somewhat analogous position and
powers, in the districts composed of private estates, to those of the regent
on the crown lands.
The villagers on the estate also
elect their village chief
, who is confirmed by the landowner or his
manager, and can be by them dismissed for misconduct, in which case the
villagers must elect another. The
landowner himself
has no power of punishment whatever, but sends his people up to the resident
for any misconduct which he thinks deserves punishment exceeding the Native
police
officers’
power to inflict. (
[184,]
185) D
ie
Chinese landlords
… harsh and exacting masters,
though, unlike Native landlords, they improve their properties. (195)
»
when
When
… a new cottier tenant comes to settle on the property, it is
customary for the landlord (Europ.) to lend him sufficient money to build
his
cottage
, as well as the usual
outhouses wherein to store his crops and to stall his cattle
, and
also to give him a pair of buffaloes, a plough, and a cart, which gift
becomes absolute after he has cultivated two years on the
125
estate.
The loan is repaid without interest by
instalments
…« (p. 217) The landlord is induced to make these
advances, for the purpose of increasing the number of cottiers on the
estate, and of getting so much more of it brought into cultivation, when he
receives his ⅕ of the extra rice crop, and one man’s additional gratuitous
labour rent, applicable to cultivation of such improved crop as the landlord
grows on the home farm for sale or export. (l.c.) The agreement made between
landlord and tenant before the crop is cut, as to the number of piculs which
is to be the landlord’s share (⅕), can be set aside by the tenant, if the
crop is intermediately injured, on his giving notice to his landlord to
content himself with the ⅕ of what crop actually remains. The tenant has …
to deliver his landlord’s share of the crop at the manor grange, free of
expense, except when the crop is cut down by the villagers, as previously
explained; and the village chief is made responsible that the tenant does
not remove his grain and defraud his landlord. In like manner, the
peasant’s labour rent includes his going and returning,
and involves payment by the landowner
, if the scene of labour is
beyond
5 pauls
, = about 5 Engl. miles – from home.
(218, 219)
Any
agreement for rent
made for more than one year
, or
without
reference to the actual crop of the year, is strictly
prohibited.
This
prohibition of the form of rent most common in
Europe, and most approved of by political economists
, is in
Eastern countries a careful precaution ag
ain
st a
form of contract
in which the improvident Eastern Peasant always
gets the worst, whether with European or Native landlord, and against the
same peasant’s consequent dissatisfaction thereat. At the same time the
small fixed proportion of the landlord’s share gives the cultivator all the
previous knowledge necessary to regulate his cultivation and outlay.
(219)
There are no leases
, but every tenant whom a landlord
allows to settle on his property is a
lease holder
leaseholder
, on certain fixed conditions
, for the area which the
landlord allows him to occupy. This does not derogate from the exclusive
right to the soil belonging to the landowner, who cultivates as much of his
estates as he pleases for himself,
with his peasants’
labour rent
and
mit day labourers
, who
acquire no leasehold by such cultivation. (l.c.)
Forced Labour. Besides the ordinary day labourers
,
the
landlord
– whether
Gvt or
private landowner
– is further
entitled
to
require
the cottiers on his estate
to
work for him
as
much as he
pleases, but only on the condition of paying each man the highest
agricultural
of
the district
. This is
only real forced
labour
in Java, and the only point on which the landowner there has
any but a strictly limited power over the cottier peasantry of his estate.
The
labour rent
extending all over the island causes
no perceptible dissatisfaction,
but the forced labour
beyond the ⅐
excites bitter feelings if persisted in. Both the
labour rent and the forced labour
are applied on
private estates, to the cultivation of those crops which the landowner is
growing on the spare land for his own profit, except so much of the labour
as is
required for the gardos, and for the maintenance of
the roads near the estate
, both which the landlords have to keep up
from the labour rent. (
[219,]
220) If a landowner chooses
to exact forced labour from his cottiers, and thereby to create discontent
among them, the Dutch officials … take (nur) care that the landowner
complies with the law, by
paying the highest agricultural
wages for such forced labour
, and … meet the peasant’s complaint by
saying that the landowner is only exercising his right … and that the
cottiers must submit or withdraw from the estate. (221)
Ausser
[in]
d
en
residencies
round the north-western end of Java, keine private landed
proprietors.
Im rest des island Government the landlord; there the
relation between the natives and the non-official Europeans limited to the
cultivation of ⅕ of the village land
, either for
the
contractors
or – for
planters
on lease of crownlands
, but not under advances from Gvt.
Contractors u. planters alle under the same restrictions, in the treatment
of the Natives, wie private proprietors of land, aber mit further check
that, as they cannot appoint a chief of the estate or mandors with any power
of
126
punishing the peasants, their only remedy is by complaint
to the contrôleur or resident. The
unauthorized
, or
as they have been called,
the outlaw courts
, held
daily by every planter and Native landholder in
India
, for the punishment of
his peasants, are unknown in Java. On
private
properties
, the landlord or manager, the Native chief of the
estate, and some of the village chiefs, sometimes hold a kind of imitation
landraad for the trial of petty offences, but limited by the
legal powers of punishment vested in the chief of the
estate
. The numerous small complaints which in India are brought to
the planter’s or Zemindar’s court, go in Java to the village chief, to the
local salaried mantrie, or to the wedana, only the last of whom can fine to
3 florins, but all of whom have powers of conciliation and prevention, which
answer most purposes of these small cases equally well. The contractor or
planter in Java has no legal judicial authority, and is not allowed to usurp
and wield illegal powers of the kind. (226, 227)
Many planters
of course express a wish that Gvt would
make them owners of the land they cultivate, or would at least give them the
landowner’s privilege of appointing a chief of the estate, and of
requiring the ⅐ of gratuitous labour rent
. Such
powers will not be conceded to them, for the Dutch statesmen
known
know
that the great safeguard ag
ain
st the abuse of such powers
is the owner’s interest in maintaining the value of his estate, which is of
course less strong in a mere planter or contractor for a limited period,
than in the absolute hereditary proprietor. But … large parts of the crown
lands will probably soon be converted into private property, when the
planters and contractors will obtain those rights together with the
interests which tend to prevent their misuse. (228, 229)
The generality of Chinese
and other foreign
Orientals live among their own countrymen in and around the capitals,
mostly combining their industrious habits as artisans
with the universal trade of usury
.
(235, 36)
Benamee System
means a peculiar contrivance for getting the
benefits and credit of property, and avoiding its charges and liabilities.
It
consists in one man holding land
, nominally for
himself, but
really in secret trust for another
, and
by ringing the changes between the two, by sometimes setting up the one, and
sometimes the other, as the real owner,
relieving the
land from being attached for any liability personal to the
proprietor
. This system dates from the Native rule, when it was
resorted to as a protection ag
ain
st violence. The estate was then
generally taken in the
name of some powerful man
,
whose nominal ownership was itself a sufficient safeguard ag
ain
st
spoliation;
jetzt
motive for
benamee
–
sale of land for private debt
. (261) Of late years
the
nominal proprietor
has frequently claimed the
estate as his own u. wo no
secret trust deed
sehr
difficult to resist the claim. Andrerseits
secret trust
deed
,
at
as
its disclosure leads to unpleasant consequences to all concerned
etc. Daher present mode: to take
the estate in
the
name of some female member of the real owner’s
family
, living in his house and under his control u. daher weder
likely nor able to turn ag
ain
st him, or to incur liabilities
dangerous to the estate. (262)
(
[264,]
265)
In
Bengal
, the
land tax
was
fixed at a certain sum for ever with the large Native landholder
on each estate, including wild lands; this
formerly a large proportion of the landowner’s rent, now generally sunk to
ab
ou
t ⅓ of the net profits. In dem
North
West
, land tax is settled entweder mit landholders od. mit
d
en
peasant representatives of village communities for
30 years, when to be readjusted, and wild land, since broken up, will be
subjected to a fresh tax; proportions here:
½ the
cottier’s produce, u. ⅔ of the landowner’s net profits
. In
Madras
a
perpetual land tax
fixed mit d
em
peasant cultivator on each tilled field;
127
proportions vary mit d
er
class of land
v. ⅓
to ½ the gross produce. In
Bombay
wie in Madras land
tax settled mit cultivator for each tilled field, proportions same as at
Madras, but liable to readjustment after 30 years. (267, 268)
The Java peasant is even lazier than the Indian one, but, while his
necessities are supplied by his share of the village lands, his large
receipts of money under the culture system induce him to comply with the
persuasion of the Native officials, and to invest it in
breaking
up
new land by his family
or by
day labourers, of
which he reaps the whole produce, land
rent free for 5 years
, and afterwards retains ⅘ of the profits for
himself. The result in Java is, that wild crown land is being now brought
into cultivation by the peasants, as fast as the increase of population
enables this to be done, and Gvt. receives a corresponding benefit. (284,
285)
128
Sir
J. Phear
:
„The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon.“ 1880.
Modern Village Life in
Bengal.
im
Deltaic Bengal
; von
d
en
sea lines der Sunderbunds on the South, to the curve,
which, passing through Dacca, Pubna,
Moorscheedabad
Moorsheedabad
, forms the
lower boundary of the red land of
the North
, the whole country ist
; exhibits generally
large open spaces
, oft very large, limited to the eye by heavy
masses of foliage. Diese open spaces, during the height of the South-West
Monsoon,
more or less covered with water
, at the
end of the rains
by green waving swarths of
rice
, u. in
dry season
to a
large extent
fallow ground
, varied by
plots
of
the
different
cold weather
(rabi)
crops
. (3, 4) Fast
no roads
,
ausser a
few trunk roads of communication
zwischen
the capital u. district towns, sonst only
irregular
tracks
, sometimes traversable by wheels, along the
balks
(or
ails
) which divide
and subdivide the soil into small cultivated patches or khēts. Die wenigen
sonstigen roads sind
kachha
kachcha
, d.h.
unmetalled
,
. (
West
Bengal
– (im Gegensatz zu Deltaic Bengal –
relatively high land
) liegt ausserhalb des Delta below the
Ghats
ghāts
, something like roads through and about the large villages,
obgleich oft not fitted for wheel traffick. p. 4)
Als
main roads
for locomotion u. carriage of goods
dienen innumerable
(canals),
branching out from
Hooghly, Ganges, Pudda, Megma etc
rivers
, intersecting the country in all directions. (5) Ob
d
as
village placed on the
high bank
of
a
(the banks meist of
bare, greasy mud
, high enough above the water) or is
situated inland
, it
invariably stands on relatively elevated ground above reach of the
water
w
ä
h
ren
d Regensaison u. f
a
st
hidden, in the
midst of a jungle
; diese villages
zugänglich von jeder Seite across the
by passing
along the dividing (
ails
) balks. No
trace of street
. (6)
Each
dwelling
is a
small group of
huts
, generally
four
– a
homestead
. The site of the group a carefully
levelled platform
, raised somewhat above the general elevation of
the village land, roughly square in figure, and containing 800–1000 □ yards
in area. The
huts
made of
bamboo
, the
floor
of the structure
also of
mud being again raised
above the level of
the platform;
each hut is one apartment only
, about
20 feet long and 10 or 15 feet wide,
commonly
without
a window,
side walls
low,
roof
, thatched with a jungle
grass, the
eaves
project considerably, thus
forming low
verandahs
on the back and front of the
hut. Diese
huts
(mostly 4) der homestead are ranged
on the sides of the platform,
facing
inwards,
the
interior space
– the
house-space (
uthān
).
⦗Ist Hof space \ Ist
quadrangle
⦘ Hier spielen d
ie
Kinder, seeds
are spread to dry, the old women sit and spin etc (7, 8)
D
ie
principal hut
hat oft ausser d
er
Thüre
which opens on this interior quadrangle a
second door and
well kept verandah on the opposite side opening on the path
, by
which the dwelling can be best approached; this is the
baithakhāna
(sitting room) wo strangers or men not belonging to
the family, received; u. sehr oft auch d
as
Schlafzimmer der
male members
der family; the
mood
mud
floor
of the
hut
or
verandah
, spread mit a mat, reicht dazu hin etc.
D
ie
hut
which faces the
baithakhāna
is appropriated to the women and children; eine der 2
andern huts contains the
chula (mud fireplace)
,
serves as
kitchen
; endlich d
ie
4
te
Hütte
ist a
gola (store-room for grain
[)]
. In einer der
huts
, sei
es in quadrangle or outside, ist der
dhenki
u.
d
ie
Hütte heisst
dhenki g
h
ar;
dhenki
ist a very large pestle
and mortar
dessen main purpose to husk
Reis. Der
gewöhnlich ein Gefäss
ausgehöhlt of a log of wood u. is sunk in the ground; d
ie
pestle
ist ein
Hammerkopf
, auch aus Holz, eines
horizontalen Hebe bar
which works on a low post or
support u. dessen anderer arm is depressed by 1 or 2 women applying their
weight to it; sobald sie
loslassen fällt der Hammer, pounds the
paddy
in the
mortar u. d
ur
ch Wiederholung dieser Operation the
[husk of
the]
grain is rubbed off.
Paddy
, the
grain
[of]
rice, gleicht etwas barley, u. must be husked
before eaten. D
er
dhenki attains its object surprisingly.
(8–10)
Ist d
ie
Familie better off als on average, so mag d
ie
Hüttengruppe der homestead mehr als 4 Hütten enthalten,
129
one or
more, d
er
bullockshed, gola
od. selbst
dhenki-ghar
situated
ausserhalb d
es
quadrangle
, perhaps in front of or near to a corner. (10–11)
The homestead platform generally surrounded irregularly by
large trees
, wie
mango, pīpal, palms
. In
small clearings among these a
few herbs u.
vegetables
are grown for family use in the curry (diese small
vegetable plots
meist wenig mehr als
irregular scratchings in the midst of low jungle
undergrowth
; nothing like a garden, no flowers); d
as
whole area or compound belonging to the homestead
marked off from its neighbours, generally, very obscurely, by most rude
metes and bounds, sehr selten a neat fence; d
ie
Weiber halten
d
en
hardened
mood
mud
floor des
housespace
house-space
, der
principal huts u. verandahs
sehr clean, often adorn the front wall des
baithakhāna
mit grotesque figures in chalk; in d
er
Regel
remainder of the homestead compound in a most
neglected dirty state
. Der modern
Bengali
wenig Begriff of neatness, ist
absolut unfähig
,
unassisted, of
drawing a straight line
or
an evenly curved line
; the traces left by his
plough, the edges of his little fields, the rows of his planted paddy etc
like
inked spider legs
across a sheet of paper. (11,
12)
The ordinary agricultural village of Bengal is a
closely
packed aggregate of such homesteads
… more or less concealed among
the trees of their compounds; hier u. da
waste land
in the shape of unoccupied sites for dwellings; auch
tanks
or
ponds
of water in the
excavations
, which furnished the earth for the
construction of the homestead,
plat-forms
platforms
etc. (12)
oft
rich in all sorts of abomination (
wimmeln alle mit
fish
), overhung mit jungle, and surface covered with shiny
pond
[-]
weed; hier the people
bathe, cleanse their body cloths, get their drinking
water
, catch fish in them. (13) In Bengal jeder
pool of water
swarms with fish, small or great; the very
ditches, gutters
and
hollows
dried up for months, on the first heavy downfall filling them, turn out to
be
complete preserves of fish
. (l.c.) Manchmal has a
fortunate or wealthy ryot a tank attached to his homestead all his own, to
which his neighbours have no right to resort. (l.c.)
D
as
land tilled by the cultivators of the village
, i.e.
the bulk of the inhabitants, is
a portion of the
lower
[-]
lying plain outside and
around the village
. D
ie
family of the homestead
– consisting of a father and
sons, or
of brothers
or
of
cousins
– cultivates von
2 to 10 acres
in
the whole,
made up of several plots often lying at some
distance from each other
. D
ie
men gehn zu ihrem Work at
daybreak,
plough on shoulder
, driving their cattle
before them along the nearest village path which leads to the open; manchmal
they return at noon for a meal and a bath in the tank u. gehn dann wieder
aus for their work; öfter aber bleiben sie bis afternoon, having some food
brought
[to]
them about midday by the women and children.
(14
[, 15]
)
One man and his young
son
(still in his boyhood) with a
plough and a
pair of oxen
will cultivate
3 acres
(u. so
[on]
in proportion), perhaps more, with
the aid received in reaping etc. No purely
Small cultivators u. d
ie
überflüssigen Hände
einer Familie arbeiten spare times
for hire
on their
neighbours’ land
; in some villages, wo
d
ie
occupation of a caste
, z. B. the weavers caste,
naturally died out, the
members forced
to
earn their livelihood by manual labour
, arbeiten
u. a. auch auf Land
for wages
.
ist oft besondres
arrangement made.
The
paddy grown on land
in
one
situation
reift oft später od. früher als
paddy
grown under slightly different circumstances ⦗Crops
are known by
designations
drawn from the months or seasons in
which
they are reaped or gathered, as
Bhaduwi,
Kharif, Rabi
; u. diese respectively
depend upon
the season of sowing
.⦘
u. so
small gangs of cultivators
from one village or
district go to help the cultivators of a distant village to cut their paddy,
this assistance being returned if needed. The
remuneration received for this work
is usually
one
bundel
bundle
out of every five, or out of every seven, that are cut
.
The foreigners build a mat hut for themselves in the harvest field u. nach
geleistetem Dienst
carry home their bags of grain
.
(15, 16)
130
Grosse uniformity of life etc in all the component classes of a village. (16)
D
as
House d
es
wealthier or more influential man ist
manchmal
pakha
pakka
or brick-built (aber Plan wie bei bamboo homestead) generally out
of repair and partially broken down. Er hat zahlreichere Kleider u. better
blankets; seine
cooking ustensils
u. d
ie
sehr wenigen other
domestic articles
sind vielleicht
of
Brass
statt
Erdenwaare
,
seine
hukhas
of metal or even silver mounted
statt einer
Cocosnussschale
, seine Weiber tragen
reicheren u. zahlreicheren Schmuck. Er hat vielleicht a wooden
gaddi (takhtaposh
[)]
in his
receiving room, on which he a
n
d his guests or clients may sit
crosslegged
cross-legged
, slightly raised above the earthen floor. Hat vielleich
t
a richly carved statt a plain
sanduk
(strong box)
for the custody of his valuables, or a plurality of them. Sonst both
households gleich primitiv; food
rice in some form or
other
and
curry
u. dies eaten by
taking it out of the platter or off the plaintain leaf with the fingers.
(17, 18) Zu Haus u. while at work
most men go naked
,
ausser the
dhoti
(loin cloth) u. Kinder bis 7 od.
8 Jahr meist absolut nackt. (18)
Wealth
zeigt sich
by the
expenditure of money
at family ceremonies,
wie bei
marriages
, bei
shraddhas
(funeral obsequies) u. readings of national and
religious epics, the
Bhagbut
,
Rāmāyan
Rāmāyana
etc. Bei
shadis
u.
shraddhas
the cost is in the purchase and
preparation of offerings, presents and payments to Brahman priests, presents
to, and the feeding of, Brahmans generally. For the readings, the Brahman
narrator (
kathak
) paid very highly u. he u. his
audience oft maintained for several days by the employer. Then certain
religious festivals are kept
annually
by such
families as can afford it,
Kalis’
in
Kartik
(October),
Saraswati
’s or Sri Panchamis’ in Magh
(end of January), and ceremonies in honour of
Durga
commonly performed by
well
[-]
to
[-]
do people. (19, 20)
Th
The
Social Respect
commanded by wealth,
meted out
in Bengal very much according to the mode or degree of magnificence
with which these
semi-public family duties
(in fact
spectacles
) are performed. (20)
Women all sehr superstitious etc, do
all the menial work
of the household
, even when family of the better classes; go daily
to the tanks to fetch water, gives opportunity for gossip etc,
(21–23)
D
er
Boden
w
orau
f d
ie
homestead stands
u. the small surrounding compound, is
hired
of a
superior holder
; a
common
rent
is
1, 1–4, 1–8 p.a. for the
homestead plot
u. etwas weniger für d
as
attached piece.
D
ie
Buildings
, die d
ie
homestead bilden,
gewöhnlich constructed d
ur
ch tenant, gehören ihm; zieht er fort, so
kann er d
ie
Materialien mitnehmen od. verkaufen;
dies ein Grund, warum mud, mat u. bamboo
dwellings the rule u.
pakka (brick-built
[)]
houses
)
the exception. The largest
mat hut
of a
homestead kostes
Rs 30–50
to build entirely anew;
the
chulha
(cooking stove) is made by the women of
mud. The
dao
(bill-hook,
), as a tool the Bengali’s jack-of-all trades, is
got from the
village blacksmith
for a few
annas
. The
plough-handle
des
cultivator
prepared almost for nothing by the
ryot himself, perhaps mit assistance des
village
carpenter
, u. its
toe
is shod with iron by
the
village blacksmith
for 1 rupee.
⦗
Plough
is a most simple
wooden
tool
ohne Eisen ausser the
pointed ferule at the
toe
; gleicht genau in shape a
thin anchor
;
one
claw
goes into the ground at such an inclination
that the other is nearly vertical and
serves as
as
a handle
for the ploughman; the
shank
is the plough-beam to which the bullocks are attached. There
is no
share coulter
or
breast
; the pointed end only stirs the earth, does not turn it.
The whole so light
that a man easily carries it over his
shoulder
.⦘
An average
pair of bullocks
obtainable for
Rs 20
, u. the
price
der few
earthen pots and pans
of various sorts –
constituting the necessary ustensils for household purposes – may be
reckoned in
pice
. (23, 24) So klein d
as
accumulated capital
d
es
villager’s u.
selbst dies oft due to the
mahājan
.
.
(24)
Extreme
131
poverty
of by
far the largest
portion
, i.e. the
bulk of the population in
Bengal
(
the richest part of India
) seldom rightly apprehended by the English
people.
The
tropical climate
u. the
tropical facility of producing rice
admit of
life and
a certain low type of health
being
maintained
on a minimum of means. 7 rupees a month
a
sufficient income for support of a whole family;
food
the
principal item of expense
, u.
probably
one rupee 8 annas a month
in most parts of
Bengal sufficient to feed an
adult man
u.
12 annas
a
woman
even in a
well
[-]
to
[-]
do establishment. D
ie
villagers
, die
cultivators
,
have mostly
sufficient rice of their own growth for their
home consumption
; the
little cash
they
require is the
produce of the sale of the rabi (cold
weather
[)]
crops
)
. Die
andren villagers
buy their
rice unhusked (
paddy
) from time to time in small
quantities, u. alle so ihr
Salz, Taback
(wenn sie
ihn nicht selbst bauen),
gurh
,
oil, masala
f
a
st täglich at the general
dealer’s (
modi
) shop. (25)
Für
Kaufen
, wie of curry spices, the
pice
or
¼
anna
(
1 anna
=
1
/
16
silver rupee), the lowest piece struck by the
Mint,
nicht sufficiently small
u.
cowries
at the rate of about
5,120 to the rupee
universally employed to
supplement the currency.
(26)
In a large village
3 or 4 modi’s
shops. (Sells auch
liquid articles)
(25–28)
Hāt
or market held in most villages twice a week;
meist a tolerably open part of the village site; meist
keine stalls
for the
protection of the sellers
or their goods
; when so simply long narrow lines of
low shed roofs covering a raised floor
, supported on
bamboo posts, without any side walls. (28, 29)
Zum hāt bringt der producer his
spare paddy,
muster-seed
mustard-seed
, betel-nuts, sugar-cane,
gurh-treacle
gurh treacle
, his
chillies, gourds, yams
; the
fisherman
his fish, the
seedcrusher
his oils, the
old widow
her
mats
and other handy work, the potter his
gharas
u.
gamlas
, the
hawker
his piece
[-]
goods, bangles etc; the
town trader’s agents u. the local modis
come to
increase their stocks, the
rural folks
to supply
their petty wants, all gossip, not
a few stay to
drink
. (not rare this accomplishment in India)
Each vendor sits
crosslegged
cross-legged
on the ground with his wares
set out around him, u.
for the privilege of this primitive stall
he pays a
certain small sum or contribution in kind to the
owner of
the hāt
,
D
ie
profits
derived from a popular
hāt
sufficiently considerable
[relative]
to the
ordinary rent to induce a singular competition on the part of the
neighbouring Zamīndārs; jeder will set up a
hāt
,
verbietet d
en
ryots Besuch der andern,
. (29, 30)
Ist d
as
village, or any substantial portion of it, inhabited by
Mussulmans
, dann a
masjīd
(mosque) in it; of
brick
, wenn a member der
community defrays the cost of erecting it, meist of
mat
and
bamboo
; the
mulla
, who officiates there may be a
tradesman
, or
modi
, gifted with a
smattering of Arabic sufficient to read the Koran; ist in theory chosen by
the
mahalla
(Muhammedan quarter), aber praktisch
the office hereditary
, remunerated d
ur
ch
small money payments made bei marriages u. other ceremonies. (
[30,]
31)
Patshāla
or
hedge school
;
along a village path a group
or
of
10–20 almost naked children, squatting under a pīpal tree, near a
homestead, or even under a thatched verandah dazugehörig, engaged in marking
letters on a plantain or a palm leaf, or in doing sums on a broken piece of
foreign slate, od. even on the smoothed ground before them – the indigenous
means of educating the rising generation.
Instruction
here given gratis,
for contrary to an oriental’s social
and religious feelings of propriety that learning of any sort should be
directly paid for
; d
er
teacher an
elderly Brahman: Guru Mahasoy
; eig
en
tlich soll er nur
Brahmanen u. andre
twice
[-]
born classes
unterrichten, thut’s aber faktisch
für outside classes für
reading u. writing the
vernacular, arithmetic
etc;
gel
e
g
en
tlich verbindet ein
modi
mit seinem shop auch dies business mit Bezug
132
auf d
ie
children squatting under the eaves of his shop hut. –
D
er
instructor erhält bei special events in d
er
family
v. d
en
parents of his pupils
small presents of
rice
or
dāl
, or even a
piece of
cloth
, ditto when an urchin achieves a marked stage in his
progress. (32, 33) A Brahman
[guru]
gets in addition
his share of the gifts to Brahmans
, so serious an
item of expense in the celebration of the many festivals obligatory on a
well-to-do Bengali. (34)
In parts of Bengal noted for Sanscrit learning
, wie
Vikrampur
u.
Nuddea
etwas Aehnliches gleich einer old
[-]
fashioned
Engl. grammar school sometimes met with; a turn of the village path brings
you to a
Tol
; dort in
half open
mat shed
sit
crosslegged
cross-legged
on the raised
wood
mud
floor a dozen Brahman youths decently clad, mit
Sanscrit manuscripts
on their laps, learning grammar; each remains
2 or 3 or even more years at this monotonous occupation, wie transcribing
sacred rolls, until he is able to pass to the
home of
deepest learning, Nobodweep
. Master of the Tol
a
Brahman Pundit
who in obedience to
to
the Hindu principle not only teaches but maintains his scholars,
(34, 35), personally stets poor
(35).
Er u. seine disciples leben v. d
en
Gaben d
er
richer Hindus
in neighbourhood; w
ä
h
ren
d 2 Monaten Ferien besucht er sie
der Reihe nach, u. never leaves a roof ohne Honorar von 1 Rupee, 2, selbst
20 je nach wealth of his host. (35, 36)
One or more specimens of the Byragi
and his female
companion – coarse licensed
of a
religious ascetic order
in d
en
meisten villages; in seiner homestead
one of the huts
a
thakurbāri
of
Krishna
(an incarnation of
Vishnu
) wo d
ie
members of
the very numerous sect of
Boistubs
od.
Vaisnabas
(Vishnubites) on certain festivals lay
their offerings. The
Byragi
ist der minister einer
der sects which owe their origin to the great reformer
Chaitanya
about 300 years
since. (36, 37)
The
homestead
of the
goāla
, or
cowman
, wovon several in a village, wie die
seiner neighbours, ist
cultivator
wie most of them.
the
cowshed
[will be]
actually brought up to the
uthan
uthān
and fill one of the sides. D
ie
cows
tiny little animals often not more than 3 feet
high u. miserably thin. Are kept
tethered close
,
side by side of each other in the open shed, there
fed
with dried grass, wetted straw
, ausser when under the care of a boy
they can
on the waste places ab
ou
t the
village
, and on the fallow
khēts
pick up
what they find.
All Hindus
– if they can afford it,
consume
milk
; after
rice and
pulse
(
dāl bhāt
) it
[is]
the staple food of the people
;
keine Butter noch Käse; der
gaōla
goāla
verkauft nicht nur Milch in raw state, sondern compounds auch
d
ie
various preparations of it, thickened; eine davon
dahi
gleich a mass of thick clotted cream (with all
the fluid portion omitted), is daily hawked about from homestead to
homestead by the
goālas
in earthen
gharas
, carried scale
[-]
fashion, or
bahangi
, suspended von d
en
2 extremities of a bamboo across the shoulder. (
28, 29
37, 38, 39
)
Blacksmith’s shop:
a thatched shed, with
old iron and new
of small dimensions lying about in
confusion.
Im centre
des mud floor is a
very small anvil
, close to the
fireplace
, welcher a
hole
sunk in the ground
. The
nozzle
of the very
primitive bellows is also let into the ground. The
headsmith
, sitting on a low stool or on his heels, works the
bellows by pulling a string with one hand while with a
tongs
in the other he manipulates the iron in the fire, and then,
still keeping his seat,
turns to the anvil
[whereon]
with a small hammer in his right hand he
performs the guiding part in fashioning the metal, and an
assistant
also squatting on his heels follows his lead with a
larger hammer. The
hammer heads
are long, on one
side only of the haft, and unbalanced by any 
make
[-]
weight, and the anvil is exceedingly narrow; yet the blows struck by both
workmen with unerring precision. The
villagers brauchen
nur wenig in the shape of iron work
;
a few
nails
, the
toes
of the
ploughs,
cultivating hoes (kudalis) billhook or cleaver
(dao)
, the
bonti
of
domestic and other use (fixed curved blade), all diese articles made or
repaired by the village blacksmith.
His
stock of Iron
is mainly
English
133
hoop iron
bought at the nearest town by him, or for
him,
which has come out to India in the shape of bands round
the imported
piecegood bales.
(39–41)
»Professionals«
im village: not seldom the
kabiraj
or native doctor (of the Vaidya caste),
trägt seine Pillen in paper packets in a tolerably large bundle (cover
with
within
cover) in the end of his
chadr
mit sich herum; many of his
pills, compounded after receipts of antiquity, excellent specifics; der
kabiraj
macht vorher in jedem einzelnen Fall
bargain, z. B. Re 1 od
[Rs]
2 f. d
ie
ordinary
medicine mit 2 or 3 visits in an obstinate case of malarious fever. (41,
42)
Astrologer
, f
a
st in jedem principal village;
ist an
Acharjee (Lugu Acharjee)
, but of a somewhat
low class of Brahman, whose business is to
paint
the
thakurs
(idols) u. d
ie
various
traditional representations der deities; to prepare horoscopes etc. Andre
paint pictures in water colours for decorative use bei great ceremonies
performed by the richer families;
keine Perspektive
,
aber
outline u. colour
well depicted on the flat;
many
together
of these men
work together on a given subject for
monthly pay of Rs 20–30
; meist aber each prepares
his pictures at leisure in his own home u. presents them when finished to
some rich person, w
o
für er meist ample remuneration erhält. (42,
43)
Gottesworship
bei d
en
Mohammedanern
congregational u. personal
; the masjid, public
preaching, united prayer u. adoration offered by individuals collected in
congregations d
ie
characteristic features. (43)
Bei d
en
Hindus der Cultus domestic u.
vicarious
; the
family idol
, daily service
u. worship des idol
performed by a priest for the
family
, and the periodic celebration of ceremonies in honour of
that manifestation of the deity
which the family
adopt
adopts
, wie
for the deceased ancestors’ souls
,
die principal ingredients. Unter d
en
wealthy Hindus the
hereditary spiritual guide
, the hereditary
Purohit
and the
service of the jewelled
thakur
form the
keystone of the joint family
structure
;
u. d
ie
poor folks of a country village
. Jeder respectable household
that can afford the small expense has a rude
thakur
,
or image of its
patron deity
placed in a
separate hut of the homestead
u. a Brahman comes
daily to perform its worship u. service; d
ie
village purohits
– belonging to a
lower
cast
caste
of imperfectly educated Brahmans – an extremely ignorant
set of men. In some
district
districts
mostly foreign to the village, coming there from a distance,
residing in it for a few years, then return home for an interval, providing
a substitute or vicar w
ä
h
ren
d ihrer period of absence;
erhalten remuneration in the shape of offerings u. small fees, haben pretty
good livelihood by serving several families at a time.
d
ie
andren Brahmanen they come in for a
share of the gifts distributed by wealthy men bei family ceremonies u.
festivals. Grossentheils
purohit erblich
; stets so
bei families of social distinction; diese haben mehre spiritual guides
exclusively for themselves; the
guru
(spiritual
instructor of the individual who gives him the
mantra
),
d
er
higher class purohit who is
a
an
Acharjee
u. conducts the periodic
puja
festivals of the family in addition to
the
ordinary purohit
who performs the daily service
of the
thakur
. (44–46)
The
mass of the ryots
who form the population of the
village
too poor to have a family deity
; müssen sich
begnügen part der audience zu bilden bei religious festivals celebrated by
their richer neighbours, u. den annual
pujas
performed at the
village mandap
on
behalf of
the community
.
(46)
Mandal
–
; the
chaukidar
–
; the
barber
, u. the
washerman
auch noch wichtige
Personnages
, ebenso
carpenter, potter, weaver,
fisherman; jalkar-wála
=
;
pith-worker
etc.
134
Zemindar and Mahājan.
The wooded dwelling area (des village) is skirted by
waste
or
common land
of very irregular
breadth u.
beyond this
again comes the
cultivated land of the open plain (māth)
. Up to
a certain line
– of immemorial origin but
ordinarily well ascertained –
all the land both waste
u. cultivated, reckoned outwards from the village
, belongs to
the village (als
possession
); on the
other side of the line
begins another community
land. In Theilen von Bengal wo
portions der country
in a state of nature
the limits des village
territory include jungle u. sonst unappropriated land
. (48,
49)
The
village and its land
als Ganzes heissen a
mauzah
. (49) Dies Land des
mauzah
cultivated in
small patches
by
the resident ryots on
payments of dues
,
according to the
nature of the soil
, and the
purpose of the cultivation
, to the
Zemindar
; they are most commonly variable and capable of
adjustment from time to time zwischen Zemindar u. Ryot, (50)
(51) So:
Sali
– land
wholly submerged
w
ä
h
ren
d period of rains
– of
different grades
;
Suna
,
not submerged, also
of different grades
;
Nadki
, land for which
rent is
paid in cash
per bigah;
Bhaoli
, land
for which
rent paid in kind, part of the
produce
; – ebenso
Bhaoli
: land for which
rent is paid in cash per crop per bigah
,
Bhiti
– raised
houseside
house-site
land
. (51)
Khudkasht
, lands
which the
residents of the village are entitled to
cultivate
;
Pahikasht – land
which
outsiders may cultivate
. (52)
Diese
characters adhere almost permanently to the same
land
; for each village a
recognized rate of
rent (nirkh)
properly payable according to them. When the
occupation
, wie meist der Fall mit
Sunaland
, on an
utbandi-jama
u.
d
ie
cultivation is by alternation of cropping u. fallow,
zahlt d
er
Ryot
nur so
viel von jeder Sorte of lands as he actually
tills
. In most villages by far the larger portion of land is
Khudkasht
. (52)
Also the
open lands
des village divided up among
the resident ryots in small allotments, oft consisting of
several scattered pieces
, generally
comprehending land of various qualities
– rarely
über 10 acres in Total u. oft viel weniger, …
Zahlung
d
er
Rente d
ur
ch each ryot to Zemindar
nach shifting scale, depending upon more or less of the elements
mentioned. (53)
Description of land
Quantity
Big. Cot.
Rate
Amount of rent.
Big.
Cot
.
Rs.
As.
P.
Rs
As
P.
Sali,
rice land,
first quality
2.
10.
0.
4
0.
0
10
0
0
d
i
tto
second qual.
1.
1.
0
3
0
0
3
2
2
d
i
tto
third qual.
0.
7½.
0.
2
4
0
0
13
10
Bamboo
0.
6.
0.
15
0
0
4
8
0
Waste
0.
2.
15
1
0
0
0
2
4
Homestead
0.
1.
0
20
0
0
1
0
0
Compound
0.
1.
0
15
0
0
0
12
0
Excavation
0.
5½.
0
1
0
0
0
4
8
4.
14.
15
0
11
0 (285)
Matter of
fact that the Bengal ryot
[is]
little
disposed to move u. for generation after generation, from father to son,
the
same plots of land
, or
approximatively
approximately
so,
remain in the hands of the same
family
. (53)
The
zemindari
is an
aggregate
of many entire
mauzahs
.
(54)
D
ie
jährliche Rente
meist gezahlt in 3 or 4
kists
(instalments) d
ie
collection
dieser Rents nur
135
ausführbar d
ur
ch
an organized staff
, commonly
called, both individually and collectively, the zemindar’s, or
zamindari amla
; besteht gewöhnlich aus:
einem
Tehsildar (collector of the rents
; if the
zemindari
is large, one Tehsildar collects
für je 3 or 4 mauzahs.)
In jedem
village
od.
Mauzah
a Tehsildar’s
kachari
kachahri
,
; dort the zamindari books and
papers relative to the village
collection
collections
made up and kept.
Bookkeeping von Hindus
carried to an almost absurd extent of detail
; would be tedious
to
describe all the books
kept in due course of
the
kachhari
kachahri
business;
the
principal
of them
are:
3 or 4 books
genannt
Chittah
chittha
; dies
ist in fact a
numbered register
in various ways
and in minute detail of all the small
dags, or plots
into which the village lands are divided
, the
measurement
of each, its
situation
, the
quality of the land
,
the
ryot who cultivates it
etc, the last of them
being the
khatiyan
, or ledger, which gives
under
each man’s name
all
the
different portions of land
held by him, with their respective
characteristics. The
jama bandi
a sort of
assessment paper made up for each year, with the view of showing for
every
riot
ryot
, as against each portion of the land held by him, the rate at
which it is held, according to quality or crop, and also to exhibiting
the total amount which in this way becomes due from him, and the
khists
kists
in which it is to be paid; and the
jamawasil-baki
(resuming the principal statements of the
jama bandi
) –
.
A Bengali account book is formed by sewing together with a cord any
number of very long narrow loose sheets at one of their ends, and when
it is closed the free ends of the sheets are folded back upon the ends
which are thus bound. (55–57)
The
Gumashta
u.
Patwári
:
, or similar offices, whatever their
different names in different districts, are charged with keeping up the
kachhari-books
kachahri-books
according to the varying circumstances of the ryots’ holdings;
haben daher d
as
ganze Jahr d
ur
ch
a sharp eye
upon the ryots’ doings.
As a rule
selbst
belong to the class of village ryots u. sind selbst cultivators. Findet
sich hence that the
plots in their hands are the best
in the village
; ihr »proper work« verhindert sie selbst to
cultivate u. they are
»supposed«
to pay other
ryots tilling the soil for them;
. In so weit dies
office hereditary
, dass generally the son
succeeds the father; aber das meist nothwendig, weil selten mehr als 1
od. 2 andre unter d
en
villagers das für dies Geschäft nöthige
Quantum v. Lesen u. Schreiben besitzen. (57–59)
D
er
Zemindar ist d
er
»superior lord« der ryots
(»subjects«) both by habit u. feeling
glebae
adscripti
;
(gewöhnlichste Bezeichnung, wechselt
aber mit District), the
village head man
,
mouthpiece u. representative der ryots des village in all matters
between them and the zemindar or his officers. D
er
Mandal
cultivator wie d
ie
übrigen
ryots,
keineswegs d
er
reichste unter
ihnen
; sein
offen
office
in theory
wählbar
, in fact
f
a
st invariably von
father to son
u. so
hereditary
aus selbem Grund dass alle
occupations u. employments in India hereditary
.
Er muss hinreichend lesen u. schreiben u. d
ie
Zemindari
accounts verstehn können u.
Bekannt
bekannt
sein mit d
en
customary rights der villagers
; erhielt nicht
directes emolument, aber d
ie
ryots helfen ihm v. Zeit zu Zeit
gratuitously
in his cultivation, zahlt oft
auch geringere Rent als d
ie
andren ryots. Der
mandal
u. a
few of the elder
men
constitute the
village panchayat
,
by whom
are
adjusted.
In more
obstinate cases the
mandal
and the parties go to
the zemindar or his representative the
náib
or
gumashta
, for discussion and
136
. So ohne d
ie
theuren public courts
viel Justizadministration in d
en
rural districts of Bengal
abgemacht. (59–61)
Residirt der Zemindar
im Dorf, so oft
d
er
barber
who shaves the members of his family, the
dhobi
who washes for them, the head
darwan
(porter) and other principal servants –
sind
hereditary
, haben portion of village land
zu
relative
relatively
low rent or rent free; der
dhobi
u.
barber
have the right to be employed at
customary rates of pay
by all the ryots; oft
carpenter
u.
blacksmith
in gleicher Lage; d
er
hereditary
watchman
(chaukidar)
erhält sein Land
rentfree
rent free
; ebenso
Brahman priest
, whether of the
Zemindar’s family, or maintained for the village
pujas
etc. (61, 62)
Ausserhalb dieser Village Constitution d
er
Mahājan
, der
village capitalist
.
D
er
village ryot muss periodisch
Geld
auslegen; z. B. a Hütte der homestead neu zu bauen or to
repair, Pflug od. anderes Instrument zu machen, Paar bullocks zu kaufen,
Saat für Aussaat nöthig, endlich Reis für sich u. Familie, several
kists of his rent to be paid before all his
crops
can be secured and realised. Im western part des Delta
reichen seine savings selten hin to tide him
ganz über die Periode die verfliessen muss bevor
seine jährliche Production
einkommt.
Muss also
zum
Mahājan
gehn for
money
and for
paddy
as he wants them.
Gewöhnlichste Transactionsweise zwischen beiden Seiten: d
as
paddy for sowing and for food
, u. auch
andrer Saamen
,
w
ir
d geliefert unter
Bedingung dass er
sie returnirt +50% in quantity
;
Geld
andrerseits to be repaid, auch at
harvest time
,
mit
2% per Monat Zins
entweder in
Form von Equivalent of Paddy, reckoned at Bazaar
prices
, or in
cash at the option of the
lender
. Als security für Execution dieses Uebereinkommens nimmt
der
mahājan
häufig
Hypotheke
auf des ryot’s future crop
u. er
hilft sich
selbst to the stipulated amount on the very threshing floor, in the
open field
.
(
[62,]
63, 64)
– merely
a
rent-charger
; d
er
ryot
a field-labourer, living from hand to
mouth; d
er
mahājan, der d
as
farming Capital liefert,
d
ie
Arbeit zahlt u. allen Profit einsteckt
, ist
ein
stranger, having no proprietary interest in the
land
; a
creditor
only, whose sole
object is to realise his money as advantageously as possible. After
setting aside in his
golas
as much of the produce come to his hands,
as he is
likely to need for his next year’s
business
, he
deels
deals
with the rest simply als cornfactor
, sending it to
the most remunerative market. A thriving
mahājan
may have a
whole mauzah or more under his hand
–
and
yet he has no legitimate proprietary status in
the community
, while those who have –
the
ryot … and the Zemindar
… for different reasons are apparently
powerless. (64–65)
Hence x)
d
er
unprogressive character of an
agricultural village
,
so beschrieben by a young zemindar,
Babu Peary Chund Mookerjee
Beng. Soc. Sci. Trans. vol. IV
, sec. 4,
p. 1.
„A husbandman of the present day is the primitive being he always
has been. With a piece of
rags
rag
round his loins for his clothing, bare feet, a miserable hut
to live in, and a daily fare of the coarsest description, he lives a
life … unruffled by ambition. If he gets his two meals and plain
clothing he is content with his lot, and if he can spare a few rupees
for purchasing jewellery for his wife and children, and a few rupees
more for religious ceremonies, he will
himself
consider himself as happy as he can wish to be. He is
the greatest enemy of social reform
, and never dreams of throwing off the
trammels which time or superstition has spun around him. He will not
send his son to school for
fear
of being
deprived of his manual assistance in the field; he will not drink the
water of a good tank because he has been accustomed to use the
one
water
of the
water
one
nearer to his house; he will not sow a crop of potatoes or
sugar-cane because his forefathers never did it;
he
will allow himself to be unmercifully fleeced by his hereditary
priest
to
secure the hope of utter annihilation after death
… the ryots
too poor
, too ignorant, too
disunited among themselves to effect
…
improvement
.“ (65–67)
Domestic life.
Wealthy enterprising zamindars
sehr selten im
Mofussil
. The Hindu
137
gentleman
of the Bengali village, the
landed proprietor
of the locality,
von Rs 100 to Rs 200 per
Jahr höchstens
; nicht immer a
pakka
house; his
property
is probably
a share of the village, or of several villages
together, held on some tenure
; his
net
income
= d
em
remainder of the collections he has made from the
ryots after he has paid the jama
of his tenure
to
his superior
or to the Government
, as the case may be. (68, 69)
Bhadra-log
,
, who are not Brahmans
;
Andar Mahal
, the portion of the house or homestead
allotted to the
female members of the family
,
which strangers and non-privileged males are not allowed to enter.
Ashan
= a square piece of carpet;
thāl
a metal plate or dish;
pān
= a betel leaf.
[72, 73]
Tiffin
= a refreshment;
;
bári
=
.
[73,
75, 76]
Universal habit
in Bengal
prevalent in all classes for the members of a family to live
joint
and to
enjoy the profits of property
jointly
. z. B. in
Ryot’s family
: nach
Tod d
es
Vaters, seine Söhne, früher dependent members of the
family living in the same homestead and assisting the father in the
cultivation of his
jot
,
continue
[to live]
in same homestead, cultivating the
same
jot
, but now as owners. Manchmal tragen sie
ihre Namen collectively ein statt dessen d
es
Vaters in
d
as
book of the zamindar’s
kachahri
; manchmal the dead man’s name remains there unaltered.
Jeder
brother, with his wife and children, if
possible, occupies a separate hut
in the homestead, u. so oft
nöthig für dies purpose, an
additional hut added to
the group
. (76, 77) D
ie
brothers by law entitled to
equal shares of inheritance in the whole of any
heritable property
they have thus taken in common, and each has
a right at any time
to compel a partition
.
Stirbt einer d
er
Brüder,
his sons
, wenn
er keine hat, his
widow
, step into his place and represent him
in all
respect
respects
. (77) Generation auf Generation
f
or
tg
e
h
e
nd würde dies a complex
distribution of undivided shares hervorbringen; aber bei
ryots
kommt’s rasch zu End the smallness of the
original subject rendering the aliquot parts insignificant. Eh es so
weit, d
ie
jüngereren
jüngeren
members
der family
give up
or
sell
their shares
to the others u. suchen sich
andre Beschäftigung. Ist d
as
jot
inheritable in its nature, so d
ie
jointly living members of family
actually divide the
land
unter einander according to their shares and
cultivate separately
.
So
d
as
Land in some villages subdivided into absurdly small
plots
u. this evil has a natural tendency to increase.
(78)
In
wohlhabenden Familien
mit bedeutenden
Besitz
un
gen sei es in
Handel
od. in
Zamindaries
u. other landed tenures, the
state of
„jointhood“
dauert gewöhnlich lang. The
whole property managed by
one member of the family
called the „karta“
, meist d
as
älteste Individuum der
ältesten Branche; theoretisch
responsible
to the
entire body of joint-co-sharers, jeder von denen kann einsehn
d
ie
family books of accounts u. papers regularly kept in a
sort of office (daftarkhana)
by the family
servants; selten jedoch one interferes, bis quarrel, dann fought out mit
acrimony, partition effected and accounts insisted upon. As a rule the
co-sharers content to be supported in the family house, out of the
family funds, each getting, as he wants, sufficient small sums of money
for ordinary personal expenses. Das
money
saved
nach disbursement of the general family u. proprietary expenses, is
invested by the
karta
in the purchase of some
addition to the joint property; d
as
Geld
required for extraordinary family
ceremonies or religious performances commonly raised d
ur
ch
d
en
Karta
in the form of a loan charged on the
common property. (78–80) Dies
domestic community
oft sehr numerous;
erstens
d
ie
co-sharers
, Brüder, Neffen u. male cousins deren
fathers’ shares have devolved upon them u. d
ie
widows or daughters of co-sharers
, verstorben
ohne Söhne oder Enkel;
zweitens:
the
mixed class of dependent members
– wives and
children of existing co-sharers, wives and daughters of former
co-sharers
(whose shares went to sons)
and
individuals labouring under any infirmity disqualifying them from
inheriting. In
Calcutta
u. selbst im
Mofussil
Beispiele von
Familien v. 300–400 Individuen
, incl. servants,
living in one house
. Meist zählt d
ie
family 50–100. (80, 81)
138
deorhi
⦗entspricht der French
conciergerie
; nämlich in entrance passage of old family house,
oft auf beiden Seiten a raised floor mit 1 od. 2 open cells worin
d
ie
darwans
(doorkeepers) sit, lie u. sleep, in fact
dwell.⦘
Puja dalan:
die
verandah
,
deren chief purpose to
serve as a stage
for the
performance of religious and domestic ceremonies.
Shámiana
Thakurbāri, chamber
where the figure of
the family deity (thakur) resides u. where its daily service u. worship
is performed.
Weiber
dürfen nicht selbst worship
the family idol or any visible thakur, ausser der
clay figure of
Siva
made
for every
[-]
day worship. The
Shastras
forbid to women
and
Sudras
all knowledge and use of sacred texts.
Hat d
ie
Familie 3 or 4 generations, removed von d
em
common ancestor, erreicht, so there
several heads of
branches
; diese
branches
settle
themselves by
stirpes
, in separate parts of the
house under their own heads; … manchmal d
ie
Separation so
complete that the portion of the house allotted to each branch is parted
off from the remainder of the house by blocking up of doors, and by the
opening of a separate entrance. Each group as a rule messes by itself,
and every adult member of it has a room to himself in which he lives,
all the female members
together in the
inner apartments
, commonly called among
Europeans the
Zenana
. All the branches usually
keep
joint
with regard to the worship of the
family deity
. Und selbst wenn the
branches
sever in everything
– i.e. in
food, worship,
and estate
– the
same family deity is
commonly retained
by all, and the worship
conducted by the different branches in turn
, each
turn proportionate
in
duration to the owner’s share in the joint property
. z. B. if
family in its divided state is represented by
4 heads, 2 brothers
, and their
2 nephews
, sons of a 3
d
brother
deceased, the turn or pallas of worship would be respectively 4 months,
4 months,
2 months
or
and
2 months
or
equimultiples
of these. (85, 86)
Nur in
Calcutta
u. andern sehr large towns the
family swarm
continues in the family hive at
such dimensions. Aber in
country villages
, wo
d
es
Zamandar’s
Zamindar’s
family sich maintained for many generations, much about the
same thing occurs. (86)
;
mandir
;
mandap
.
Majlis
an
assembli
assembly
.
Grave and Gay.
inordinate love of spectacles.
(89)
Drinking
to a considerable extent. »In a portion
of the Veds the
delights of intoxication
are
dwelt upon, and some of the
tantric
writings
[are]
devoted to the encouragement of drink.« …
tarí
, spirit made
[from]
many
sort
sorts
of saccharine juices, especially from the
juice of the tarí palm
, u. made largely in every village by
crude native methods, is
evidently
of purely
home origin. (90)
Bengali of all ranks
like gambling;
cards u. dice
the common form prevaling with the
middle classes. (
[90,]
91)
In Bengal 2 distinct sects under the Muhammedans,
Sunís
Sunnís
u. Shias
; both a good deal given to observances u.
practices of Hinduism; the
Bengali Musulman
is
nothing but a
roughly converted Hindu
. In
d
en
besten u. fruchtbarsten Theilen des Delta d
as
mohammedan. Element
über
60%
d
er
Bevölker
un
g
, im rest of
Bengal Proper
ists 30–40%; in einigen districts
die villages ganz mohammed. od. ganz Hindu, aber more commonly hat jedes
village sein
Mohammed. quarter
u. sein
Hindu quarter
. (91, 92)
Viele sects auch unter d
en
Hindus
[,]
(92) pretty universally in the
rural villages Boistobs
(mit immense number of varieties u.
subdivisions),
Saktas, Sivas, Ganapatyas etc
.
(93) D
ie
chief development d
er
Boistobs
– deren
Vishnu
ist the
Brahma
[–]
originated mit
Chaitanya
, who
preached purity, meditation,
and the equality of all
men
, without distinction of sect or caste, before God. And a
certain freedom from caste trammels and disregard of religious
observances, with an appreciation of the importance of conduct, still
seem to characterise the sect. The Boistobs have been, and even now are
being,
recruited from all castes
, but taken
together in all their varieties … are
commonly
reckoned as a sort of caste by themselves
etc. (94)
D
ie
Saktas
vielleicht d
ie
majority der
village inhabitants; jetzt in a great deal united mit d
en
Saivas
, die upon
Siva
(the Destroyer)
look as the
primary and
more exalted form of
Brahma
u. d
ie
Saktas
speziell verehren d
ie
divine nature in its activity
, the female forms
of the supreme deity, as
Dúrga
od.
Kalí
; d
er
Sivaite u.
Sakta worship
139
in a marked degree a worship of dogma,
gorgeous ceremony, u. bloody sacrifices etc. D
ie
Boistobs den
Saktas gegenüber »Protestanten«. (94, 95)
D
er
monastic order
is celibate u. in great degree
erratic u. mendicant, hat aber anchorage places u. headquarters in the
maths
(Ursprünglich Bedeutung von math
scheint Cell oder Chamber wie von Eremit); heutzutag typisch
math
ist an
endowed temple or
shrine
mit a dwelling place for a superior (the
Mohant
) u. his disciples (Chelas); d
as
endowment d
er
math entweder result of a private dedication,
oder aber of a grant by an
aready
already
existing wealthy
math
, gegen die es in
gewissert
gewisser
Art Subordination bleibt etc.
(96–100)
In
einzelnen Fällen the
Mohants
, either by decline
from the strict path of sanctity originally marked out for them, or even
in
prosecution of the founder’s purpose
, make
the acquirement of
wealth by trade their great object
. Sehr viel instances davon
in the
northwestern-parts
north-western parts
part
der Bengal presidency, wo numerous trader Mohants
of
great wealth
and influence
to be found
.
(p. 97)
A shrine
(dargah)
of some holy Mohammedan
fakir
oft to be met with on the wayside, with
the hut or homestead
of its keeper near at
hand. Passers-by of all creeds and denominations throw in their cowries
and pice. (101) In a large village will be a
mandap
, i.e. a spacious
open-sided
covered-in room
, wo d
ie
village púja
festivals celebrated u. other
village gatherings (as in a vestry room) occur; manchmal ist’s
pakka
structre
structure
, meist of
bamboo
u. thatch; ist
usually kept up by the
Zamandar
Zamindar
. (l.c.)
Rural crime.
Dakaiti
or
gang robbery
(
:
dacoity
.) (
;
pitara
:
) (p. 102–105)
(105–107)
(108–110)
Mookhtar
= law agent.
Mord for vindicating family honour
. (111–115)
Purely agrarian outrage
more common than any
other. »
A strong sense of vested right unprotected by
the arm of the law
leads in India as elsewhere to the endeavour
at vindicating it by violence.« (115)
(115–118)
Affray of the
Zamandar’s
Zamindar’s
people on d
en
Mandal.
(headman of the
village)
⦗A
mauzah
had been sold in execution of a
decree, a stranger had purchased it; d
er
new
Zamandar
Zamindar
takes measures for enhancing the rents of his ryots
;
war successful at obtaining
kabulyats
at increased rates
from several ryots, aber der
mandal d
es
village
, dessen example most influential, sturdily held out and
led the opposition. Gegen ihn schickt d
er
Zamandar
Zamindar
seine
, with the view of capturing him and
carrying him off. (
p. 118, 119)
p. 119–120.
Andrer case wo d
ie
Ryots gegen
d
en
Mandal
weil er zu sehr die Seite d
es
Zamindar in certain matters nehme; therefore resolved in „committee“
that he should be
punished and warned
, lassen
ihn d
ur
ch einige »charged«
(120, 121)
Faction fight zwischen d
en
Ryots versc
h
iedner
tenure-holders
. (p. 121
,
–
123)
.
.
Administration and Landlaw.
)
, umfasst
area von 2–3000 □ m.
u. has population von
,
w
ä
h
ren
d
Co
unty
of
Suffolk
, z. B., hat nur area v.
1,454 □
m.
u.
population of some 360,000
. Alle
European officers
of a Zillah höchstens
a dozen
, ⦗wovon ½ about kept by their duties at
the Zillah station⦘, viz.
1 magistrate
,
1
and
collector
mit 3 od. 4
joint
assistant u. deputy magistrates, 1 district and sessions judge, 1
small court
, or subordinate judge,
1 superintendent of police, 1 assistant
superintend
en
t
of police
u.
1 medical officer
.
(
[124,]
125)
⦗Selten »has one of them a real command of the vernacular language«.
(126)⦘
No taxgatherers in India
; all
taxes sind
land revenue, stamps
(needed for
every proceeding in a court of justice or public office or copy of any
paper filed in a court or office or document of agreement or receipt
etc),
customs
u.
excise
(d
ie
tari
u.
Salz
für Ryot
vertheuert). Kürzlich
Steuervermehrung
d
ur
ch imposition of a
road cess
, a
small
rateable addition to the rent of each
ryot
, which he pays to his
rentreceiver
rent-receiver
, dieser an Government. (128, 129)
A portion of the rent
, every cultivator of the
soil pays for his plot, goes to Government as
land
revenue
; es bezieht about 20½ Millions £St p
er
annum
in the shape of land revenue. (133)
140
: »The area
of his
Zamandari
zamindari
covered large districts of country and was reckoned
not
by
in
bighas
but in
communities of
men
–
mauzahs
.« Seine »money proceeds«
w
ur
den nicht »spoken of as
rent
,
sondern als
jamas
(collections) of the included
villages«. Seine
assets
were »made up of the
jamas
of the
sub-tenures
,
and the collections of the villages.«
(135) The
zamindar’s village
kachahri
(schon vor
d
en
Engländern) was
an office
in
each mauzah
, with a
headman
, an
accountant
, and a field
officer. (hatten d
ie
früher beschriebnen duties d
er
jetzigen Collectors etc. d
es
Zemindar) D
ie
kachharis
kachahris
von je 5 or 6 mauzahs, je nach deren size, were supervised by
a
superior officer
, say a
Tehsildar
, who had his own
kachahri
,
with its books and papers, either duplicates of, or made up from those
of, the
mauzah
kacharis
kachahris
. D
ie
collections effected by the officers of
the village
kachhari
kachahri
were handed over to him, and he passed them to a next high
officer. So the moneys arrived at last at the
Zamindar’s
own
kachhari
kachahri
; out of them he paid the Gvt revenue due from his Zemindari,
and kept the rest for himself. (
[137,]
138)
Each middleman was so the apex and head of a structure precisely like the
principal structure in form and constitution, nur mit a smaller basis. A
slight disturbing force might serve to
detach
it
and leave it standing by itself, or to put it into an appendent
condition. (139)
(See also:
Hunter
:
„Orissa“
)
Lang vor d
en
Engländern the original simplicity of the Zemindari system lost; there
were
Zemindaris
u.
taluqs
of several orders and designations
paying revenue directly to Gvt
; innerhalb derselben wieder
subordinate
taluqs u. tenures
converted from the
condition of being parts of a homogeneous collecting machine into
semi-independence, u. zahlend in that character a recognized
jama directly to the superior
kachhari
kachahri
statt to send on to it in ordinary course their
respective collections. (
[140,]
141)
(By
u. by) jeder subordinate
jama-paying »mahal«
or
tenure w
ur
de bald a miniature
zamindari
, worin gewisse
jamas
were taken
in lieu of collections, and the remaining collections were made by the
old machinery.
Waste Land grants or concessions
were also the origin of
taluqs
, both dependent
and independent, and so, too,
jaghir
grants for
services. (141, 142)
Innerhalb d
es
village selbst – mit Bezug auf
d
ie
occupation of land
– an analogous process
came into operation. The principal persons of the zemindari
amla and the headmen of the ryots
(mandals), or
others of influence, and privileged persons such as
Brahmans
, often got recognized as
holding
upon
fixed and
favourable terms larger
portions of the village lands than they could or did cultivate
.
These … they
sublet
, wholly or in part, and so
arose
varieties
of
»jots«
u. ryottee
[-]
tenures.
(142) Vor d
er
legislation of 1793 d
ie
middle tenures
, wie sie damals existed, depended
for their maintenance
upon usage
, and the
personal power and influence of the holder. The
ryottee
[-]
tenures u. jots
ditto regulated by
usage
, the arbitrament of the
village
panchayat
u.
the
Zamindari amla
; alles
customary
,
involving nothing of
personal proprietary right
.
(142, 143)
,
u. the owner of any such interest could encumber the land or alienate it
within the limit of the right; seine ownership selbst konnte wieder
d
ie
complex Hindu
joint-parcenary
form
annehmen. (147, 148)
A middle tenure or interest below the revenue
[-]
paying zamindar is essentially the right, on payment of
the proper
jama
to a superior holder, to make
collections from the cultivators of land and to
take
the
jamas
from
subordinate holders
within a specified area. (148) The
middle tenure
of
every
degree
is thus in a great measure an
account
book
matter, and is very completely represented by the
jamabandi
paper. Will the owner of such a
property benefit a child or a family connection, so kann er’s thun by
making him a
mokarari
grant
, in some form, of
a
portion of his collections
. (149) Allzumeist the tenure of the
grantor himself amounts only to a
right to a
fractional share of the rents
, etc, and then
his
grant
will
pass a fraction of a fraction
. (149–50)
Such a tenure holder
mag auch make a grant
dieser Art to
a stranger in consideration of a bonus
or premium
. Er mag’s auch thun um to ensure to himself, in
the shape of the rent reserved on the subject of
grant, the regular receipt of money
wherewith to pay his own
jama
. Oder er mag, by
way
of affording security for the repayment of a loan of money made to
him
, temporarily assign to the lender
unde
under
a zar-i-peshgi ticca his tenure right of making
collections
. In these or similar modes,
the
Bengali tenure-holder, proprietor,
zemindar
141
is obliged to deal with his interest
when
he wants to raise money
, or to
confer a benefit
;
so klar that in each instance he
creates a fresh set of proprietary rights
.
(150)
sei = 16 annas (= 1 Re.); nun habe
einer a
fractional share
, say a
9½ annas share
; dies kann statthaben in
3 od. 4 verschiednen
Formen. Es kann bedeuten,
1): the tenure holder has a
mokarari
right to the rents and dues
arising out of a
specified portion of the area of the
village which is separated from the rest by metes and bounds
;
and bears to the entirety the
proportion of
9½ : 16
. Oder: 2) in
certain parts of the
area
covered by the grant he has
a sole
right to the rents
, and in
other
parts
to
a fractional portion only
, so arranged that
in the whole he gets
9½ out of 16 annas
of
the entire profits of the area
etc. Meist
incidental to his right, dass er das ihm Zuständige can
collect by his own officers at his own
kachhari
kachahri
; vielleicht hat er aber auch nur d
as
Recht
to
draw his fractional share of the net
collections
made at a
joint-kachari
joint-kachahri
belonging, so to speak, to several shareholders. (151, 152)
Aber der owner dieser
mokarari tenure of 9½ annas of
property
usually a
joint-family
, or a
group of persons representing an original joint-family: alle Glieder
solcher Gruppe haben jedes
seine eigne share in the
tenure
, which, although existing in a state undivided from the
rest, is capable of
being assigned to a
purchaser
separately from them. Ausserdem, very often,
each member of the group
can, as between himself
and his shareholders,
insist upon having an actual
partition of the subject of tenure
. Sobald dies geschehn wird
er
by himself
separately entitled to a fraction
z. B. der 9½ anna tenure; sage zu ⅙ derselben; dann seine
besondre share of the rents and profits accruing from
the area covered by the tenure
, subject of course to the
payment of the superior rent or
jama
, is ⅙ of
9½ annas =
1 anna
7
9
pie
. So d
as
mauzah
selbst, the
unit
in terms of which the
zamindari
calculated,
comes to be
divides
divided
into small portions; u. der
rent
[-]
receiver
who stands
to a particular ryot in the position of zamindar
kann sein u. ist oft a very small man indeed. z. B. der ryot may have to
pay the whole of his rent to the
patwári
of the
1 anna 7 pie
shareholder, or to pay
1 anna 7 pie out of 16 annas of his rent to him
,
and the remainder to the other shareholders separately, or in groups; or
he may have to pay
the entirety of his rent
to
the
joint-kachari
joint-kachahri
from which each shareholder will get his share on division.
(153, 154)
This system of sub-infeudation and subdivision of joint-interests,
accompanied by severalty of right,
prevails
universally throughout Bengal
. (154) Daher beispiellose
complexity of landed interests u. keiner hat ein Interesse improvements
d
es
land zu machen. (l.c.)
Unter diesem System die
locally resident
zamindars
generally small shareholders of subordinate tenures,
deren means nicht greatly superior to those of the well-to-do ryots.
(155)
Die
lands of a village
broadly unterscheidbar in
2 sets: the
ryottee lands
(the bulk of the
village area, the
village lands
) einerseits, u.
andrerseits the Zamindar’s
Land,
ziraat, khamar,
nijjot
nij-jot
or
sir-lands
. (155, 156) In Bengal heisst d
as
erstere Land meist the ryot’s
»jot«
. (156) Wenn
dieser wieder sub-lets, so his lessee derives everything from him and
goes out of possession with him whenever he goes
. (157) By
legislative
enactment, actual occupation
of the same land for a period of
12 years confers upon the ryot (if he has it not otherwise, by custom
etc) a
personal right of occupation
on payment
of a fair and reasonable rent; and occupation for 20 years at a
uniform rate of rent
generally confers a
right of occupation
at that rate. A very
large number of ryots in Bengal
have in one way
or another acquired
permanent rights of
occupancy
in the land which they cultivate, but the
remainder
, a
larger number,
merely occupy
, on payment of the rents and dues which usually
have been paid to the Zemindar’s
kachahri
in
respect of their land; meist
much less in
rate than rents paid by agricultural tenants in Engld
.
Zemindar kann theoretically verlangen
was ihm gutdünkt before the commencement of every year, u. turn this
class of ryot out, if he does not agree, but seldom does so.
(157–58)
On ziraat, khamar, nij-jot, or sir-lands
Zamindar
kann d
as
Land auf eigne Rechn
un
g bebauen, or put in
cultivators on
any terms
which they agree to
accept; sie sind seine
tenants
, er ihr
landlord
im
ordinary sense of the word; hier hat
d
er
Zamindar unqualified ownership in land … – in
ryottee lands
the
use
belongs to the ryots. (158–59)
142
In einigen Theilen Bengal’s,
jots
od.
ryottee
interest in
considerable tracts of
unclaimed
unreclaimed
jungle
, or
otherwise waste
lands
, have at times been granted, of a
perpetual character, upon insignificant rents
; das land
afterwards
sub-let
to cultivators. In solchen
Fällen nicht zu unterscheiden between the
jot-dar
u. an ordinary
middle-tenure-holder
middle tenure-holder
. (159)
Ways and Means.
of the means
of intercommunication between village and village, and between one
portion of a rural district and another. (161) there is
not a stone
, or
anything
harder than clay
, to be found in the soil of the delta; and the
floods of the rainy season break down, and sometimes almost obliterate,
such roadways as have not been expensively constructed by skilled
engineers. (
161,
162)
The
vehicle
vehicles
in use for the carriage of goods are
boats
, the
heads of men and women, little
tiny bullocks
, and
bambu carts of very rude
construction
; when well-to-do people travel they are carried in
palkis
and
doolies
,
or go by boat. In the
dry season
the
men
, the
bullocks
, and
the
carts
can and do go anywhere. The
local traffick
usually takes place
in detail of very small quantities
. The
dána
or
other
seed
is
trodden
out
by
the bullocks
at the
khaliān
almost on the plot where it is grown.
⦗In some districts wie in
Chota Nagpore
, a
rude handflail
is used for thrashing grain⦘; and
both the grain and the straw are very easily carried to the homestead on
the heads of the various members of the ryot’s family. The
surplus produce
, if any, of the ryot which does
not go to his
mahajan
passes in little items to
the nearer
hāts
, and so becomes diffused over
the neighbouring
mauzahs
, or is carried on
further to the larger
hāts
, the
mahajan
u. the
modi
affording the only village depôts. The larger hāts again, or local
centres of country produce trade, are
commonly
situated on roads or khāls
. The produce trader here, by his
agents,
gathers in the result of his scattered
purchases
, and sends it away in carts or boats; and thus the
outflow
takes place very evenly. (163,
164)
It is
often said,
on occasions of scarcity or famine
,
that the
stream will not reverse itself when
necessary
. (164)
Aber
d
ie
Sache die:
As long as the ryots are
able to pay the requisite retail price
, the village
mahajans
u.
modis
will
succeed in
keeping up
their
their stocks
,
. (164, 165) Aber wenn
season of
scarcity
approach
approaches
sind beide,
mahajan
u.
modi »inactive«
. They know very accurately the
extent of their clients’ and customers’ means. D
er
mahajan
naturally enough declines to increase
his stock at great cost to himself,
when his clients
are already hopelessly involved in debt to him
; u. d
er
village
modi
for like reason will not lay in a
stock at abnormal prices to retail it to those who cannot pay for what
they purchase.
This state of things would be completely changed
if neither the
mahajan
nor the village dealer
had reason
to
doubt the
ability of the ryot to pay a remunerating price for imported
food
. (165) It is the
occurence of pauperism
in the ryots
, when a certain price of food-stuffs is reached,
which throws the ordinary machinery out of
gear
. (166)
Was thut
Gvt in emergencies of this sort? Errichtet »relief works on a large
scale, where great numbers of people«,
drawn from
their homes
, are massed together within limited areas;
grain
in
cosiderable
quantities
ist
transported from the outside
to certain local centres
, for the support of those engaged on
these works and for the distribution so far as practicable by the hands
of the local committees. (166) D
ie
preparations des Government
für dies unusual
work
themselves very greatly hinder ordinary traffic in
rural lines of route
;
boats and carts
etc, have to be
collected
–
even
impressed
– in all directions, and
become
locked up for days and weeks, before they are actually wanted
,
damit sie certainly ready when needed. So, nicht
nur
while gvt is importing, sondern long before it commences to do so,
private enterprise is left
without a vehicle
.
(
166,
167) D
ie
Govmt method of proceeding
hat direct tendency
to
remove the pressure upon the village mahajans
u.
modis
u. to
make the
market which they supply
noch unsichrer, indem d
as
Gvt draws away as many persons as possible
, u.
zwar d
ie
ablebodied
able-bodied
rather than the infirm,
from their
homes
, u. wirkt ebenso by supplying grain. – As soon as Gvt
announces its anticipation of a famine and its intention to take
extraordinary measures of prevention,
all natural
effort at the village end of the system ceases
. (168)
143
Peon
(for
Piada
) =
footman (inferior servants of a Zemindar or landholder);
Sandúk
or
sinduk
= a
wooden chest;
Ryot
= –
Raiyat
,
originally a
subject
, jetzt peasant;
Rabi od. Rubbee
= The
March
or
and
April period of the year
; the
harvest season of the crops sown or planted after the cessation of
the monsoon rains in September or October of the preceding
year
.
Táluq
= a dependency;
Tehsildar
or
Tahsildar
, one who
collects rents or revenue.
Top, od. tope, od. topu
– a grove of
fruit
[-]
bearing trees.
Tári
od.
tádi
vulgarly
toddy
the juice of palm tree, fermented or
unfermented; auch
spirit
made v. other sources.
[294, 295]
Ueber d
ie
Means d
er
agricultural families in
Eastern Bengal:
s
(?)
ie
h
(?)
Memorandum, dem Phear zugestellt von
Baboo
Ram Sundar
Basack
, of Dacca. Phear
giebts in »Appendix«, Note A
Value of Property possessed by different classes of Ryots.
(p. 284)
Classes of Ryot.
House.
House-hold Ustensils
Sinduks.
Charpoys.
Clothes
incl.
Kantha u. Pillow.
Ornaments.
Articles in Cookroom.
Gola
articles.
Cattle.
Ploughs.
Daos
etc.
Boat.
Total
1
st
class
Rs.
As.
P.
Rs.
As.
P.
R.
A.
P.
R.
A.
P.
R.
A.
P.
R.
A.
P.
R.
A.
P.
R.
A.
P.
R.
A.
P.
R.
A.
P.
R.
A.
P.
R.
A.
P.
Rs.
As.
P.
162
8
0
22.
0.
0
12.
4.
0
1.
0.
0
18.
8.
0
45.
0.
0.
3.
0.
0.
95.
0.
0.
80.
0.
0
8.
0.
0
5.
0.
0
25.
0.
0
477.
4.
0
2
nd
class
112.
8.
0
15.
8.
0
3.
8.
0
1.
0.
0
10.
8.
0
30.
0.
0
3.
0.
0
45.
0.
0
40.
0.
0
5.
0.
0
3.
0.
0
15.
0.
0
283.
0.
0
3
d
class
35.
0.
0
10.
0.
0
0.
12.
0
1.
0.
0
5.
8.
0
11.
0.
0
3.
0.
0
25.
0.
0
20.
0.
0
3.
0.
0
2.
0.
0
116.
4.
0
Last class
25.
0.
0
Ist class of ryots; cultivate 15 bigas and upwards and have a family of 1 or
2 brothers u. 4 or 5 grown-up sons. Ihre Zahl sehr gering.
II class〃〃; cultivate 8 or 10 bigas, mit ab
ou
t 3 or 4 male adults in
the family. Ihre Zahl > als die der first class. Ein ryot hat oft no
other adult male in the family to assist him, but capital enough to employ
labourers, gehört dann zu 1st od. 2nd class.
III class〃〃 4 or 5 bigas, have 1 son or brother or nobody to assist them
(können daher nur 4–5 bigas bebauen). Bilden die Majorität.
IV class: a large number; haben 1 or 2 bigas of land, sustain themselves u.
family mainly by working for
other
others
on hire; sind labourers more properly than regular cultivators.
275, 276
I
st
class
haben generally 4 thatched houses in good condition to inclose the
quadrangle together, mit
3 or 4 out-houses
to serve as the
dhenkighur
,
cowshed
u.
gola
. D
as
Haupthaus unter den 4
inclosing the quadrangle costs generally
Rs 30 or
40
, the labour being supplied by themselves. D
ie
other houses kosten generally ab
ou
t Rs 20 or 25. Cost of
house erection für such a family daher
Rs. 150 or
175 Rs
.
II
nd
class
ausser den 4 d
e
s quadrangle nur 1 od. 2 outhouses; ihre
value altogether Rs 100–125.
III
d
class
,
has 1 or 2 houses with a
cow-shed
cowshed
, or 1 or 2 single thatched houses to serve as kitchen,
dhenkighur etc. D
er
value dieser houses
Rs 30–40.
D
ie
values hier estimated at
cost of
erection
; if sold in good condition fetch generally less, variirt
aber (sale price) mit condition, situation, demand etc.
I
st
class
ryot has
generally a
brass kalsi
(
kalsi
= a
large water pot
) 3 or 4
lotahs
(
lotah
or
pali
= tumbler),
4 or
5 thalas
(plates), 1 or 2 batis (
bati
=
1 cup),
1 boughna (brass vessel)
or 2 iron pans. The
quantity of brass
forming these ustensils about
12 or 15 seers
; when bought the
cost per seer
von
Re. 1
,
8a. to Rs 2
; when sold the price varies von 12a. (annas)
to Re. 1 4a. per seer. On the whole the value of these ustensils =
Rs 20
. – The
iron basins
and
1 or 2 china plates
in the case of Mahommedans,
u.
country earthenware pots and dishes
to be valued
at
couple of rupees
.
Baskets
u. other
ustensiles
utensils
made of
bamboos
or
cane-work
, wie
jhakee, dalli,
kula, dalla,
katta
u.
dhama
, or measure of capacity, may be valued at
1 Re
.
Bei
II
nd
class ryots
the
total
quantity of brass
about 8 or 10 seers = Rs. 8
,
12, or 15; the other
class of utensils
at
Rs. 2.
A
III
d
class ryot
has
generally 1 or 2 brass
lotahs
(tumblers), 1 or
2 thalas, sometimes a
boughna
; quantity = 5 seers,
about = Rs. 8. D
ie
earthen u. bamboo utensils
same as in 2
nd
class, for the want of
brass utensils to be supplied by these.
Unter
I
st
class ryots
haben
nur wenige
anything like the
sinduk
, stets in
the house of a trading
class
in the village. Preis =
15–20 Rs
.
Statt d
er
regular family
sinduks
haben
d
ie
ryots dieser
Klass
Klasse
meist
one small chest of mangoe
or other
inferior wood, and
1 or 2 petaras
constructed of matted cane, zu price von Rs. 2 to 4
(d
ie
petaras kosten ebensoviel
[)]
.
145
Ausserdem haben meiste Ryots od. deren
females
1 or 2 small wooden or tin boxes
to keep
cash, ornaments od. other valuables.
Price
davon
1½ Rs. Gesammtvalue dieser chests, boxes etc =
6–8 Rs
.
II
d
class families
haben
generally
1 petara
and 1 small box or 2, about = 3
or 4 Rs.
III
d
class ryots
haben
höchstens
jhaels
or
small
petaras
in some cases, v. Price = about 1½ Rs.
The
general custom
to keep the valuables hidden in
earthenware pots
kept under the ground or
outside.
Mit sehr wenigen Ausnahmen haben d
ie
Ryots keine
chowkees
or
charpoys
etc. Statt dessen
different spreadings on the floor, at night for the bedding.
1 Re.
for each family … average value of spreadings
for all
of ryots.
All ryots
use
chhalas
or
gunny bags
to sit upon, which are, when occasion
requires, used also to
hold
grains.
Seats of various kinds
made of
bamboo slips, canes
, and
splinters of betel-nut
tree
, and of
small planks
called
peera
or
low stools
; so
small in size that they can hold only one man on each.
[276–279]
Each ryot
male
or female has
2 dhutees of coarse Manchester cloth for ordinary use
while out of
work about
12 feet long
and
3 feet broad
. In well
[-]
to
[-]
do families haben ausserdem namentlich
d
ie
females
country sharees
u.
zenana coats
, and men
chaddars
, manchmal
peerans
. Für
d
ie
Wintersaison
haben elderly men u. women
chaddars of thick cloth
, while
at
work
they use very narrow and short
gamchas
or worn out clothes turned into smaller size.
No
difference among the different classes
as to
the
clothes possessed by a family
ausser
so weit
soweit
dies depends
upon the number of
individuals
in each. D
er
average value of clothes
belonging to each
individual male u. female, about
Rs 2
.
Dhutee:
a piece of Manchester cloth, known in the
bazaar as
longcloth
or
American
drill; Shari
, a piece of cloth put on by women having borders of
different colours;
Chadars
or sheet – a piece of
American drill or long cloth measuring about 9 feet in length;
Peeran
or shirt, a coat newly introduced into
fashion of American drill or longcloth.
Gamcha
or
napkin
, a piece of cloth short in breadth and
length.
Kantha
, quilt stuffed with rags.
In
I
st
class
(ryot)
family
, of 12 persons,
4 of whom may be left out of consideration,
in consideration of the different
persons wearing the same clothes
, the value d
er
clothes =
Rs 15 or 16
; In
II
d
class
of
about
7 persons
, wo
3 persons may be left out
for
same reason,
average value of clothes
=
Rs 8 or 9; in
III
d
class families
of 2
or 3 individuals, clothvalue = Rs 4 or 5.
In addition to these
Rs 3, 2, and 1
may be taken as
the average value of
leps
(quilt),
kanthas
, and
pillows
belong
belonging
to a family of I
st
, II
nd
, and III
d
class ryot
respectively.
Ornaments:
adult males use none
; boys have sometimes
brass or silver bangles
for the hands and
mandulees
or
patta
to hang
from the neck;
women
use
ornaments of various kinds made of gold or silver
and
sometimes of brass
, als da sind:
Nath
, a
ring
for the nose;
Besar
, an ornament hung from the nose;
Dana beads for the neck used by Hindus
, but very
seldom;
Kalse
ornaments for arms;
Balla
= bangles;
Mul
or
kharu-anklets
;
Churi, bracelet
used by
Mahommedans;
Hasli
, a large ring round the neck. –
On the whole, the
value of ornaments
belonging to a
I
st
class family
=
Rs 40–50. (Women whose husbands are living, when
Mahommedans
use
churi of silver or of lac
,
u. when
Hindu
a pair of shell bracelets.) für
II
nd
class family
about
Rs 30
, für
III
d
class family
ab
ou
t
Rs 10 or 15
.
[279–281]
Im cookhouse
kaum article ausser
pata
(a flat stone) und
puta
(a stone
mullar
muller
) for grinding condiments in addition to
brass
and earthen pots
. So:
Ghotee
, a brass or
earthen water-pot;
Raing
, an earthen pot used in
cooking rice;
Patil
, an earthen basin used in
cooking curry;
Shara
, an
earthen
cover
for a pot;
Jhajree
, an earthen vessel
for straining water when washing rice etc;
Hatta
, an
iron or wooden
ladle or spoon
used in cooking;
Bowlee
an iron
tongs
used in
catching pots when warm;
Tagaree
, a wooden bowl for
holding things cooked.
Diese, zus. mit
dhenki, ukti
u.
mosal
(a large wooden mortar u. pestle) to be valued
ab
ou
t
3 Rs.
for each family.
Ryots
keep generally, according to their circumstances,
a
quantity of rice, mustard etc, for consumption during the year, and
seeds for next year’s cultivation
; the value for
1
st
class
90–100 Rs,
2
nd
class
Rs 40–50,
3
d
class
Rs 25.
Cattle: I
st
class family 8 or
10 cows
and bullocks, m
an
chmal a couple of
goats or sheep
; in case of
Mahommedans
a number of fowls;
II
nd
class family
4 or 5 cows, u. a
III
d
class
2 or 3; the
value of cattle
for
I
st
Rs 70, II
nd
Rs 40, III
d
Rs 20.
Instruments
: A
I
st
class family
besitzt about
8–10 ploughs
u.
3 or
4 harrows
, valued at
Rs 8
; for
II
nd
u. III
d
class
respectively value d
er
ploughs Rs 5 u.
Rs 3.
146
A I
st
class family
hat
generally
3 daos, 4 or 5 kachees, 2 kodalees
or
spades, 1 khuntee
(a digging hoe) u.
an axe
: Gesammtvalue
Rs 5
;
II
nd
u. III
d
class
selben articles in less numbers,
of value of Rs 3 u. Rs 2 respectively.
Boats:
Ryots living in
low lands
u. fields
etc,
watered by annual inundation
, and
on river side
,
have generally a
dingee
(a small boat) of value of
Rs 10–30
.
nur bei I
st
u. II
nd
class ryots,
sehr
selten
bei III
d
class.
The large IV class
hat im allgemeinen a
single house
, a
brass lota
or
thalla
, or
a stone or wooden
plate and cane
or
bamboo basket
etc, and
nothing in the way of a
sinduk
or
charpoys
; 1 or 2 mats and kanthas and pillows and a couple of
dhutees
, a
plough
, a
harrow, a dao
, a
kodalee
, a
kachee
u. manchmal
a cow or
2; value des ganzen Krams
in average may be estimated at
Rs 25
.
[282, 283]
Kodál or Kodáli:
a
hoe
, by
means of which the work of the
spade, the shovel
,
and the
hoe
alike is done.
Kathak:
a professional story teller; one who recites
traditional poems etc.
Láthi, or Láttee:
a stick or bludgeon, usually of
bamboo, heavily ringed and feruled with metal;
Morha
, a stool.
Mulla or Mulána:
one who has charge of the village
mosque, Mahommedan schoolmaster.
Kachcha:
Raw, crude, immature, incomplete;
Pakka:
ripe, mature, complete.
Nirkh
, a
standard
or
customary rate
, as of
rent
,
etc.
Pálla
, a
turn
as of
worship, or enjoyment of property.
Dhoti:
the cloth worn round the loins;
Bhát
, boiled rice;
Ghát:
the landing slope, or steps, on the bank of a
river, or of a tank; the pass up a mountain or ridge of hills, sometimes the
line of the hill itself.
Jágir, Jághir
, a
service
tenure
of land or revenue;
Jalkar-wála
, one
who has rights of fishing.
[289, 291–293]
II) The Agricultural
in Ceylon.
The Village Economy.
Island of Ceylon = a Pear; the
circular portion
of the Pear occupied by a
mass of mountains rising
manchmal to 7–8000 feet
, bordered at its base with a margin of
lower land which continues to the coast on all sides. (173)
The
New North Central Province
,
constuted
constituted
on
6. Sept. 1873
, for administrative
purposes, covers the
mid-island portion of the
Northern plain … interminable jungle in a state of nature
,
dotted very sparsely with tiny specks of yellow-green cultivation mit
some few
pools of water or tanks
… the surface
nicht absolutely flat, sondern mit
considerable
undulation
an einigen Stellen, an andern
broken by low ridges or rounded bosses of gneiss
. In
d
er
Regel d
ie
pools
seem by origin nur
accumulations of water
in
natural
depressions of the ground
as have
no outlet
sufficiently low to drain them
… aber
their
depth u. size
in most instances
artificially
increased
d
ur
ch an
earthen
bund
or
embankment
, thrown across the
lower side of the depression. In d
en
drier seasons des Jahrs,
as the water bulk shrinks back
towards the bund
,
i.e. towards the deeper side, it withdraws from the
greater portion of the tank space
, so that the
jungle
is enabled to flourish there (as it also
does
on the embankment itself
) eben so
vigorously als überall sonst in the surrounding tracts. Daher schwer
den tank zu sehn
, selbst wenn man in seiner
Nähe. Und when d
er
tank voll
, much of it closely resembles
a circuit of flooded forest
. (173–75)
Anuradhapura
, the classic city of the
Mahawansa
, für 7–800 Jahre d
ie
metropolis der successiv regierenden dynasties ruling over the larger
portion of Ceylon, dann für eben so lange Zeit left to decay, is sehr
nah d
em
Mittelpunkt
d
er
neuen Provinz. Ihre
nachträgl. Bevölkerung (
1871
nur 16 to □ m., the
inhabitants of the rural villages u. the modern bazar counted together)
für sehr lange Periode, bis lately, preserved by the remoteness u.
inaccessibility of its situation v.
disturbing action
of foreign influences of
[any]
kind
, daher
dort a »
living specimen
typical« sehr primitiver
agricultural economy u. civilization. (175–6)
D
ie
People
are
Singhalese
u.
class themselves mit d
en
Kandyan
or
highlanders
im Unterschied v. d
en
low-country
Singhalese
; sehr verschieden
von d
en
comparatively slight-limbed, black-complexioned
Tamils
, who constitute the population of the
Northern portion des Island. (176, 77) D
ie
Singhalese language
belongs to the
147
Aryan group
, apparently sprung from a root
closely allied to the
Sanscritic prakrits of Northern
India
; aber d
ie
Singhalese people
haben Aussehn d
as
hindeutet auf intermixture of an Aryan mit some other, yellow
[-]
tinted, coarsely
[-]
built, ethnic element; sind
broadshouldered
broad-shouldered
,
deepchested
deep-chested
, muscular, with
a pronounced calf to the
leg
, like all
Mongolian
peoples, unlike
the
Aryans of India
; schlagendste peculiarity –
excessive hairiness
of
both male and female
. Dies findet sich nicht bei d
en
best bekannten mongolischen Stämmen; aber d
ie
Ainos
, a
Turanian race on the
extreme east of Asia
, possess this extraordinary capillary
development in noch höherem Grad. (177–78)
The
Tamil
inhabitants der Northern Province, sind
ununterscheidbar
von their
brethern
brethren
of the
mainland of India
, with their
slight build, black skin, thick lips, open nostrils, coarse hair; they
belong unmistakably to the
Dravidian
race.
(179)
, auf d
en
Grenzmarken der Tamil u. Singhalese districts, to be found
low caste villages
, wo no pure type of either
kind
(l.c.)
Ausser d
er
distribution der population des Districts
by agricultural villages
Fälle of
petty u. often ephemeral bazars
sprung up at
convenient places along the highways – gradually as these have been
opened out through the forest, perhaps never kept by the Kandyans,
sondern nur durch low country Singhalese, Moormen, or Tamils. (l.c.)
Controlling element d
es
village
– the
paddy tract or paddy field
which is itself
»
a function
of the supply of water«. (179,
180) Meist d
as
field
attached
, or
appended to, a
tank
u. ist oft
strikingly tiny
im Verhältniss zum
size des entire tank
; es wird
irrigirt
by the flow of water passing out from the tank
through a masonry culvert
piercing the lowest part of the
retaining bund
u. öfter noch through a breach or cutting made in the bund itself u.
d
ie
Lage (the lie) d
es
Feldes
so, dass the
outflow of water can be made to
flood the whole of
it
in a succession of flats,
to the
lowest
and most remote from it; the line of soil surface from
side to side being almost always
horizontal
throughout. Je nach dem local Character des ground hat d
as
field
more or less irregular shape, with its
longer extention stretching away from the tank bund. Sonst ist es
a simple clearing in that universal jungle prevailing
on all sides
, selbst bedeckend the actual bund of the tank, and
very much of the tank bottom itself. (180
[, 181]
)
Jedem Feld
entspricht a
gama
or
village
, i.e. group of
homesteads wo d
ie
cultivators live; selten hat a village
mehr als ein field
; d
ie
Gruppe steht im
Jungle neben d
em
field, obscured by trees, and
next the bund
; exhibits gewöhnlich no order of
arrangement. Die
einzelne homestead
, wenn ihr
owner well to do, a
low, thatched, mud-wattled
hut
, of perhaps 2 unlighted rooms opening upon the diminutive
veranda
, deren floor die
earth platform
der hut, u. deren roof its projecting eaves; in
front dieser hut
small, mud-plastered attawas
,
or
roofed cylinders of wicker-work
, raised upon
supports for
storage of grain
. (ist equivalent
der
golas
of Bengal) Auf einer Seite steht
ausserdem
a large open shed
, with its little
loft
for
cattle
(if the
cottier has any),
implements, curry grinder, rice
pounder
(the
dhenki
of Bengal), etc.
Under the
back eaves of hut
auch a
place for ploughs
, the
surface-smoother, harrows etc
. Abutting upon the little
homestead’s
curtillage
curtilage
, or partially enclosing it, – a
garden
or
loosely cultivated plot for fruit trees
,
condiments, curry vegetables (
sāg
of Bengal)
etc; the whole meist ill kept and neglected; d
ie
different
homesteads der village group von einander getrennt durch irregular,
ill
[-]
defined, muddy tracks. (181,
182)
An Spitze a
territorial head
, w
ir
d in
diesen
modern days
»proprietor des village«
genannt; er Nachfolger
des primitive chieftain; er mag jetzt d
ie
Krone
sein, or a
religious foundation
, or a private Singhalese gentleman.
(182)
D
as
village field
, or
paddy
tract, divided into portions by parallel balks drawn across it from
side to side at right angles to the line of water-flow
; each
such portion
hereditary share
of some one person
or family resident in or belonging to the village. The
prin
c
ipal portion
or
share
– genannt
Mottettuwa
(
Ziraat
in Bengal) gehört dem
head des village
; alle andern shareholders
hat
haben
to make
some contribution of produce in kind
, or
to render him some defined and specific service,
domestic or agricultural
. Dies distinction of tenure – produce
in kind oder aber service
–
entspricht genau den
raiotti
(Ryots) u.
lakhiraj
conditions
148
of holding in
Bengal. Nur d
er
Unterschied: In
Bengal
d
ie
raiotti holding
(holding by contributing of
share of produce) is the
prevalent form
u.
lakhiraj
holding d
ie
exception; in
Ceylon
the holding by rendering of service
nilakariya
is (or rather was) all but universal,
and the other the exception.
In Bengal the service
or
of
the
lakhiraj holding
stets free u.
honourable, such as that of the
priest, doctor,
watchman
etc; in
Ceylon
that of the
nilakariya
is usually menial. (183, 84)
Meist a
plurality of villages
have a
common head
, u. früher the household
establishment of a wealthy native chieftain kept up by
turns of menial service
discharged by villagers,
drafted from the many villages in due order upon the footing of their
land tenure obligation. Jetzt the
service tenure
has so to say become
freehold
.
maintaining illuminations, thatching
or doing
other
repairs
to the
pansala
(the
Buddhist’s priest
Buddhist priest’s
residence) etc, noch in vollem Gange. (184, 85)
D
ie
administrative organization
, zur Perception
d
er
services für d
as
head of the village, bestand
aus 1 or 2 officials, the
Gamerale
(the village
man), the
Lekham
(writer or accountant) etc.
Some
of the
more wealthy of the shareholders in the
village field,
probably by reason of being by family origin of the same blood
with the chieftain
, hold their share by the
service
of
filling hereditarily one of
these offices
, or of yielding hospitality to the
head of the village
, when he comes, or to any
other visitors whom the village receives. (185–86)
Einige dieser services bestehn in doing
smiths’,
carpenters’, dhobis’ work
or even that of the
doctor
(Vederale). Im village selbst diese
persons paid in their turn by their fellow villagers for their
professional
or
artisan’s
functions
, either by
labour done for them in
the tilling of their shares of the village field
, or
by a quota of the paddy
on
the payer’s threshing
[-]
floor
,
measured out and delivered when the harvest completed. Other service
consists in
supplying the village head
mit
oil, betel-nuts, honey from the jungle, game
etc. (186)
Viel
wichtiger the
combined action on the part of the
villagers for their joint benefit
, necessitated by the
exigencies of cultivation under the primitive
conditions
obtaining in the North Central Province, and indeed
allgemein in Ceylon, z. B.
fencing the village field
every season against the wild animals of the jungle which surrounds
it; kein einzelner shareholder könnte unaided execute the whole
work
; u. wenn ein
Riss
(Mangel,
flaw
) in it irgendwo so ist
every shareholder’s plot open to invasion
; jeder shareholder
so direct interessirt in this work, has to bear
his
portion of it
in
proportion
to his share in the field
. Ebenso wenn
a
breach
im bund
to be
filled
up, or
some
repair
to be done to it, dies done by all the
shareholders jointly furnishing
out of their
families or dependents,
each in due proportion
,
a
continual supply of labour in successive relays
until the work is done
.
(187)
Obgleich jeder shareholder in the village paddy field, hat
erbliches Recht in his plot
u.
right of cultivating it exclusively
, dennoch
which
is generally pursued
connects him
… in
almost every step of his tilling with his neighbours,
above
and
below
, either in a dominant
or a serviant character. D
er
Process
der
Zubereitung u.
clearing the soil for the seed sowing or planting
, of
killing the weeds and keeping them down
, and of
promoting the growth of the paddy plant
, is
from beginning to end
in a large degree
effected
by the aid of successive submersions of the
plot
, which have to be varied as regards the depth of water
according to the process and the stage of it
.
Commonly
3 prolonged submersions
in the
course of tilling
, and
7
shorter ones
during the
growth of the
plant
. Da d
ie
submergence of a relatively lower plot
generally
means the submergence of the plots above it
,
while the
paddy plant
cannot be depended upon to
grow equally fast in all the plots
, hence,
damit
kein risk
of
one
shareholder’s operations destroying the young plants of his
neighbours
, usual rule dass the
shareholder
of
at
the lower end of the field should commence the operations
of the tilling season in his plot before any one else
, and so
get a safe start of the man next above him.
Selbe
order followed by all the others in succession
.
(188–89)
Wenn in
einem Jahr, von
Mangel an Wasserzufuhr
od. sonst
welchem Grund T
nur ein Theil des village paddy field
can be effectively cultivated
, w
ir
d
that limited portion taken as the whole u. is divided unter
d
en
village shareholders as the original entirety
was
. D
ie
Entscheidung darüber genommen
d
ur
ch d
ie
shareholders as a
body
. Dies jetzt nicht überall known in practice, aber ist oft
vorgesehn in the
newly framed Gansabawa
rules,
at the instance of the villagers themselves
,
to indicate that it was a deeply rooted ancient custom.
(189)
149

G
an
z unabhängig v. d
en
relations zum head of the
village, daher in each village of the North Central Province (u. in fact
prevailing universally)
Beamte, the
vel vidahne
u. others
chosen by the
shareholders
to
control and carry
out
the system of fencing, ploughing, sowing,
shifting of allotment, when necessary
etc or generally
the internal agricultural economy d
e
s
village
. (190)
D
ie
Reis production d
er
irrigated fields
nicht genügend to form even the
principal portion of
the shareholder’s support
in d
er
Mehrzahl der villages
dieser Provinz. D
er
ordinary staple of life
the
dry grain
,
koraccan
korakkan
, grown upon the
upland
, i.e. on
merely unwatered
ground
, or ground which the flow of the water cannot be made to
reach.
A
piece of the forest
which surrounds the village
and the village paddy field, is
felled and
burnt
, and a
crop of
karaccan
korakkan
is raised thereupon
for
a
couple of consecutive years at
most
, when the
clearing is allowed to
relapse into jungle
again; and
this process
is not repeated on the same spot for another 10 years at least
.
(190–91)
This
process
of
chena clearing
is
often
done
in
the
North
Central Province by
the joint action of the village
shareholders
, under the management of their own officers; and
sometimes the whole course of cultivation which
follows is also joint, with a partition only of the
produce
.
Manchmal
aber auch, nachdem the clearing effected,
the
land
is
divided u. allotted previously to
the cultivation
; dies immer in case
of the plots required
for
the growth of each household’s vegetables
or
curry stuff
. (191)
– In d
en
Maritime Provinces
scheint dies
System of joint clearing
unbekannt; jeder who
has
chena land
scheint to own it absolutely,
cultivates u. clears it himself at long intervals, or
gets this done for him on some terms of anda
letting.
(191–92)
In einigen wenigen instances, it is said,
forest u.
chena ground
recognized as
appurtenant to
the village
in d
em
Sinn: d
ie
shareholders des village paddy field
können ohne
Erlaubniss of head of village od. Government
clear
and cultivate
in oben beschriebner Art
any
portion
on the
foundation of
, and
in proportion to their village holdings
.
Generally the
Crown
asserts a paramount claim to all jungle u.
waste land wherever situated, which has not been before appropriated to
actual use;
no tree
can be felled or
chena
cultivated thereon ausser mit gvt license. (192)
D
as
actual work of tilling
meist verrichtet
d
ur
ch jeden villager by the hands of his family;
paddy cultivating
speciell so respectable,
f
a
st of sacred character, dass
women
unwürdig daran Theil zu nehmen, u. dürfen sich nicht
zeigen on the
threshing floor
, namentlich wenn
d
er
so called
hill paddy
, or more
highly valued sort of rice grain, is being threshed. (192–93)
Wenn der shareholder ist Weibsperson ohne Kinder, oder er anderweitig
beschäftigt, od. gut genug dran
to be able to abstain
from manual labour
, dann common arrangement dass his share
cultivated for him by another person upon the terms
of this
latter
, die dann renders dem shareowner
a
specified share of produce
; dies benamst
a letting in
ande
, i.e.
half share
; meist, vielleicht f
a
st immer, the
agreed upon share
=
½ the
produce both in straw and paddy
;
der
cultivator muss ausserdem give a share to the responsible servant
usually sent by the shareowner to remain on the ground and look after
his interests
from the day of reaping to the day of
partition
, and having moreover to feed this man during the
interval. (193–94)
F
a
st alle
vicarious cultivation
assumes this shape;
not known: letting the land for a
money rent
; existirt ditto
no class of
agricultural labourers, working on the land of another for money
hire
.
In fact, in d
em
rein agricultural village
of Ceylon –
practically
no
money
in use
.
Vielleicht Mehrzahl der villagers haben
nicht paddy
enough to last them for food till next season of harvest
or
for seed
, oder haben no
plough
or no
oxen
. Diese erhalten sie
when
and
as
they are
required, vom
Capitalist des village
, on the terms of setting
apart for him on the threshing floor
a certain
stipulated quantity or share of the produce in return for each item
of loan
.
Ebenso
remunerated the services des Vederale, village blacksmith u. other
artisans.
Selbes
mag
manchmal
vorkommen auch in
the
matter of land
labour
, aber
general custom for neighbouring
shareholders
to
mutually assist one another
in this particular when
needed.
(194–95)
Der
head of the village
mit Bezug auf his
muttettuwa
has this cultivated
umsonst
under Aufsicht of the officers
by the turns of tillage service due to him
from
those of the villagers whose tenures involve the service; cultivirt er
in this way, so gehört ihm d
as
ganze Product des harvest. Aber
auch er zieht
150
oft vor to dispense with these services u.
to let out the
muttettuwa
land in
ande
(
ande
on terms of
receiving a specified,
originally half
, share of
the produce
[)]
. (195) D
ie
gegebne Schilderung genommen v.
North Central
u.
Kandyan provinces
. (196)
Erst errichtet sich a regal
hierarchy on the basis of the village
; aber
d
ie
sovereign power
, when once constituted, wird in course of
time the
instrument
for generating u. developing
g
an
z neue conditions u. notions
of property in land. (l.c.)
2) Land Tenure and State Economy.
Der grantee erhielt the
chieftains
chieftain’s
customary rights
over the villages u.
unappropriated lands; daher
Nindegama
(village
unter private ownership) as opposed to the
royal
or
Gabada-gama
. (197, 198) Sub-infeudation
nicht
in Ceylon to any considerable extent.
(198) ⦗Even the
Bengal subtenures
did not attain
their extraordinary modern development until after the Permanent
Settlement had given the Zamindars an absolute right of property in all
the
land of their Zemindaries
, – a right without
parallel in Ceylon.⦘ (199) Einige grants – royal or durch private
seignior – became cultivating settlements, having
the
grantee
(nicht the grantor) at their head; der grantor had
no
connection mit der new community ausser the
link of service
which bound the grantee to
him u. which often in course of time wore out, became
unforceable
unenforceable
. Others perhaps were from the beginning exclusive u. free of
continuing obligation. (199, 200)
die sehr
zahlreichen
cases of cultivators
u. even of
non-cultivating proprietors
, who
own
lands
by
a right of an absolute u.
independent character
, to be found in all parts of the country,
speciell in the maritime provinces
, obgleich
hier the
Dutch dominant authority
probably
effected the larger part of the change which has taken place in modern
times. (200)
So
now
coming into existence
an
agricultural labourers’ class
; denn
wealthy native gentlemen
, die
Geld
auf andrem Weg als Agricultur gewonnen, found themselves
able
to obtain the labour of the poorer village
proprietors for daily money wages
, u. so to
„farm“ their lands
extensiv im English Sinn des term. (200,
201)
Joint family system
ebenso conspicuous in
Ceylon als in Bengal
, doch im erstern selten of
so large dimensions; bes
on
d
e
rs charakteristisch
[für]
d
as
Ceylon joint-family system:
2 or
more brothers living together under one
roof
will have one wife between them
;
practice discouraged by English legislation, aber keineswegs extinct;
still enters as a curious factor in the
law of
inheritance
, which has to be administrated by the civil courts.
(201)
Enjoyment der property der joint-family
managed
by agreement, express or implied, aller adult joint sharers in the
family property, who often separate themselves into smaller groups each
taking its own plot of land; jeder dissentient sharer can claim to
have his share divided off for him
. (
[201,]
202) In Fällen von
cocoa-nut
or
areca
[-]
nut plantations
, of
jak
trees
u. selbst of
paddy fields
, usual
that
every gathering of the crop should be made in
the presence of all the sharers
, and the
produce then and there divided according to the shares
. In
such cases verrichten
all the sharers together
the necessary work
incidental to the cultivation or the keeping up of
the plantation
and
constitute in fact a cooperative society
.
Eine andre Praxis ist dass d
ie
sharers let
out the land or plantation in
anda
, entweder to an outsider, or to one or more
of themselves. Dann alle sharers to be
present
at
the
division of the produce
, which
is effected in 2 steps,
first division into
moieties
und dann
a division of one moiety
among the sharers
.
(202,
203)
Manchmal the enjoyment of the property by
tatta
maru
succession;
takes the
entirety
for the same number of seasons as he is entitled to parts, giving it up
at the end of such period of time to the sharer who stands next in the
rota etc. z. B.
A, B, C
jointly entitled to a
paddy field in undivided shares proportionate to 2, 3, and 4, i.e. to
2
9
,
1
3
,
4
9
share of the whole respectively, then A would take the whole
field for 2 years, B for 3, u. schliesslich C for 4, u. then the
set of turns
repeated in the same order, for
successive periods of 9 years
, until some sharer
[should]
insist upon having an actual
partition of the field. (203, 204)
Aehnliche Sorte of Reihenfolge adoptirt in einigen
villages an d
er
Küste
zum enjoyment
by the villagers
of the
151
fishing grounds
belonging to the village: diese
are divided into
localities
; u. d
ie
recognized boats of the village
fish these
localities by turns which are settled by
gansabawa
arrangement. Jedes
dieser boats
mit its nets
is a valuable property, belonging to many
co-sharers jointly, who are commonly members of one family, and have
become entitled to their shares by inheritance … On
a
day’s fishing
the
produce is drawn
ashore
, divided in a sufficient number of lots, each estimated
to be worth the same assigned value, u. diese
lots
then so distributed
, dass:
1
/
50
to the
owner of the land
on which
the fish
are brought ashore; ¼ to
those
engaged in the labour
; ⅕ for the assistance of
extra nets etc
, rendered by third parties in the
process of landing and securing the fish, which together: =
2 + 25 + 20
=
47
100
; die remaining
53
100
go to the
owners of the boat and net
according to their
share
shares
therein. (204, 205)
panguwa
= share of the village paddy field, das
dem Singhalese
nilacaraya
nilakaraya
zukommt. (206)
the
cultivation in ande
bei d
en
Singhalese
ist precise counterpart der
batai
cultivation der Bengalese.
The
deputing
of
the right to
cultivate the soil
, as distinguished from
the letting out land
as
a commodity
in
beiden agricultiral systems. The
usufructuary
mortage
, flowing from this conception, is the
prevailing
form of dealing mit the
panguwa
u. the
jot
respectively, as commodities
. (207, 208)
In
Ceylon wie in Bengal
double set of village
officers, one ernöthigt d
ur
ch
relation der
members der little village
republic to each other, andre
d
ur
ch relation »with their
lord«; d
er
gamerale, lekhama, kankaname
entsprechen dem
bengal.
naib, patwari, gomashta
; andrerseits der
vel vidane
equivalent dem
mandal
. (208) (
3
d
Ceylon u. Bengal
p. 206–213)
batai-agreement
batai agreement
(Bengal), under which the tilling is done by a person not the
owner – in consideration of a definite share of the produce being
yielded to the owner. (237)
4) The Grain Tax.
Obligation des cultivator to pay to the Crown
a
tithe or share of his paddy crop
if he has
any, u. in some parts der country, also
of his other
grain crops
. (214)
In vielen instances
villages
were kept in hand by
the Crown (held
khas
as it is phrased in India)
for the especial support of the central establishments: the
muttetuwa
darin was service-tilled, or let out
in
ande
, under the direction of royal servants;
the produce thus accruing was deposited
in kind
in
royal storehouses (gabedawa), arsenals
(awudege), or
treasuries (arramudale)
according
to its sort, u. d
ie
personal services due were rendered at the
palace or elsewhere, to meet some immediate royal requirement.
D
ie
Crown villages or lands
were known under various
designations: as
ratninda
or
ande
, original Crown lands;
nillapalla
, those which had fallen into the Crown from failure of
the office to which they were attached;
mallapalla
, those reverted to the Crown from death of the
Grantee. (216, 17)
several native powers at times maintained a
separate simultaneous existence in the different provinces; but little
continuity of general municipal administration of any kind. Village
system
still in activity, even, im Theil
d
es
Landes most affected by foreign influence u. other
disturbing forces, in the
low part of the country
near the coast
; d
ur
ch d
ie
services u. contributions
derivable from this
source, first the
native powers of the low
country
u. nach ihnen
the Portuguese,
recruited their military forces
u. obtained the means of gvt.
The
Portuguese
, when become
supreme over the southern maritime circuit
of the island, took
up the
position der native kings
, whom they
superseded, and
adopted their fiscal and
administrative machinery
as it stood. (217, 218)
D
ie
Holländer
, having turned out the Portuguese,
ditto in power über d
ie
maritime provinces, displaced all the
native local heads
u.
officials
; ihr Gvt übernahm the direct collection and benefit
der various
dues, cesses
u.
services
, fastened upon the holder of the land to whomsoever
they had been rendered. (218, 219)
Engländer
, in their turn, assuming the gvt der
maritime provinces, folgten zuerst dem Vorgang der Dutch, brauchten
d
ie
services
derer, die land on
tenure of service
hatten (u. on that account
duty free
), nahmen auch an d
en
storehouses
etc the
seignior’s share of produce in kind
, von den
Mallapalla, Nillapalla, Ratninda
, or
Ande
lands
u. nahmen endlich
152
such benefits as were
derivable from holders of land on other u. uncertain tenures, inclus.
the payment of quotas of produce, u. of measures of paddy. (219)
Diese letzte
sort of dues
converted
d
ur
ch
Royal Proclamation of 3 May,
1800
, in
tax of ⅒ des Produce
, scheint sich
zu beziehn auf d
as
residue of lands
nach Abzug der Government lands
u. der
lands held on tenure of service
to
Government. Offenbar waren
private seignior
und
the
vihara headship
schon verschwunden vor den
Dutch. (219, 220)
3 September 1801
durch Proclamation d
ie
obligation to service
on
tenure of land
in d
en
maritime provinces
abgeschafft (ab
von
1 Mai 1802)
to
payment to Gvt of ⅒ des produce if high land, ⅕
of produce if low land
. Zugleich the
payment
of ¼
of
the produce
für
Mallapalla, Nillapalla, Ratninda or Ande lands
reserved. (220)
Obgleich so
d
ie
obligation to service
divorced from land, ward dem
Governer
Governor
the power reserved to
exact it by special
order
von persons
aller castes u.
conditions
for
adequate pay
to be given
therefore. D
ie
exigencies of the Kandyan war
general claim to the services of the people
,
nicht mit Bezug auf Grundbesitz, sondern of custom and caste,
payment to be made at rates fixed by Gvt
;
1809
w
ur
de
Wegbau
zu
gratuitous service
gemacht,
lying on the inhabitants des districts through which they passed.
(
[220,]
221) Diese enactments applied
nur to the
maritime provinces
acquired von
d
en
Dutch.
1815
erhielten
d
ie
Britishers d
ur
ch
conquest
u.
treaty
auch d
as
government
of the
Central or
Kandyan Province
, bis dahin solely under the adminisration der
native powers.
1818
, d
ur
ch Proclamation
von
21 November
, alle duties bis dahin payable
in royal storehouse, treasury, or arsenal u. alle andern duties u. taxes
abgeschafft
, ersetzt d
ur
ch
tax of ⅒ of the produce on paddy lands
, reduced
to
1
/
14
in certain
specified
Korles
. (221, 222) Zugleich die
services
due in respect of service tenure lands
(auf welche grade die neue Tax fiel) retained, obgleich stipulated that
the services
generally
should be paid for at
an established rate
; aber
repair u. making of roads
, wie in d
en
maritime
provinces,
gratuitous service
gemacht. (222)
D
ur
ch
Proclamation v. 21 Nov. 1818
auch d
ie
liability of certain inhabitants of temple lands to
perform
service to gvt
also retained. (l.c.)
Auf Report v.
24 December 1831
des
Lt. Colonel
Colebrooke
, (nämlich dieser u. Mr.
Cameron
waren commissioned w
or
den
die Administration von Ceylon to inquire into) an
Order of Council
d.d.
12 April 1832
erklärte, dass Niemand of His M
ajesty
’s native or Indian
subjects im island
liable to render any service
in Bezug auf ihre
land tenure
, oder wegen ihrer
Caste
od. sonstwie, zu welchem d
ie
subjects of European birth
were not liable. Aber
auch diese Proklamation enthielt the
reservation
of
services to the crown
of
holders of land in royal villages in the Kandyan province
u.
dasselbe for
vihara
u.
private owners
in the same province. (
l.c.
222, 223
)
According to
Ribeyro
,
Knox
u.
Valentyn
in the
Portuguese
u. earlier times there was almost
no money
in
the country.
All trade
which was not a Crown
monopoly
was effected by barter
.
Paddy was the commodity which commonly filled the
place of coin
. Die meisten
presents
which accompanied all service,
took the form of
paddy
, and
nearly all obligations by the way
of remuneration
or duty were discharged by a
measure of grain
drawn from the contents of the threshing
floor at harvest. (225)
:
D
ie
frühste Erwähnung
irgendeiner
tax or contribution
des
Volks für support
of a royal person
to be found in the
historical books of Ceylon
, occurs
in
the
Aggauna
Satta
Sutta
(a
sermon by
Buddha
himself
) in
Diga
Digha
Nitraya, u.
in the
commentary thereon
called
Sumangali
Sumangala
Vilasani
by the learned Buddhist divine
Buddhagosha
.
Der
passage des sermon lautet:
„We shall give a portion
of our paddy.“
Dazu commentirt
Buddhagosha
: „We shall give you at the rate of ammunan of
paddy from each field of ours. ⦗Das word „Sali“ im Original is literally
a
particular kind of rice, soll
aber hier stand
for all grain produce⦘
You need not
follow any trade
. But be you our chief.“
(227, 228) Weiter keine tax or
obligation an governing power erwähnt;
u. the
paddy
cesses
ultimately often again superimposed upon the services,
came in later still, with an increase in the central power of exaction. (
227,
228) D
as
Singhalese word „otu“
, w
o
d
ur
ch
die Gvt tax or claim meistens benamst, heisst
„one“
, also equivalent only to
one
portion
or
one share
ohne indication
153
irgendeiner Proportion der share zum Ganzen. (228,
229)
Also d
as
⅒ im English impost scheint founded upon the
practice
of
the Dutch
in
granting out Crown lands. D
ie
grain tax
folglich nicht älter als the century;
in a certain sense return to the earliest u. most widely prevalent form
of national revenue developed from the basis of the village
organization, aber charakteristisch dass d
ie
Ceylon
Aryans
from the same basis produced the
service system
in its stead. (229)
III) Evolution of the Indo-Aryan Social and
Landed
Land
System.
At the present time
every settlement report
sent in
to the Government (in India) will be found to furnish instances, and to
describe the circumstances of
newly created agricultural
communit
i
es
. (
234.
)
»there grew
up
to be,
even from the commencement
, a
gradation of respectability and employment within the village
itself
.«
(p. 238)
The proprietary conception went no farther than this namely, that the
particular plot of land
which the family or the
individual claimed was the part of the village land, which he or it was
entitled to cultivate
, or to have cultivated for his
own benefit. The
business of allotment
(so long as
the practice of allotting remained), the
order of
cultivation
, the
maintenance of the water
supply, the keeping up of fences
, and all other affairs of common
interest to the little community, were managed by the
heads of families
, entitled to their share of the village lands,
in the
panchayat
assembled. (
[240,]
241)
Each little colony or
abad
. (242)
nij
or private lands. (243)
Kshatria caste
nur mentioned in
Brahmanical
pages, and it certainly has no reality now. (See
Growse’s „Mathura“
.) (p. 246) Ebenso the existence
of the Vaisya
(Kaufmann’s) Kaste nur evidenced by
Brahmanical writers. (248) The
great bulk
of the
descendants of the original settlers
(speaking of
villages in the mass) less careful of purity of blood, or of preserving any
mark of descent from the immigrant race … mit ihnen gradually intermixed
people of all kinds, aborigines, run-aways from other
abads
for cause of pauperism, feud, or otherwise, some of whom
came to be even allowed a portion of the village lands. (248, 249) Probably
the
Brahman, Kshatria, Vaisya
u.
Sudra der Brahmanical codes
blos Utopian class distinctions of a
prehistoric
More
. (250)
In allem there is at most conceived only the
right to
cultivate land
, and a deputing of that right to another in
consideration of a share in the product. (255) Selbst in seinem private land
or
nij
d
er
chief had only the
right to cultivate by himself
, or to get somebody
else to do it on condition of dividing the produce. (256) The
share of produce
which the Chief could take from the
cultivators was not regulated by his own pleasure, or
by
the making of a bargain
, but by
custom
, or
practice, in regard to which the
village panchayat
was the supreme authority, and the chief had no power to turn the cultivator
out of possession. (257)
D
ie
Verwandlung dieser
quotas of produce
into money payments
, or
their equivalent
(an event which has not happened
universally even yet) machte sie nicht zu
rent paid for
occupation and use of land
as
an article
belonging to and at the disposal of the person paid
,
but were dues payable to a superior ruling
authority … D
er
Chief, though zamindar of
all
the land within the Zamindary, was at most
landlord
(u. das nur als one merely having the right to dispose of
the occupation and tilling of the soil) of his
nij
lands, and in some instances probably of the wastes. Seine machinery was
sein
kachahri
, the centre of local authority, side
by side womit the
panchayat
, i.e. the old
abad
self-government. (257, 258)
In
nowhere
a mention of land as a subject of property in the modern English sense.
Private ownership of cultivated plots
is recognized,
ist aber simply the
ownership of the cultivator
; the
land itself belongs to the village
; no trace of
rent;
owner
is only another name for
cultivator
.
Er ist under
obligation to cultivate lest the Rajah’s or lord’s dues in kind be
shortcoming, aber er might cultivate by servants, or arrange with some one
else to
cultivate
on
a division
of crops
. (i.e.
154
the
batai
system
, a form of metayer) In another place of
Manu
, every one enjoined
to keep a supply of grain
sufficient for his household for 3 years
… almost
everybody so supposed to be an actual cultivator
… The
practice of batai
…
did not in
fact lead to the letting of land
: u.
rent
in any form unknown to Manu. (258, 259)
Selling of land
, or even
of the
use of land
, nirgendswo directly alluded to …
Appropriating a field, giving a field
u.
seizing a field
erscheinen alle bei
Manu
,
aber nicht
buying or selling a field
. (259, 260)
Etwas später, nach the
, separated kinsmen had acquired
uncontrolled power of
disposing of their respective
shares
of
the family allotment
; dies was a
mere transfer of a personal cultivating right
,
incidental to personal status in the village community, and subject to an
obligation to render to the lord his share of the produce. Daher the
transaction to be accompanied by specified public
formalities
; and an out-and-out sale discountenanced except for
necessity. Ausserdem, when the transfer not absolute, but
conditional by way of security for the repayment of a debt
, it
always took the form of what is now called a
usufructuary
mortgage
. (260, 261) the
usufruct of land by
actual tillage
on the footing of a right of partnership in the
village cultivating community, and not
the land
itself
, constituted the object wor
au
f sich d
as
word
»ownership«
in d
en
Hindu law writers
bezieht. (261)
copper-plates of title, old sanads
u. ähnliche
evidence; sie disclose the pretty frequent grant or assignment of the
right to make collections
u. other
zamindari rights
proceeding from a superior lord, or
the
gift of a plot from the waste
, or out of the
zamindar’s
ziraat
, to a
Brahman
or other person
;
.
But no instance of
private transfer by purchase
and sale of actual land
, or even of
the lease of
land for a term of years in consideration of a rent
. (261, 262)
D
as
Sanchi tablet
, wovon a translation given in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
v. VI,
p. 456
, bezieht sich nicht auf purchase u. sale of land as
between private owners; sondern an
enfranchisement of
some sort
(such as redemption of liability to pay revenue to the
lord) with the view to the land becoming
debattar
.
(262, n
o
t
e
1)
Mr.
La Touche’s „Settlement Report of Ajmere u. Mhairwarra“
recently published,
(
[262,]
263) Die Sache kömmt dar
au
f heraus:
Certain members of the village community
enjoy
the permanently cultivated or improved lands of the village by some
recognized hereditary or customary right of cultivation, sometimes termed
ownership
u. sometimes
proprietorship
; zahlen sie the customary share of the produce to
the person entitled to receive it, so they consider themselves entitled to
continue undisturbed in the occupation and cultivation of their land, or
even to transfer it to another; no
such thing as the
letting of land on terms of profit; private sales
of land
practically unknown u.
the
sale of
land
by
the Civil Court
(an
English innovation
) has been prohibited because so
opposed to ancient custom as to be incapable of being carried into
effect;
mortgages
are almost all of
an
usufructuary kind
, and in
Mhairwarra
a
kind of
metayer system established between the mortgager and
the mortgagee
: the
State
– the
representative of the former superior Chief – collects the
revenue
(the modern equivalent to the
old customary share of the produce
) from the
cultivators by certain agency machinery etc, ausser over lands, wo the
Chief’s rights
to collect dues, and of other kind,
were assigned by him
to minor Chiefs
, –
istamrardars
or
jaghirdars
–
on conditions of military service, or for other consideration; unter
d
en
rights so exercised by the
State
u.
its assignees,
was the right to dispose of waste
land
; obgleich within the
State area of
collection
the revenue is
settled in the form of
a money payment
, in all
jaghir estates
the
revenue is collected by an
estimate of the produce
,
and
money assessments are unknown
.
(p. 263–265)
u. sagt
La
Touche
selbst: „the land tenures are, as might be
expected,
entirely analogous to those prevailing in the
adjacent Native States
“. (p. 266)
155
In Europe, im Unterschied vom East, in
place of the
produce tribute
was substituted a
dominion over
the soil
– the cultivators being turned out of their land u.
reduced to the condition of serfs or labourers. (
366, 367
266, 267
)
In the East, under the village system, the
people
practically governed themselves
, and the contest for power among
the Chiefs of the noble class was mainly a struggle for command of the
kachahri tabils
. (271)
Rudolph
Sohm
(Prof. in Strassburg).
„Fränkisches Recht u. Römisches Recht. Prolegomena zur
deutschen Rechtsgeschichte.“ Weimar
1880.
[»]
Eine Ausnahm
e
stellung
nimmt nur d
as
römische Recht
… u. d
as
langobardische Recht ein
.« (p. 19)
p. 20, n. 20.
⦘
Ueberhaupt darf nicht übersehen werden, dass das
Privateigenthum an Grund u. Boden verhältnismässig jung ist
und ein
Grundbesitz
verkehr
erst seit der Reichsgründung,
d.h. seit der Berührung mit römischem Recht u. römischer Schrift eine Rolle
spielt. (p. 32, n. 42)
Zu erinnern »
dass in den Städten das kleine
Grundeigenthum
in weitaus den meisten Fällen aus
ursprünglich
hintersässigen
Verhältnissen hervorging.
(
Cf.
Arnold
:
„Zur
Geschichte des Eigenthums in d
en
deutschen Städten
“.
(Basel 1861)
, auch
E. Rosenthal
:
„Zur
Geschichte des Eigenthums in der Stadt Würzburg
“
(Würzburg, 1878))
Aus der
Häuserleihe
entstand das mit dem Grund- oder Wortzins belastete
„pfleghafte“ Eigenthum d
es
Bürgers an seinem Hause. Die Verwandlung des
Leiherechts in Hauseigenthum war eine unmerkliche, dem Bewusstsein der
Zeitgenossen sich entziehende«, daher »blieben für d
as
Eigenthum des
Bürgers an seinem Hause die Ueberlieferungen des
Leiherechts
in Kraft«, so »dass nach wie vor die Veräusserung des
Hauses nicht durch einfaches privates Rechtsgeschäft, sondern
nur unter Mitwirkung der Obrigkeit
, d.h. des
früheren Grundherrn
, erfolgen konnte. So entstand in d
en
süddeutschen Bischofsstädten
begegnende Auflassung im
Gericht des bischöflichen Officials, welcher mit der geistlichen auch
d
ie
grundherrliche Gerichtsbarkeit des Bischofs ausübte. In
gleicher Weise zu erklären die in
norddeutschen Städten
häufige obligatorische
Auflassung vor dem Rath (mit
Eintragung in das Stadtbuch)
: der
Rath
ist als
Nachfolger der
Stadt- u. Grundherrschaft
auch in ihre
Rechte bezüglich der Auflassung, d.h. in ihre Consensrechte eingetreten.«
(
[48,]
49)
Für d
as
Landrecht
waren d
ie
Verhältnisse der
bäuerlichen kleinen Grundeigenthümer
entscheidend. Das
kleine Eigen auf dem platten Lande ist im
13 Jhdt
, wie
der
„Sachsenspiegel“
bezeugt, gleichfalls
„pfleghaft“
, zinsbar geworden.
D
ie
Lasten
des
öffentlichen Rechtes
haben hier d
ie
„Pflege“
hervorgebracht; d
ie
Abgabe für den »Heerbann«
, die
»Gerichtsdienste u. Gerichtsabgaben«
. ⦗Wie
Rittersleute
von der
Heersteuer
frei, weil sie
die
volle Wehrpflicht
leisten, so
Schöffen
von d
en
Gerichtssteuern
, weil sie
die volle
Gerichtspflicht
(zu
allen
Dingen zu kommen)
erfüllen. n. 71. p. 50⦘ Die Erheblichkeit dieses
Grafenschatzes
daraus erkennbar, dass zum Erlass desselben seitens des
Grafens
Grafen
Zustimmung seiner Erben erforderlich war, so wie aus der nicht
unbeträchtlichen Summe, welche für Ablösung desselben gezahlt wurde. (p. 49, 50)
Mittelalter ausser Stand
auf die Dauer zwischen
156
Abgaben aus privatrechtlichem u. öffentlichrechtlichen Titeln
zu unterscheiden
, so lässt die Pflege das
Verhältniss der pfleghaften Leute zu ihrem Grafen schon im 13
t
Jhdt als ein Analogon des
Hintersassenverhältnisses erscheinen
. D
ie
Grafschaft wird
gegenüber den Pfleghaften zur
Vogtei
. ⦗So was „ratione
cometie“ zu zahlen ist, in
Urkundenbuch d
er
Stadt Halberstadt
I
, N. 140.
(a. 1274)
⦗sieh n. 73. p. 50⦘ als
„jugum
advocatiae
advocatie
“
bezeichnet.⦘ Der
Landrichter
,
(Graf)
ist um seiner Abgabenrechte willen an der Erhaltung
der Leistungsfähigkeit des kleinen Grundeigenthums interessirt. Darum ist in
seinem Interesse die
übermässige Parcellirung
des
pfleghaften Grundeigenthums verboten. Darum ist die Veräusserung des pfleghaften
Grundeigens an seine
Zustimmung
geknüpft. Darum kann wie
der Zinsmann nur durch die Hand seines Herrn, so der Pfleghafte nur durch die
Hand des Richters
veräussern
… darum ist für das
pfleghafte
Eigen die
landgerichtliche
Auflassung
obligatorisch
.
(
[50,]
51) Weder d
ie
Hochfreien
, noch, wie bisher angenommen die
»Schöffenbarfreien«
, sondern die geringen
»pfleghaften Freien«
im Mittelalter die
Träger des Landrechts
u. des
Landgerichts
. Ihr Gericht ist, und zwar grade in Sachen ihres
Grundeigenthums, das echte Grafending unter Königsbann. ⦗
Sie
Sieh
Otto v.
Zallinger: „Ministeriales u. Milites“
Innsbruck 1878
⦘
d
as
Landrecht d
es
13
t
Jhdts
hervorgegangen. D
ie
obligatorische gerichtliche
Auflassung des Landrechts ist entstanden weil die Masse der freien
Grundeigenthümer
pfleghaft
geworden ist … einer der
Bausteine für d
ie
werdende
Landeshoheit
, einer
der
Vorgänge
, durch welche die Grafschaft in Vogtei, der
öffentliche Beamte in einen Herrn seiner freien Leute
sich verwandelte
. Die
bis dahin freie Veräusserung
des Grund u. Bodens ist aufgehoben
u. dem Consensrecht eines Herrn auch
die
Veräusserung
des Eigenthümers unterworfen. Die
obligatorische Auflassung im Landgericht bedeutet die
Minderung
der gemeinen Freiheit u. des gemeinfreien Eigenthums, die
Uebermacht
der feudalen und hofrechtlichen Ideen im
Mittelalter über das einst
„echte“
Eigenthum. Die
Ueberlieferungen des
Hintersassenverhältnisses
haben nunmehr auch den
kleinen freien Grundbesitz
ergriffen. (51, 52)
Es giebt im
deutschen Mittelalter
… nur
ein einziges Recht
: das
fränkische
Recht
. Was wir
sächsisches Recht des 13
t
Jhdts
nennen, ist vielmehr der
sächsische Dialekt des Frankenrechts
, grade, wie
d
as
schwäbische
u.
bairische Recht
derselben Periode gleichfalls nur
andere Dialekte des
gleichen fränkischen Rechts
bedeuten. (63) Und zwar nicht etwa das
ribuarische
, d.h. d
as
deutsch fränkische
, sondern d
as
salische
, d.h. d
as
westfränkische
, modern ausgedrückt d
as
französisch-fränkische
Recht triumphirte über die
deutschen Stammesrechte. (65) Deutschld ist im Mittelalter eine Provinz genau
des gleichen Rechts, welches in den
Coutumes von
Nordfrankreich verzeichnet wird
. Aus diesem Grunde vermag
der Sachsenspiegel
in den
Coutumes
der Normandie
u. in d
en
Gewohnheitsrechten von Paris
einen Commentar zu finden
u. umgekehrt. (65
[, 66]
) Die
mittelalterliche Rechtsgeschichte
ist die
Geschichte
der
Reception des westfränkischen
Rechts
in Deutschland. (66)
Mit d
en
Normannen
zog nach
England
auch
d
as
normannische
, d.h. d
as
nordfranzösische Recht
. ⦗Sieh:
Brunner: Entstehung der
Schwurgerichte. 1872
⦘ D
er
Norman
n
enkönige
gesetzgeberische Erlasse
bewegen sich zunächst
g
an
z in d
en
Bahnen d
es
angelsächsischen Rechts
; letzteres aber vernichtet nicht
durch d
ie
»Gesetzgebung«
, sondern durch d
ie
»Rechtsprechung« des normännischen Königsgerichts
, wo
d
ie
normännischen Traditionen übermächtig u., von dem Königsgericht
ausgehend, waren es
d
ie
reisenden Richter
, die
Sendboten des Königs
, welche durch ihre
Rechtsprechung die nämlichen Traditionen über d
as
ganze Land
verbreiteten. (68) Sehr bald concentrirte sich in den Gerichten der
Gewaltboten des Königs, der reisenden Richter
, die
Hauptsumme aller Rechtspflege. Die ordentlichen Grafschaftsgerichte verschwanden
so gut wie völlig u. das
angelsächsiche
157
Recht f
a
st unmerkbar aufgehoben. Nur in
einigen Theilen des öff
en
tlichen Rechts
, bes.
in d
er
Stellung der hohen Aristokratie des Landes, der Stellung des
vicecomes, des heutigen Sherif (scirgerêfa), auch in der
Gemeindeverfassung
sind Reste des angelsächsichen Rechts erhalten. Im
übrigen
Privatrecht, Processrecht, Strafrecht
völlig
normannisirt (i.e. gleichb
e
d
eu
tend mit Frankonisirung).
D
as
fränkische Lehnwesen, Privatrecht, überhaupt d
as
fränk. Rechtswesen nahm nunmehr auch von Britannien Besitz. (69) D
as
englische Recht
stellt
noch
heute
im Wesentlichen
wenig modernisirtes
altfranzösisches Recht
dar. (l.c.)
D
as
römische Recht
war
nicht
untergegangen mit dem röm. Reich
; aber in d
en
Provinzen der Germanenreiche
, bes. des Frankenreichs,
schnelle
Degeneration des röm. Rechts
. In
Südfkch, in Churräthien
, wo sich eine
compacte römische
Bevölk
erun
g erhalten
, erlitt d
as
röm.
Recht trotzdem starke Einbusse d
ur
ch
eindringende
germanische
, insbes.
fränkische Rechtsideen
.
z. B.
Lex Romana Curiensis
zeigt d
ie
Barbarisirung d
es
röm. Rechts.
In
Fkch u. Süddeutschld
war das röm. Recht dem deutschen
nicht gewachsen; auch in
Oberitalien
ging’s unter u.
blieb dem
langobardischen
gegenüber nur noch nominell
erhalten. … Die
südfranzös. Coutumes
zeigen uns
späterhin, wie das
geschriebne Recht Südfkchs
keineswegs
reines römisches
, sondern
frankorömisches Recht
. (70) D
ie
Forterhaltung des röm. Rechts war keine andre als die der
röm. Sprache
. Wie aus dem
Lateinischen
d
ur
ch Aufnahme
germanischer
Element
e
d
as
Provençalische
, so ist d
as
röm. Recht
d
ur
ch d
ie
gleiche Aufnahme
barbarischer Rechtsgedanken zu
provençalischem Recht
geworden. In Süddeutschland u. Südfkch nicht mehr
römisches
, sondern nur noch
romanisches Recht
,
das eine
entfernte Verwandtschaft
, mit dem alten
Römerrecht hat, u. lediglich ein
Provinzialrecht
nebst
neben
andern
Provinzialrechten
war. (71)
In
Italien
erhielt sich neben
der
volksthümlichen
eine
gelehrte Ueberlieferung des
röm. Rechts
u. dadurch ein
Zusammenhang
mit
der klassischen altröm. Literatur
. Antike Bildung, wie
auch speciell
jüristische
, ging hier niemals völlig
unter. Eine Reihe von Rechtsschulen erhielt d
ie
Continuität mit
d
em
Rechtsunterricht der einstigen röm. Kaiserzeit. Aber
d
ie
gelehrte Literatur
des
röm. Rechts
vom
6
t
bis ins 11
te
Jhd
ausser Zusammenhang mit der
Rechtsanwendung
, die unaufhaltsam versank in eine von germanischem
Geist getränkte Barbarei. Jene Literatur selbst beschränkt auf d
ie
Institutionen
u. d
ie
Novellen
, das
»Pandektenrecht«
ihr zu schwer. (71, 72)
Im 12
t
Jhdt: Wiedergeburt des röm.
Rechts in Italien. Glossatoren
(der »Pandekten«)
von
Bologna
. (72)
Rechtsanwendung
blieb aber im alten Geleise. Erst
g
e
gen Ende d
es
12
t
Jhdts
beginnen die Wirkungen – sehr beschränkter Natur –
der Schule v. Bologna in d
en
Gerichtsurkunden
sich zu zeigen.
(73)
D
as
altrömische Recht war in d
er
Hauptsache im 3
t
Jhdt post Ch. abgeschlossen
. (l.c.)
D
ie
Anpassung
d
es
römischen Rechts
an
d
ie
gegebnen Verhältnisse vollbracht:
1)
Durch d
ie
klassische päbstliche Gesetzgebung des
12 Jhdts
; Uebersetz
un
g d
es
römischen Rechts ins
Kanonische
; hat auf d
em
Gebiet d
es
Privatrechts
nur einzelne Rechtssätze dem röm. Recht
zugefügt;
aber auf Gebiet d
es
Process- und
Strafrechts
völlige Umwälzung; aus d
em
röm. Process ging
d
er
kanonische Process u. aus d
em
röm. Strafrecht
d
as
kanonische
158
Strafrecht
hervor. D
ie
ganze moderne Welt hat
Process- u. Strafrecht des Corpus Juris Civilis
nur
in d
er
Umarbeitung aufgenommen, die ihm d
as
Corpus Juris Canonici
gegeben: d
as
Gesetzbuch d
er
Päbste
… die Auflage, in welcher
das
Kaiserrecht dem Mittelalter verständlich u.
anwendbar w
ur
de. (73, 74)
2) D
as
lombardische Recht
– i.e. das in den
zahlreichen Stadtrechten Oberitalien
s
zum Ausdruck
gelangende, auf
altlangobardische Ueberlieferungen
zurückgehende Gewohnheitsrecht
. D
ur
ch sie ward d
as
Recht d
es
Corpus Juris
einer Umbildung unterzogen, spec. durch
d
ie
Commentatorenschule
d
es
13 u. 14 Jhdt
,
Bartolus
,
Baldus
u. ihre Nachfolger
; sie
verb
in
den d
as
röm. Recht mit d
er
Praxis, d.h. dem
oberitalischen Lokalrecht, bewirken Aufnahme lombardischer Gewohnheiten in röm.
Recht u. Aufnahme v. röm. Recht in lomb. Gewohnheiten, berücksichtigen auch
d
as
kanonische Recht u. vermitteln seinen Uebergang in d
ie
weltlichen Gerichte Italiens; schufen d
ur
ch
Verb
in
d
un
g d
es
röm. Rechts mit kanon. Recht
u. german. Recht
zum ersten Mal einen
modernen
Gebrauch des Pandektenrechts
. (74)
Mit
16 Jhdt
endet d
ie
schöpferische
Kraft d
es
ital. Geistes u. antiker Geist zog
nach
Deutschld u. Fkch
(zus. mit
italien. Kunst u. Wissensc
ha
ft
). In
Fkch
unter Führung v.
Cujacius
u.
Donellus
Renaissance des röm. Rechts.
Cujacius
schliesst sich nicht an
Bartolus
, sondern an d
ie
Glossatoren
an, u. bearbeitet zuerst
historisch
d
as
klass. röm. Recht, w
ä
h
ren
d
Donellus
zuerst
systematische
Behandlung d
es
röm. Privatrechts.
; so dass in
D
eu
tsc
h
ld scholastische
, in
Fkch humanistische Rechtsmethode
überwiegend.
D
eu
t
s
che schlossen sich an d
ie
scholastische Form
an – (nicht ans Alterthum) – die
d
as
röm. Recht in Italien angenommen hatte.
(
[74,]
75) ⦗
Sieh u. a.:
Stintzing: „Ulrich
Zasius“. Basel 1857
u. v.
selbigem:
„Geschichte der populären Literatur des röm.-kanon. Rechts in
Deutschld“. Leipzig 1867
⦘
Aber in
Fkch
blieb gleichzeitig d
as
röm. Recht
ohne tiefgreifende Wirkung, während in
Deutschld, dem Land der Halbgelehrten u. handwerksmässigen
Juristen
, d
as
röm. Recht
recipirt
wurde.
,
namentlich auf
Gebiet d
es
Obligationenrechts
;
aber d
as
System d
es
fzs. Rechts
blieb als Ganzes
unberührt; selbst noch in
codes d
es
Napoleon
»Privatrecht« u.
»Processrecht«
zeigen sich als Abkömmlinge, weder d
es
röm.
, noch d
es
italien.
, sondern d
es
fränk. Rechts
.
In
Deutschland selber ging d
as
Deutsche Recht zu
Grunde
; an d
ie
Stelle d
es
deutschen Rechts trat
d
as
italienische
. Zustand d
er
deutschen
Gerichtsverfassung u. d
es
deutschen
Processrechts
d
er
eig
en
tliche Grund dieses Vorgangs:
einerseits wissensc
ha
ftl. Bewegung, die mit Geist Italiens auch
d
as
italien. Recht
aufnahm, andrerseits, wie d
ur
ch
Stölzel
⦗
A. Stölzel. Die Entwickl
un
g d. gelehrten Richterthums in d.
deutschen Territorien. 2 Bde. Stuttgart. 1872
.
⦘
festgestellt, die
vermittelst der Schiedsverträge der
Parteien
den
Rechtsstreit
anstatt an das nach
deutschem Recht erkennende
Gericht
, an
die nach fremdem Recht procedirende Verwaltungsbehörde
brachte. (76, 77)
Auf Gebiet d
es
Processes u. Strafrechts
Niederlage d
es
einheimischen deutschen (fränkischen) Rechts
vollkommen
(in Deutschld), behauptete in
Privatrecht
dag
e
gen einzelne Positionen: d
as
Immobiliensachenrecht
u. d
as
ehliche Güterrecht
, aber auch diese nur in einer Reihe
von
Partikularrechten
erhalten; d
as
recipirte italienische Recht
auch auf Gebiet
d
es
Privatrechts für alle Theile desselben als
gemeines Recht
Dtschlds recipirt. (77)
159
. Dagegen hatte d
as
Reichshofgericht D
eu
tsc
h
l
an
ds
im Lauf d
es
Mittelalters aufgehört eine nennenswerthe Macht für
d
as
Rechtsleben d
er
Nation zu bedeuten; d
ie
Reorganisation d
es
höchsten Reichsgerichts
fiel
grade in d
ie
Zeit der andringenden Renaissance u.
Reichskammergericht
w
ar
d so ein Halt für d
ie
moderne
Rechtsprechung nach italien. Muster. (77) Die
bäuerlichen
Schöffengerichte
auf d
em
platten Land seit 30j. Krieg theils
verschwunden, theils zu blosser Reminiscenz geworden; dag
e
gen in
d
en
Städten
– wo schon im Mittelalter eine Reform des
materiellen Rechts u. d
es
Processrechts
stattgefunden – blieb eine Reihe von Schöffenstühlen noch lange hinaus in voller
Wirksamkeit etc. (78) Im
16 u. 17 Jhdt
entstanden
d
ie
Landrechte
in d
en
Territorien u. d
ie
Reformationen
in d
en
deutschen Städten
– die
homologirten
Coutumes
des
deutschen Land- u. Stadtrechts
.
Sie vermittelten d
en
Compromiss, welchen d
ie
deutschen
Partikularrechte zwischen dem
deutschen mittelaltrigen
Recht
u. dem fremden Recht
zu Weg brachten. Zugleich damit in d
ie
deutsche Rechtsgeschichte eingeführt der
Gegensatz des
»gemeinen« Rechts
(i.e. d
as
recipirte fremde) u. des
Partikularechts
(d
er
Hauptsache nach
d
as
gerettete mittelaltrige Recht). (78
[, 79]
)
Die Vorgeschichte des
gemeinen
Rechts spielt in Italien.
Vom 16 Jhdt nach D
eu
tsc
h
l
an
d herüber; seine Quellen
sind d
as
röm. u. kan
onische
Corpus juris
, der
Liber
Papiensis
, die
italienischen
Statuten u. d
ie
italien. Doktrin
. (81)
D
ie
coutumes v. Ndfkreich
sind dem
Sachsenspiegel
näher verwandt als d
ie
alte
Lex Saxorum
u. d
er
Schwabenspiegel
kann mehr Licht durch englische
Rechtsquellen als d
ur
ch d
ie
Lex Alamannorum empfangen. (81,
82)
Neben d
em
fränkischen Recht
, (wie dies dem Einfluss d
es
röm. Rechts ausgesetzt) d
ie
gothischen Rechte
mit Einschluss d
e
s
burgund. Rechts
, das
altalamannische
u. d
as
altbairische
, u. soweit noch erkennbar d
as
altthüringische u. d
as
altsächsische
.
Unmittelbar od. mittelbar hier Einwirk
un
g d
es
röm. Reichs u.
d
er
röm. Kirche, dann d
es
fränkischen
; d
ie
Betrachtung dieser
Stammrechte
mit der des fränkischen Rechts zu verbinden.
(82)
Ausserhalb d
er
Geschichte d
es
fränkischen Rechts: d
ie
nordgermanischen
(skandinavischen)
Rechte
, das ihnen nah verwandte
friesische
Recht
u. d
as
angelsächsische Recht
. (letztres entstand zwar im
Umkreis des alten röm. Reichs, blieb aber unberührt vom röm. Recht wie vom
Frankenrecht bis zur normannischen Eroberung) Sie wichtig nicht für d
ie
eigentlich deutsche, sondern nur für d
ie
germanische
Rechtsgeschichte und Mittel der
vergleichenden
Rechtsgeschichte, um aus den gemeinsamen
Grundzügen, welche sie mit den übrigen germanischen Rechten aufweisen, auf
d
as
gemeinsame Urrecht älterer Zeit zurückzuschliessen; namentlich
um d
ie
altgermanischen Zustände, die
Cäsar
u.
Tacitus
uns
schildern, zu reconstruiren. (82, 83)
160
Sir
Henry Sumner
Maine
:
„Lectures on the Early History of Institutions. London,
1875.“
In d
en
Uebersetzten d
er
Brehon Laws
– an assemblage of law tracts –
[die]
wichtigsten:
Senchus Mor
(Great Book of the Ancient Law), and the
Book of Aicill.
Nach Mr.
Whitley Stokes
das
erstere compiled in od. kurz vor
11 Jhdt
; d
as
Buch v.
Aicill
ein Jhdt früher. (12)
Edmund Spenser
:
„View of the State of
Ireland“
.
Sir
John Davis
.
Laws of
Wales
.
Brehons
a class of professional Irish
Lawyers
, whose occupation became hereditary.
B. G. Caesar
.
VI, 13,
14:
The learned writer of one of the modern prefaces prefixed to the Third Volume of
the Ancient
Law
Laws
contends that the administration of the Brehon system consisted in
references
to arbitration
. (p. 38)
,
Senchus Mor
tells you to
„fast upon
him“
. (
l.c.
39;
„Ancient Laws etc“
vol. I
, p. 113) Dies identisch mit was d
ie
Hindu call
„sitting dharna“
. (39, 40)
, nach
d
er
conversion d
er
Irish Celts
[,]
über an d
ie
„tribes of the saints“
(the missionary monastic
societies founded on all parts of the island
[)]
u.
)
d
ie
multitude of bishops dependent on them.
, ausser so
far as the
legal rules
exactly coincided with the rules
of the new Christian code, the
„law of the letter“
. (38)
The one object of the Brehons was to force disputants to refer their quarrels to
a Brehon, or to some person in authority advised by a Brehon, and thus a vast
deal of the law tends to run into the
Law of Distress
,
which declares the various methods by which a man can be compelled through
seizure of his property to consent to an arbitration. (38, 39) The Brehon
appears to
have invented
the facts which he
used as the framework for his legal doctrine. His
invention
necessarily limited by his experience
, and hence the cases suggested in
the law tracts … throw light on the society amid which they were composed. (
43,
44)
as far as it coincided with
the
„law of the letter“
. (50) The Brehon did
claim that St. Patrick and other great Irish Saints had sanctioned the law which
he declared, and that some of them even revised it. (51)
D
ur
ch d
ie
Churchmen, die mit notions of
roman law
⦗rather direct of
canonical law
⦘
more or less imbued, kam auch d
er
röm. Einfluss
(– so far as it goes –) on Brehon law.
(55) Daraus im Interesse d
er
Kirche
Testament
derived (
»Will«
); ebenso conception of
»Contract«
Eine Unterabtheil
un
g (published) des
Senchus Mor
, nämlich
Corus
Bescna
chiefly concerned mit
»Contract«
u.
zeigt sich darin that
the material interests of the
Church
furnished one principal motive for (its) compilation. (56)
Nach d
em
Brehon law giebts 2 Sorten of
»contract«
: „a
valid contract, and an invalid
contract
“ … Anciently the power of contract is limited on all sides …
by the rights of family, distant kinsmen, co-villagers, tribe, chief, and, if
you contract
adversely to the
Church, by the rights of the Church. The Corus Bescna is in great part a
treatise on these ancient limitations. (57, 58)
The
„Book of Aicill“
provides for the legitimation not
only of the bastard, but of the adulterine bastard, and measures the
compensation to be paid to the putative father.
The
tract on
„Social Connections“
appears to assume that
the
temporary cohabitation of the sexes
is part of the
accustomed order of society, and on this assumption it minutely regulates the
mutual rights of the parties, showing an especial care for the
of the woman
, even to the
extent of reserving to her the value of her domestic services during her
residence in the
common dwelling
. (59) Dieser tract on
„Social Connections“ notices a
„first“
wive
wife
. (61)
161
The common view seems to have been that
chastity … the
professional
virtue of a special class (monk, bishop etc). (61)
–: »From the
moment when a
tribal community
settles down
finally
upon a definite space of land
, the
Land
begins to be the base of Society in place of the Kinship. The
change is extremely gradual etc.« (72)
Er fährt fort:
»The constitution of the
Family
through actual
blood-relationship is of course
an observable fact
, but,
for
all groups of men larger than the Family
, the Land
on which they live tends to become the bond of Union between them, at the
expense of Kinship, ever more and more vaguely conceived.« (72, 73)
»
Some years ago I pointed out
(
„Ancient Law“
, p. 103 sq.) the evidence furnished by the history of
International Law that the
notion of territorial
sovereignty
, which is the basis of the international system, and which
is inseparably connected with dominion over a definite area of land, very slowly
substituted itself for the notion of tribal sovereignty.« (73)
Nach Herrn Maine,
first
:
Hindoo Joint
Family
, 2
nd
)
of the Southern Slavonians
, 3
d
)
the true Village Community as found first in Russia and next
in India
.
(78)
Ohne d
en
collapse der »smaller social groups« and the decay of the
authority which, whether popularly or autocratically governed, they possessed
over the men composing them, we,
,
[»]
should never have had
several great Conceptions
which lie at the base of
our stock of thought« (86)
»the conception of land as an
exchangeable commodity
, differing only from others in the limitation
of the supply«
[,]
(86, 87) »
the theory of Sovereignty
«
, or (in other words) of
a portion in each
community possessing unlimited
coercive
force over the rest
«, »the theory of Law as exclusively the command of
a sovereign One or Number«, »the ever increasing activity of
« u. –
– der »test of the value of legislation
[«]
… viz:
. (87)
The form of private ownership in land which grew out of the
appropriation of portions of the tribal domain to individual households of
tribesmen
is plainly recognized by the Brehon lawyers; yet the rights
of private owners are limited by the controlling rights of a brotherhood of
kinsmen, and the control is in some respects even more stringent than that
exercised over separate property by an Indian village community. (89, 90)
[»]
Dasselbe Wort:
„Fine“
or
Family
is applied to all the subdivisions of the Irish
Society, von d
em
Tribe
in its largest extension u. all intermediate
bodies down to the Family
, and even for
portions of
the Family
«.
(
Sullivan
.
Brehon Law.
[„]
Introduction“)
(90)
Sept
= sub-tribe, or
Joint
Family
in d
en
Brehon tracts. (91) The chief for the time being
was, as the Anglo-Irish
judged
judges
called him in the famous
„Case of Gavelkind“, the
caput cognationis
. (91) Not only was
the Tribe or Sept named after its eponymous ancestor, but the territory which it
occupied also derived from him the name which was in commonest use, – so wie
„O’Brien’s Country“ or „Macleod’s Country“. (l.c.)
Von portions des land occupied by
fragments of the tribe
some are under minor chiefs or
„flaiths“
.
(93) All the
unappropriated tribe-lands are in a more especial way the property of the tribe
as a whole, and no portion can theoretically be subjected to more than a
temporary occupation. (93) Among the holders of tribe-land … groups of men
calling themselves tribesmen, bilden in reality associations formed by contract,
chiefly for the
162
purpose of pasturing cattle. (l.c.) Auf dem
„waste“ – common tribeland not occupied – Stücke beständig brought under tillage
or permanent pasture by settlements of tribesmen, and upon it cultivators of
servile status are permitted to squat, particularly towards the border. It is
the part des territory worüber d
ie
authority des Chief tends steadily
to increase, u. here he settles his „
fuidshir
fuidhir
“, or stranger-tenants, a very important class – the outlaws and
„broken“ men from other tribes who come to him for protection … are only
connected with their new tribe by their dependence on its chief, and through the
responsibility which he incurs for them. (93)
Particular families manage to elude the theoretically periodical re-division of
the common patrimony of the group; others obtain allotments with its consent as
the reward of service or the apanage of office; and there is a constant transfer
of lands to the Church, and an intimate intermixture of tribal rights with
ecclesiastical rights … Brehon law shows that by the time it was put into shape,
causes etc tending to result in Several Property … had largely taken effect.
(95)
[»]
The severance of land from the common
territory appears most complete in the case of Chiefs, many of whom have large
private estates held under ordinary tenure in
the
addition to the demesne specially attached to their signory.«
(l.c.)
»
modern research … conveys a stronger impression than
ever of a wide separation between the Aryan race and races of other
stocks
, but it suggests that many, perhaps most, of the
differences in kind alleged to exist between Aryan sub-races are really
differences merely in degree of development.« (96)
Anfang d
es
XVII Jhdts
erklären d
ie
Anglo-Irish Judges
the
English Common
Law
to be in force throughout Ireland, u. so
all land to
descend to the
eldest son
of the last owner, unless its devolution was otherwise
determined by settlement or will. Der
Sir
John Davis
»in seinem
report
of the case u.
d
er
arguments before the Court, recites that hitherto all land in
Ireland had descended under the
rule of Tanistry
oder
those of Gavelkind
.«
system of inheritance
called Gavelkind, he
(Davis) describes so: »When a
landowning member of an
Irish Sept
died, its chief
made a re-distribution
of
all the
lands of the Sept
. He did not divide the estate of the
dead man among his children
, but used it to increase the
allotments of the various households of which the Sept was made up.
[«]
So in the Hindoo
Joint Undivided
Family
the
stirpes or stocks
, dem European law
nur bekannt as
branches
of
inheritors
, are
actual divisions of the
family
, and
live together in distinct parts
of
the common dwelling
. (
Calcutta Review, July
1874
, p. 208) (
[99, ]
100)
in part of Ireland; jetzt meist common
form:
arable land held in severalty
, while pasture u. bog are in common. Aber noch vor
50 Jahren,
cases were frequent
wo d
as
arable
land divided in farms which
shifted among the
tenant-families
periodically, and sometimes annually. (101)
Nach Maine »the Irish holdings „in rundale“ are
not forms
of property
, but
modes of
«,
»
archaic kinds of tenancy
are
constantly evidence of
ancient forms of proprietorship
.
…
Superior ownership
arises through purchase from small
allodial proprietors
, through
colonisation of village waste-lands become in time the lord’s waste, or (in an
earlier
)
through
the sinking
of
whole communities of peasants into
villeinage
, and through a consequent transformation of the legal theory
of their rights; aber selbst wenn a Chief or Lord has come to be recognised as
legal owner of the whole tribal domain, or great portions of it, the accustomed
methods of occupation and cultivation« are not altered. (102)
D
er
chief Brehon law tract setting forth the mutual rights of the
collective tribe
and of individual tribesmen or
households of tribesmen in respect of tribal property, is
163
called
the
Corus Bescna
, printed in the third volume of the
official edition. (103)
the »strong and palpable bias of the compiler
towards the interest of the Church; indeed, part of the tract is avowedly
devoted to the law of Church property and of the organisation of religious
houses. When this writer affirms that, under certain circumstances, a tribesman
may grant or contract away tribal land, his ecclesiastical leaning constantly
suggests a doubt as to his legal doctrine.
[«]
(
[103,]
104)
[»]
In the Germanic countries, their
ecclesiastical societies were among the earliest
and largest grantees of public or „folk“ land.« (
Stubbs
:
„Constitutional History“
v. I, p.
104
154
)
The
Will
, the Contract, and the Separate Ownership, were
in fact indispensable to the Church as the donee of pious gifts. (l.c.)
All the Brehon writers … have a bias towards private or several, as
distinguished from collective, property. (105)
Der collective brotherhood of tribesmen,
wie der
Agnatic kindred in Rome
, some ultimate
right of succession appears to be reserved
. (111,
112)
The
„Judgments of Co-Tenancy“
is a Brehon law tract, noch
unpublished (1875),
: d
er
tract fragt: „Whence does Co-Tenancy arise?“ Answers: „From several heirs and
from their increasing on the land“; dann bemerkt der tract:
[»]
the land is, in the first year, to be tilled by
kinsmen just
as each pleases
; in the second year they
are to exchange lots; in the 3
d
year the boundaries
are to be fixed u. the
whole process of severance is to be
consummated in the 10
th
year
.« (112
[, 113]
)
»First a
Joint Family
, composed of
„several heirs increasing on the land“, is found to have made a settlement. In
the earliest stage the various households reclaim the land without set rule.
Next comes the system of exchanging lots. Finally,
the portions of land are enjoyed in severalty.« (113)
Herr
Whitley Stokes
has dem
Maine
2 passages occuring in
non-legal Irish literature mitgetheilt. The
„liber Hymnorum“
(soll v. 11
t
Jhdt sein) contains folio 5A: „Numerous were the
human beings in Ireland at that time (i.e. the time of the sons of
A.D.
658–694
)
and such was their number that they used not to get but thrice 9 ridges for each
man in Ireland to wit,
9 of bog
and
9
of smooth
(arable), and
9 of wood
[.]
“ (
[113,]
114)
Another Irish Mscpt, believed of the 12. century, the
„Lebor
na Huidre“
says that „there was not ditch, nor fence, nor
stonewall
stone-wall
round land, till came the period of the sons of Aed Slane, but (only)
smooth fields.
„
Because of the abundance of the households in their period, therefore
it is that they introduced boundaries in Ireland.“ (114) Beide schreiben a
change from a system of collective to a system of restricted enjoyment zu dem
„growth of population“. The periodical allotment to each household of a definite
portion of bog land, wood land, u. arable land gleicht sehr dem apportionment of
pasture and wood and arable land still going on under the communal rules of the
Swiss Allmenden. (l.c.)
164
»Thus all the branches of human society may or may not have been developed from
joint families
which arose out of an original patriarchal cell; but, wherever the Joint Family
is an Institution of the Aryan race
,
we
see it springing from such a cell, and when it
dissolves, we see it dissolving into a number of such cells.« (118)
Property of Land
has had a twofold
origin …
partly
from the
disentanglement of the individual rights
of the
kindred or tribesmen
from the
collective rights of the Family or Tribe
, … partly from the
growth
and
transmutation of the
Sovereignty of the Tribal Chief
.
… Beide in most of Western Europe
passed through the crucible of feudalism … the first (the sovereignty of the
Chief) re-appeared in some well marked characteristics of
military or knightly tenures
… the other in the
principal rules of non-noble holdings
, and amongst them of
Socage
, the distinctive tenure of the free farmer. (120)
: »The
Status of the Chief
… left … one bequest in the rule of
Primogeniture
, which, however, has long lost its
most ancient form; … in the
right to receive certain
dues
and to
enforce certain monopolies
; and
drittens
in a specially absolute form of property
…
once exclusively enjoyed by the chief
, and after him by the Lord, in a
portion of the tribal territory which formed his own
.
[«]
Andrerseits:
Out of tribal ownership in various
of decay
have sprung
several systems of succession after death
, among them
the equal division of the land between the children
u. has left
another set of traces
… in a number of
minute customary rules which govern tillage and
occasionally
regulate the distribution of the produce
.
(120, 121)
Nach
Arthur Young
(
Travels: 1787, 88,
89
, p. 407) more than
⅓ of France
„small
properties
, that is
little farms belonging to those
who cultivate them“ (says A. Young)
.
[»]
the proportion was growing, d
ur
ch
d
ie
extravagance der nobles which Court life fostered u. compelled
them to
sell their domains to peasants in small
parcels
.« (121, 122) The
law of equal or nearly equal
division after death was the general law of France; primogeniture
was
allzumeist confined
to lands held by knightly tenure
. In
Südfkch
the custom of equal division verstärkt
d
ur
ch d
ie
identical rule of Roman jurisprudence
u. dort
d
ie
privileges des eldest son
nur gesichert d
ur
ch
Anwend
un
g d
er
Ausnahmsregeln des Roman law giving the
benefit to
milites
(soldiers on service) when making
their wills or regulating their successions, and by laying down that every
chevalier
, u. every noble of higher degree, was a
miles
im Sinn der röm. Jurisdiction.
Tocqueville
(I,
18)
„Ancien Régime“
has explained that the
right to receive feudal dues
and to
enforce petty monopolies
made up almost the entire means of living für
d
ie
majority der French nobility
. A certain number of nobles
had, besides their feudal rights, their
terres
(domain,
belonging to them in absolute property, and sometimes of enormous extent;
d
er
rest lived
mainly
, not
on rent
, but
on their feudal
dues
, and eked out a meagre subsistence by serving the king in arms.
(123, 124)
In Folge d
er
fzs. Revolution: the
landlaw
land-law
of the people superseded the
landlaw
land-law
of the nobles
; in
Engld
der
165
umgekehrte Process;
primogeniture
, once
applying only to knightly holdings, came to apply to the great bulk of English
tenures, ausser d
em
Gavelkind of Kent
. (
123,
124) Dieser change was rapidly proceeding
zwischen
Zeit of
Glanville
,
⦘ u.
Bracton
⦗
(
wahrsc
hein
lich nicht later als
52
nd
year of
Henry
III
⦘
Glanville
schreibt as if
the general rule of law
caused lands held by free cultivators
in
soccage
,
to be divided equally between all the male children at the death of the last
owner;
Bracton
, as if the rule of primogeniture applied
universally to military tenures and generally to socage tenures. (125)
dass andrerseits
[»]
the transmutation of customary and
copyhold
into
freehold property
… proceeding
for about 40 years under the
Conduct of the Copyhold and
Enclosure Commissioners
«
»… to the principle of several and absolute property in land
I hold this country to be committed
… there can be
no material advance in civilization
unless landed property is held by groups at least as small as Families; … we are
indebted to the
»peculiarly« absolute English form of
ownership
for such an
achievement as the cultivation
of the soil of North America
.«
The
Norman nobles
who first settled in Ireland are well
known to have
become in
times
time
Chieftains of Irish tribes
… it is suggested that they were
the first to forget their duties to their tenants and to think of nothing but
their privileges. (128)
Even according to the
texts apparently
oldest,
much of the tribal territory
appears
to have been permanently alienated to sub-tribes,
families
, or dependent chiefs … d
ie
glosses u. commentaries
show that, before they were written, this process had gone very far indeed.
(129) The
power of the Chief
grows first through the
process anderswo called
„Commendation“
,
w
o
d
ur
ch the free tribesmann becomes
„his man“
, and remains in a state of dependence having various degrees
… ferner d
ur
ch
his increasing authority over the
waste lands of the tribal territory
u.
from the
servile or semi-servile colonies he plants
there; endlich
from the material strength
he acquires
through the numbers of his immediate retainers u.
associates
, most of whom stand to him in more or less servile
relations. (130)
[»]
The Manor with its Tenemental lands held by the
free tenants of the Lord and with its Domain which was in immediate dependence
on him, was the
type of all feudal sovereignties in their
complete form
, whether the ruler acknowledged a superior above him or
at most admitted one in the Pope, Emperor, or God himself.« (130–31)
(131)
D
ie
chief source of nobility seems to have been the respect of the
co-villagers or assemblages of kinsmen for the line of
descent
in which the purest blood of each little society was believed
to be preserved. (132)
(132)
166
Aber the Brehon law shows the way in which a
common
freeman
become a chief
u. zugleich ist diese
position to which he attains »the presidency of a group of
dependents«
.
(
[132,]
133) Wo aristocracies a
section
of
the community from the
first
[,]
, wo an
entire tribal group conquers or
imposes its supremacy upon other tribal groups also remaining entire
,
oder wo an
original body of tribesmen
, villagers, or
citizens,
gradually gathers round itself a miscellaneous
assemblage of protected dependants
. In
Scottish
Highlands
some
entire septs or clans
stated to
have been enslaved to others; u. ebenso frühest in Ireland met a
distinction between free u. rent
[-]
paying tribes
. (133)
Im Brehon law a
Chief
vor allem
a rich man
(133), nämlich reich –
nicht in Land
, sondern in
flocks u. herds, sheep
, vor allem
Ochsen
. D
ie
Opposition zwischen
birth
u.
wealth
, bes.
wealth other than
landed property
, ganz modern. See
Homer
’s u. Niebelungen Helden; in späterer
griech. Literatur pride of birth
identified mit pride in 7 wealthy
ancestors in succession,
ἕππτα πάπποι πλούσιοι
, in Rom
rasch d
ie
Geldaristokratie
assimilirt mit
Blutaristokratie
. (134)
Im tract (Brehon Laws):
„Cain-Aigillne“
(p. 279) heissts that „the
head of every tribe should be the man of the tribe who is the most experienced,
the most noble, the
most wealthy
, the most learned, the
most truly popular, the most powerful to oppose, the
most
steadfast to sue for profits and to be sued for losses
.“ Also
personal wealth
the principal
condition of the Chief’s maintaining his position and authority. (134, 135)
Brehon Law
zeigt dass d
ur
ch d
ie
acquisition of such wealth the
road was always open to chieftainship
.
Portion of the
Danish nobility originally peasants
u.
in early English laws some traces of a process w
o
d
ur
ch a
Ceorl
might become a
Thane
.
(135)
Brehon law
speaks of the
Bo-Aire
(the
cow-nobleman
).
Ist simply a
peasant,
grown rich in cattle
, probably through
obtaining the use of large portions of tribe-land. (135) D
ie
true
nobles – the
Aires
getheilt
[into seven
grades]
.
Jeder
Grad
unterschieden
von den andern d
ur
ch the
amount of wealth
possessed by the Chief belonging to it, by the weight attached to his evidence,
by the power of binding his tribe by contracts (literally of
„knotting“
), by the dues he receives in kind from his vassals, by his
Honor-Price
, or
special damages
incurred by injuring him
. At the bottom of the scale is the
Aire-Desa
; u. d
as
Brehon law provides dass wenn
der
Bo-Aire
has acquired 2× the wealth of an
Aire-Desa
, and has held it for a certain number of
generations, he becomes an
Aire-Desa
himself. „He is an
inferior chief – says the
Senchus Mor
– whose father was
not a chief.“ (136) Enormous importance of wealth u. specially
wealth in cattle
reflected in the Brehon tracts.
(137)
Wahrscheinlich the first
aristocracy springing from kingly
favour
consisted of the
Comitatus
, or
Companions of the King
. (138) Major Domus bei
d
en
Franken ward König; das blood
167
des
Steward
(od. Great Seneschal)
of
Scotland
runs in the veins of the Kings of England. Noch in England the
great officers of the Royal Council u. Household
haben
Vorrang vor allen Pairs, od. mindest of all Peers of their own degree. Alle
diese hohen Würden
,
wenn nicht marking an office originally clerical,
point to an
occupation … at first … menial
. (139) D
er
Household
sprang von very humble beginnings. (139)
Stubbs
(„Constitutional
History“
)
states that
„the gesiths of an
(English) king were his guard and private council“
, wobei er bemerkt,
dass
„the free household servants of a ceorl are also in a
certain sense his gesiths.“
D
ie
Companions des king
in the Irish legal
literatre
literature
nicht noble
, u. associated mit d
es
king’s body-guard
which is
essentially servile
.
W
ahr
sc
hein
lich dass in a particular stage of society, der
personal service to the Chief or King
was überall
rendered in expectation of a reward in the shape of a gift of land. D
ie
Companions
d
er
Teutonic kings shared largely in
the
Benefices
, grants of Roman provincial land fully
peopled u. stocked; in ancient Engld selbe class
largest
grantees
of public land; u. dies part of the secret of the
mysterious
change
w
o
d
ur
ch a new nobility of Thanes, deriving
dignity u. authority from the King,
absorbed the older
nobility of the Eorls
. (141) Aber in countries
lying
beyond the northern u. western limits of the Roman Empire
, or just
within them,
[Land]
war plentiful. Es war noch im
Mittelalter d
ie
„cheapest commodity“
. D
ie
practical difficulty
was
not to obtain land
, but
the
instruments
for
making it productive
. (141,
42). D
er
Chief
war vor allem reich
in
flocks u. herds
; he was
military
leader
; great part of his wealth was
spoil of
war
u. in his civil capacity he multiplied
his
kine
through his growing
power of appropriating the
waste for pasture
, and d
ur
ch a system of dispersing his herds
among the tribesmen. D
er
Componanion
Companion
, der followed him to the foray etc auch enriched by his bounty; if
already noble, he became greater; if not noble, the way
of
to
nobility lay through wealth. (142) (Vergl.
Dugmore
:
„Compendium of
Kaffir
Kafir
Laws and Customs.“
)
Whenever legal expression has to be given to the relations of
the Comitatus to the Teutonic kings
, the portions of the Roman law
selected are uniformly those which declare the
semi-servile
relation of the Client or Freedman to his Patron
. Nach d
en
texts d
es
Brehon Law a Chief of high degree is always
to surround himself with
unfree dependants
u. d
as
retinue
eines King of Erin was to consist not only of
free tribesmen
but
of a bodyguard
of men
bound to
him by servile obligations
…
Auch … wenn d
ie
Comitatus or Companions of the Chief
freemen
, nicht nothw
en
dig od. gewöhnlich his near kindred.
(145)
In d
en
Brehon Laws
spielen grosse Rolle
horned cattle, i.e. bulls, cows, heifers, and calves
; auch
horses, sheep, swine, dogs, bees
(the latter: the
producers of the greatest of primitive luxury); vor allem aber
kine
.
Capitale
– kine reckoned by
the head,
cattle
has given birth to one of the most
famous terms of law and one of the most famous terms of political economy,
Chattels
and
Capital
.
Pecunia
. (147) The Primitive Roman law places
oxen
in highest class of property, mit
land
u.
slaves
as items of the
Res mancipi
.
Kine
, which the
most ancient Sanscrit literature shows to
168
have
been eaten as food
, became at some unknown period sacred and their
flesh forbidden; u. two of the chief „Things which required a Mancipation at
Rome“, oxen and landed property, had their counterpart in the
sacred bull of
Siwa
Siva
and the
sacred land
of
India. (148)
Horned cattle
showed their greatest value when groups of men
settled on
spaces of land and betook themselves
to the
cultivation of
food-grain
.
(l.c.)
Erst für ihr flesh u. milk valued, schon in very
early times a
distinct special importance belonged to them as
instrument or medium of exchange
; bei
Homer
sind sie
a measure of value
;
traditional story dass d
as
earliest
coined
money
known at Rome stamped with the figure of an ox;
„pecus“
u.
„pecunia“
.
(
[148,]
149)
In
Brehon laws
figurirt horned cattle als
means of exchange
;
fines, dues, rents u. returns are calculated in
live-stock
, not exclusively in kine, but nearly so.
Beständig referred to
two standards of value
,
„sed“
u.
„cumhal“
; cumhal soll
originaliter have meant a
female slave
, aber
„sed“
plainly used for
an amount or
quantity of live stock
.
for their
use
in tillage, their labour and their manure
. Erst nach u. nach as
beasts of plough
ersetzt d
ur
ch
Pferde in Western Europe
; in still large portions of the world
horse
noch ausschliesslich employed, wie wohl ursprünglich überall,
for war, pleasure
, or the
chase
. (
[149,]
150) Oxen waren so
f
a
st einziger
Representative
. (l.c.) The same causes which altered the position of the
ox and turned him into an animal partially
adscriptus
glebae
, undoubtedly produced also a
great extension
of slavery
… Enormous importation of slaves into the central
territories of the Roman Commonwealth, and the wholesale degradation of the free
cultivating communities of Western Europe into assemblages of villeins. (150,
151)
D
ie
Schwierigkeit – in ancient Ireland –
not to
obtain land, but the means of cultivating it
. D
ie
great owners
of cattle were the various Chiefs, whose primitive superiority to the other
tribesmen in this respect was probably owing to their natural functions as
military leaders of the tribe. Andrerseits scheint aus d
en
Brehon laws
zu folgen that the Chiefs pressed by the difficulty of finding sufficient
pasture for their herds. Hatten zwar growing power over the waste-land
d
e
r particular group worüber sie präsidirten, aber die most
fruitful portions of the tribal territory
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich those which the free tribesmen
occupied. Hence d
as
system of giving u. receiving stock
, to which 2
sub-tracts des
Senchus
Mor
are devoted, the
Cain-Saerrath
u. d
er
Cain-Aigillne
, the
Law of Saer-Stock
tenure
u. the
Law of Daer-Stock Tenure
.
(
[151,]
152)
In Feudalgesellsc
ha
ft everybody has become the subordinate of somebody
else higher than himself and yet exalted above him by no great distance.
(153)
Nach
Stubbs
(
„Constit. History“
. I, 252) Feudalism has „grown up from 2
great sources, the
Benefice
and the practice of
Commendation.“
(154)
Commendation
, in particular, went on all over Western Europe. (155)
D
er
Chief
– sei er
einer d
er
many
tribal rulers
whom the Irish
records call
kings
, or one of those heads of
joint
[-]
families
whom the
Anglo-Irish lawyers at a later period called the
Capita
Cognationum
, – is
not owner of the tribal land
.
His own land he may have, consisting of private estate or of official domain, or
of both, and over the
general tribal land he has a general
administrative authority
, ever growing greater over that portion of it
which is
unappropriated waste
. He is meanwhile the
military
[leader]
of his tribesmen, and probably
in that capacity … has acquired
great wealth in cattle
.
It has somehow become of great importance to him to place out portions of his
herds among the tribesmen, and they on their part occasionally find themselves
through stress of circumstance in pressing need of cattle for employment in
tillage. Thus the Chiefs appear
169
in the
Brehon
law
as perpetually
„giving stock“
and the
tribesmen as
receiving it
. (157) By taking stock the
free Irish tribesman
becomes the
Ceile
or
Kyle
, the
vassal
or man of his Chief
, owing him not only rent but service and homage.
The exact effects of „commendation“ are thus produced. (158) Je
mehr stock
der tribesman accepts from his Chief, desto
tiefer der status zu dem er herabsinkt. Hence die 2 classes of
Saer
und
Daer tenants
(entspreche
n
d dem status der free und higher base tenants of an
English manor). D
er
Saer
[-]
Stock tenant
,
erhält nur
limited amount
of stock from the
Chief, bleibt
freeman
, retains his
tribal rights
in their integrity; the
normal period
of his tenancy
was
7 years
, and at the end of
it he
became entitled to the cattle which had been in his
possession
. In d
er
Zwischenzeit
hatte er
the advantage of employing
them in tillage, and the Chief erhielt the
growth and increase
⦗
i.e. the
young and the manure
⦘
and
milk. Zugleich it is
expressly laid down dass d
er
Chief überdem
entitled
to receive homage and manual labour
; manual labour is explained to mean
the
service of the vassal in reaping the Chief’s harvest
and in
assisting to build his castle or fort
; u. it is
stated that, in lieu of manual labour, the vassal might be required to follow
his
Chief to the wars
. (158, 159)
Daer-stock tenancy
gebildet, wenn entweder any large
addition to the stock deposited with the Saer-Stock tenant, od. an
unusual quantity accepted in the first instance by the
tribesman
. D
er
Daer
[-]
Stock
tenant had
parted with some portion of his freedom
u.
his
duties invariably referred to as very onerous
.
D
er
Stock, den er vom Chief erhielt, bestand aus 2 portions, wovon
die eine entsprechend dem Rang des Empfängers
,
d
ie
andre der
rent in kind
to which
te
the
tenant became liable. D
er
technical standard seines Rangs war
des tenant
„honor-price“
, d.h.
the
fine or damage payable for injuring him
, variable mit the dignity of
the person injured. Mit
Bezug
auf die rent
heisst’s im
Brehon
law
: „The proportinate stock of a calf of the value of a sack with its
accompaniments, and refections for three persons in the summer, and work for
three days, is three
‘sam-haisk’
‘sam-haisc’
heifers or their
value“
(
Cain-Aigillne
, p.
25
255/257
), in andern Worten: Deponirt der Chief beim tenant
3 heifers
beim tenant
, so wird er
[»]
entitled to the calf,
the refections, and the labour«. Ferner: „
The proportionate
stock of a ‛dartadh’ heifer with its accompaniment, is 12 ‘seds’“
–
explained to mean
12 „sam-haisc“ heifers, or 6 cows
etc
etc.
Diese
rent in kind
, od.
food
[-]
rent
hatte, in dieser ihrer ältesten Form,
nichts zu thun mit der value of the tenant’s land, but
solely to the value of
deposited with the tenant
; sie
entwickelte sich erst später in
a rent payable in respect of
the tenant’s land
.
Die lästigste
imposition des Daer-Stock tenant sind die
„refections“
;
dies war nämlich d
as
Recht des Chief, der den stock gegeben hatte, to
come with a company of a certain number, and feast at the Daer
[-]
stock tenant’s house, at particular periods, for a
fixed number of days.
little better housed and almost as poorly furnished out, wie seine tenants, and
could not have managed to consume at home the provisions to which his gifts of
stock entitled him. The Brehon law defines and limits the practice narrowly on
all sides; but its inconvenience
manifest; from it doubtless descended
those oppressions
which revolted such English observers
of Ireland as
Spenser
and
, the „coin and livery“, and „cosherings“ of the Irish
Chiefs which they
denounce with such indignant emphasis
Der würdige Maine, vergessend die Rundreisen d
er
englischen
Könige u. ihrer Höflinge
»Perhaps there was no Irish usage which seemed to
Englishmen
so amply to justify … the entire judicial
or
170
legislative abolition of Irish customs«
(159–161) Nach d
en
Brehon lawyers
the relation
out of which
Daer-stock
tenancy
and its peculiar obligations arose,
were
was
not perpetual
. After food-rent and service had been rendered
for 7 years
,
if the Chief died, the tenant became entitled to the stock; wenn andrerseits der
tenant starb, waren seine heirs theilweis, obgleich nicht ganz, relieved from
their obligation. Wahrscheinlich d
ie
Daer-stock tenancy, beginning in
the necessities of the tenant, was often from the same cause rendered
practically permanent. (162)
The
Heriot of English Copyhold tenure
, the „best beast“
taken by the Lord on the death of a base tenant, has been explained as an
acknowledgment
as
of
the Lord’s ownership of the cattle
with which he anciently
stocked the lands of his villeins, just as the
Heriot of the
military tenant
is believed to have had its origin in a deposit of
arms.
Adam Smith
recognized the great
antiquity of the
Metayer tenancy
, wovon er noch zu
seiner Zeit found in Scotland one variety, the
„steelbow“
. (162). In einer der
prefaces der official translation der Brehon
laws
Vergleich
un
g gemacht
zwischen
Metayer tenancy
u.
the Saer
u. Daer-stock tenancy
of ancient Irish law. Die Differences aber: In
Metayage giebt landlord
land
u.
stock
, der
tenant
nur Arbeit u. skill; in Saer
u. Daer
[-]
Stock tenancy the
land
belonged to the tenant. Ferner: d
ie
ancient Irish
relation produced nicht allein a
contractual liability
,
sondern a
status
; the tenant had his social u. tribal
position distinctly altered by accepting stock.
(
[162,]
163) In Ireland the
acceptance
of stock
not always voluntary; a tribesman, in one stage of Irish
custom at all events, was bound to receive stock from his own
„King“
… i.e. the
Chief of
its
his
tribe
in its largest extension. In ein
i
gen cases
the Tribe
wozu der intending tenant gehörte had
in some cases
a veto on his adoption
of the new position … Um
d
em
Tribe opportunity to geben to interpose whenever it had legal
power to do so, the
acceptance of stock had to be open and
public
, and the consequences of effecting it surreptitiously are
elaborately set forth by the law. Hence one of the rules: „no man should leave a
rent on his land which he did not find there.“ (163, 164)
Gehörten der Chief der den stock gab u. der Ceile der ihn accepted zum selben
Tribe,
u.
much more to the advantage of the chief.
war nicht immer der Chief of the
tribeman’s
tribesman’s
own Sept or Tribe. Brehon law sucht Schwierigkeiten in d
en
Weg zu legen wo attempt dies
vassalage Verhältniss zu
etabliren zwischen a tribesman and a strange Chief
. Aber abundant
admission
admissions
that dies vorkam. Jeder
noblemen
nobleman
assumed to be as a rule rich in
, u. having the Zweck to disperse his herds by the
practice of giving stock. Der enriched peasant, der
Bo-aire
, had Ceiles who accepted stock from him. Hence the
new groups
formed in this way were manchmal ganz
distinct von den old groups composed of the Chief and his Clan. Auch die new
relation nicht confined auf
Aires
, or noblemen, u.
Ceiles
(i.e. free, but non noble tribesmen)
[.]
The Bo-aire certainly, and
apparently
the
higher Chiefs
also, accepted
stock on occasion from chieftains more exalted than themselves, and in the end
to „give stock“ came to mean the same thing
…
by fiction
the
Brehon
Law
represents the King of Ireland as
„accepting stock“
from
the
Emperor
. Es sagt: „Wenn the
King
of Erin is without opposition“
(
–
wovon the explanation runs: when he holds the
ports
of Dublin
,
171
Waterford
, and
Limerick
, which
were usually in the hands of the Danes –
„he receives stock
from the King of the Romans“ (Senchus
More
Mor
. II, 225)
. The commentary goes on to say, that sometimes „it
is by the
successor of
Patrick
that the stock is
given to the King of Erin“. (164–166)
This
natural growth of feudalism
was not, as some eminent
recent writers have supposed, entirely distinct from the process by which the
authority of the Chief or Lord over the Tribe or Village was extended, but
rather formed part of it. While the
unappropriated waste
lands
were falling into his domain, the villagers or tribesmen were
coming through
natural
agencies under his personal power. (167)
The law-tracts
give a picture of an
aristocracy of wealth in its most primitive form
;
cf. über d
ie
Gallic Celts
Caesar
B. G.
I. 4, u. VI. 13.
In ancient world finden wir sehr early
plebejan classes
deeply indebted to aristocratic orders
. (167)
Athenian commonalty the bondslaves through debts of the Eupatrids
; so
the Roman Commons in money bondage to the Patricians. (167, 168) In very ancient
times
land was a drug
, while capital was extremely
perishable, added to with the greatest difficulty, and lodged in very few hands
… The ownership of the
instruments of tillage other than the
land itself
was thus, in early agricultural communities, a power of the
first order … it may be believed
that a
stock of the primitive capital larger than usual
was
very generally obtained by plunder … mostly, daher, in the hands of noble
classes whose occupation was war and who at all events had a monopoly of the
profits of office. The advance of capital at usurious interest, and the helpless
degradation of the borrowers, natural results of such economical conditions.
(168, 169). D
ie
Brehon writers des Cain-Saerrath u. Cain-Aigillne,
d
ur
ch their precise u. detailed statements, plainly intend to
introduce certainty and equity into a naturally oppressive system. (169)
„Eric-fines“
, or
pecuniary
composition
for violent crime (170)
[;]
by this customary law, the sept or family to which the perpetrator of a crime
belonged
(171)
Feodum, Feud, Fief
, von
Vieh
,
cattle. Ebenso
Pecunia
u.
Pecus
.
Wie d
ie
Roman lawyers tell that pecunia became the most comprehensive
term for all a man’s property, so
„feodum“
– originally
meaning „cattle“. (171, 172)
Nach Dr.
Sullivan
feodum
of Celtic Sprachursprung; he connects it with
fuidhir
. Nämlich d
as
territory jedes Irish
tribe seems to have had settled on it,
neben den Saer und
Daer Ceiles
, certain classes of persons, deren status nearer to slavery
than to that of the Saer u. Daer tribesmen. Diese classes genannt
Senclethes, Bothachs
und
Fuidhirs
; diese 2 letzten classes wieder subdivided in
Saer
u.
Daer Bothachs
und
Saer u. Daer Fuidhirs
. Ersichtlich aus d
en
tracts u. namentlich dem noch unpublicirten
„Corus
Fine“
, dass d
ie
servile dependants, gleich
den freemen des territory, had a family or Tribal organization; and indeed
all fragments of a society like that of ancient Ireland take
more or less the shape of the prevailing model
. D
ie
position
d
er
classes, obscurely indicated in
Domesday
u. other English records as
Cotarii
und
Bordarii
,
w
a
h
rs
c
hein
lich sehr ähnlich denen der Sencleithes
u. Bothachs; in beiden Fällen had diese servile orders
w
a
h
r
sc
hein
lich
an origin
distinct from that of the dominant race
, and belonged to the
older or aboriginal inhabitants of the country
. Ein
Theil der families or subtribes formed out of them were certainly in a condition
of special servitude to the Chief or dependence on him; diese either engaged in
cultivating his immediate domain-land and herding his
cattle
, or were
planted by him in separate
settlements
on
the waste land of the tribe
;
rente
or
service which
they paid
. (172,
173)
172
D
er
wichtigste Theil dieser Klassen der settled by the Chief
on the unappropirated tribal lands
.
from other
territories, in fact
men
who had
broken
the
original tribal bond
which gave
them a place in the community. Aus
Brehon law
sichtbar,
dass diese Klasse zahlreich; spricht à diverses reprises von the
desertion of their lands by families or portions of
families
. Unter gewissen Umständen w
ur
den the
rupture of the tribal bond
u. d
ie
Flucht
deren
derer
who break it
als »eventualities« von d
em
Gesetz
behandelt.
might be
prevented
by
compelling
or
inducing a member of
the group to withdraw from its circle
; and the
Book
of Aicill
gives the legal procedure which is to be observed in the
expulsion, the tribe paying certain fines to the Chief and the Church and
proclaiming the fugitive. … Result probably to fill the country with „broken
men“ u. diese could find a home and protection by becoming
Fuidhir tenants
; alles tending to disturb the Ireland der Brehon Laws
tended to multiply this particular class. (173, 174)
D
er
Fuidhir tenant
exclusive
exclusively
dependant of the
Chief
u. nur d
ur
ch
letzteren connected mit d
em
Tribe; Chief w
ur
de auch
responsible für sie; sie kultivirten
sein
Land; sie
daher the first
„tenants at will“
known to Ireland.
The
„three rents“
, says the
Senchus
Mor
, are the
„rackrent from a person of a strange
tribe
⦗dies
e
person undoubtedly the
Fuidhir
⦘, a
fair rent from one of the Tribe
,
and the
stipulated rent which is paid equally by the tribe
and the strange tribe.“
In einer der glosses
«
, was „rackrent“ übersetzt ist, verglichen
»to the
milk of a cow which is compelled to give milk every month to the end of the
year.«
(174, 175) Andrerseits hatte Chief grosses Interesse to
encourage diese
Fuidhir tenants
. Heisst in one of the
tracts:
„He brings in Fuidhirs to increase his wealth.“
D
ie
interests really injured
were those of the
tribe
… which suffered as a body
by the curtailment
of the waste land available for pasture
.
Cf.
Edmund Spenser
(writing not later than
1596
[)]
u.
Sir
John
Davis
,
[179,
180]
The
general bias der writers der Brehon Tracts
rather
towards the exaggeration of the privileges of the Chiefs than towards
overstatement of the immunities of tribesmen. (180)
The power of the Irish Chiefs u. their severity to their tenants in the 16
.
th
century being admitted, have been
accounted for by the
Norman nobles
– the
Fitzgeralds,
Burkes, Barrys
–
becoming gradually clothed with Irish chieftainship had first abused it u. thus
set an evil example to all the Chiefs in Ireland. (181)
determined
»by the steady multiplication of Fuidhir
tenants
«. (182) Und causes at work, powerfully u. for long periods of
time, to increase the numbers of this class:
Danish piracies,
intestine feuds, Anglo-Norman attempts at conquest
, the existence of
of
the
Pale
, u. the policy directed from the Pale
of playing off against one another the Chiefs
beyonds
beyond
its borders
. D
ur
ch dies civil war etc
tribes far u. wide broken up
, dies implies a
multitude of broken men
. (183)
for the
worse the
173
worse the
position of the tenants by Saer
[-]
Stock
u. by Daer
[-]
Stock Tenure. (183, 184)
Spenser:
„View of the State of Ireland“
.
[201,
202]
»tanaisteacht (or tanistry)«
, a law of succession,
bezog sich auf
»transmission of titles, offices, and
authority«
.
Says Professor Curry
: „There
was no invariable rule of succession … but according to the general tenor of
our ancient accounts
the eldest son succeeded the
father
to the exclusion of all collateral claimants, unless it
happened that he was disqualified etc. The eldest son, being thus recognised
and the
presumptive heir and successor to the
dignity
, was denominated
tanaiste
, that is,
minor or second
, while all the other sons, or
persons that were eligible in case of his failure, were simply called
righdhamhna
, i.e.
king-material,
or king-makings
. This was the origin of
tanaiste
, a successor, and
tanaisteacht
,
successorship. The tanaiste had a separate
[maintenance]
and establishment, as well as distinct privileges and liabilities. He was
inferior to the king or chief, but above all the other dignitaries of the
State. … Tanistry, in the Anglo-Norman sense, was not an original, essential
element of the law of succession, but a condition that might be adopted or
abandoned at any time by the parties concerned; and it does not appear that
it was at any time universal in
Erin
Erinn
, although it prevailed in many parts of it. … alternate
tanaisteacht did not involve any disturbance of property, or of the people,
but only affected the position of the
person
himself
, whether
king, chief, or professor of any of
the liberal arts
, as the case might be; u. it was often set aside
by force.“ ⦗
Prof.
Curry
in:
Introduction to the
battle of Magh Leana, printed for the Celtic Society, Dublin,
1855
; quoted in
Haverty
,
Hist. of
Irld
, p. 49, wo es weiter heisst: »The primitive intention
was that the inheritance should descend „to the oldest and most worthy man
of the same name and blood,“ but practically this was giving it to the
strongest, and
family feuds
and intestine wars were
the inevitable consequence.« (
Haverty
, p. 49)⦘
By
gavelkind
(or
gavail-kinne
) ⦗common also to the Britons, Anglo-Saxons, Francs etc⦘
the
property
was divided equally between all the
sons, whether legitimate or otherwise …; but in addition to his own equal
share, which the eldest son obtained in common with his brothers, he
received the dwelling house and other buildings, which would have been
by the father or
kenfinè
–
, if the division was made, as it frequently
was, in his own life-time. This extra share was given to the eldest brother
as head of the family
, and in
consideration of certain liabilities which he incurred for the
security of the family in general. If there were no sons, the property was
divided equally among the next male heirs of the deceased, ⦗
nach
Curry
: in default of any male issue
daughters were allowed a life interest in property
.⦘ whether
uncles, brothers, nephews or cousins; but the female line was excluded from
the inheritance. Sometimes
a repartition of the lands of
a whole tribe, or family of several branches, became necessary, owing to
the extinction of some of the branches
; but it does not appear that
any such confusion or injustice resulted from the law,
as
is represented by Sir
and by other English
lawyers
who have adopted his account of it. (p.
50
.
„Dissertation
on
(?)
the Laws of the Ancient Irish“
, written
by
Dr.
O’Brien
, author of the
Dictionary, but published anonymously by
Vallencey
in the
3
d
number
of the
„Collectanea de Reb. Hib.“
)
The Tenure of land
in Ireland was essentially a
tribe or family right
… all the members of a tribe
or family in Ireland had an equal right to their proportionate share of the
land occupied by the whole. The equality of title and blood thus enjoyed by
all must have created a sense of individual self-respect and mutual
dependence, that could not have existed under the Germanic and Anglo-Norman
System of vassalage.
174
The tenures of whole tribes were of
course frequently disturbed by war; and whenever
a tribe
was driven or emigrated into a district where it had no hereditary
claim
, if it obtained land it
was on the payment
of a rent to the King of the district
; these rents being in some
instances so heavy as to compel the strangers to seek for a home elsewhere.
(l.c. p. 50) (
cf.
ib.
p. 28
N
o
te
)
; vergessend dass sich selbiges findet in
Laws of
Athlestan
Athelstan
,
Leges Wallicae
(
Howell Dda
’s) etc.
[(]
see
l.c.
p. 51 u. daselbst N
o
te †
.)
fosterage
prevailed, up to a comparatively recent
period;
Engl. gvt.
machte oft
stringent laws dag
e
gen
, to prevent the intimate
friendships which sprung up between the Anglo-Irish families and their
„mere“ Irish
fosterers
. By the
statute
of Kilkenny, 40
Ed. III
(a.d.
1367
)
w
ur
den
Fosterage
and
gossipred
as well
as
intermarriages, with the native Irish
, declared
to be treason. Says
Giraldus
Cambrensis
(
Top. Hib. Dist. 3
, ch. 23
) „if any love
or faith is to be found among them
, you must look for it among the fosterers and their
foster-children.“
Stanihurst
,
De reb. hib.
p. 49, says, the Irish loved
and confided in their foster-brothers more than their brothers by blood:
See also
Harris’s Ware, v. II
, p. 72. (p. 51, 52 l.c.)
)
Dazu benutzt
Sir
Arthur
Chichester
, the lord deputy, der zum Dank erhielt the wide
lands of
Sir Cahir O’Doherty
for his share in this
wholesale spoliation. (see
O’Donovan „Four Masters“
)
.
were the largest
participators in the plunder
. They obtained
209,800 acres
and rebuilt the city
since then called
Londonderry
. Nach d
em
plan finally
175
adopted
for the
„plantation of Ulster“
the lots into which
the lands were divided were classified into those containing
2000 acres
, which were reserved for
rich
undertakers
and the
great servitors of the crown
; those containing
1500 acres
, which were allotted to
servitors of the crown in Ireland
, with permission
to take either
English or Irish tenants
; and,
thirdly,
those containing 1000 acres
, to be
distributed with still less restriction. The exclusion of the ancient
inhabitants, and the
prescription
proscription
of the Catholic religion, were the fundamental principles to be
acted on as far as possible in this settlement.
Cox
says that
in the
instructions
, printed for the direction of the settlers, it was
especially mentioned „that they should not suffer any laborers, that would
not take the oath of supremacy, to dwell upon their land.“ (p. 497–500
l.c.)
Da der Raub vermittelst der
„plantation“
so gut
gelungen, suchte
James I
Sache jetzt auf
andre Theile Irlands auszudehnen;
appointed
commission of inquiry to scrutinize the titles and determine the rights of
all the lands in Leinster
; commissioners worked
so rapidly, that in a little time land to the extent of 385,000 acres placed
at James’s
disposal
for distribution.
See
Leland
.
Arthur
Chichester
additional grant of Irish lands erhielt u.
d
en
Title: Baron of Belfast, hatte
1616
sein Werk gethan u. withdrew from the Irish g
o
v
er
nment⦘
laid down
as the punishment of jurors who would not find
for the King on „sufficient evidence“
was
the Star-Chamber; sometimes they were „
pillored
pilloried
with loss of ears, and bored through the tongue, and sometimes
marked on the forehead with a hot iron etc.“
(
Commons’ Journal. V. I, p. 307.)
(l.c. p.
[504,]
505, n
o
te †).
D
er
f
o
lg
en
de Passus in einem d
er
»famous«
cases in which the Anglo-Irish Judges
affirmed the illegality of the native Irish tenures of land: „Before the
establishment of the (English) common law, all the possessions within the
Irish territories ran either in course of
Tanistry or in
course of Gavelkind. Every Signory or Chiefry with the portion of land
which passed
[with]
it went without partition to the
Tanist
, who always came in
by election
or
with
the strong hand
, and
not by
descent
; but
all inferior tenanties were
partible between males in Gavelkind.‟ (Sir
J. Davis
’
Reports; „Le Cas de Gavelkind“, Hil. 3
[,]
Jac. 1
, before all the Judges.)
(p. 185)
Von
Gavelkind
: „By
the Irish custom of Gavelkind
, the
inferior tenanties were partible among all the males of
the Sept
, both Bastards and Legitimate; and, after partition made,
if
any one of the Sept had died, his portion was not
divided among his sonnes
, but the
Chief of the
Sept made a new partition of all the lands belonging to that Sept
,
and
gave every one his part according to his
antiquity
.“ (186)
Skene
citirt observation eines engl. Engineer
officer in d
en
Highlands ab
ou
t 1730: „They (the
Highlanders) are divided into
tribes or clans
under
chiefs or chieftains, and
each clan is again divided into
branches from the main stock,
wo
who
have chieftains over them
. They are
subdivided into smaller branches of 50 or 60 men, who deduce their
original from their
176
particular chieftain
s
.“
(
Skene
:
„Highlanders“
I, p. 156) Was Davis describes passirt
ähnlich in a
Hindoo Joint Family
in case of death of
one of
his
its
members. (187) Dort nämlich, all the property being brought into
the „common chest or purse“, the lapse of any one life would have the
effect, potentially if not actually, of distributing the dead man’s share
among all the kindred united in the family group. And if, on a dissolution
of the Joint family, the distribution of its effects were not
per capita
but
per stirpes
,
this would correspond to
Davis’s
Chief giving to
each man
„according
to his antiquity“. (p. 187, 188)
»the descendants
of the latest holder take his property, to the
exclusion of everybody else u. d
ie
rights of the portion of the
community outside the family dwindle to a
veto on
sales
, or to a right of controlling the modes of cultivation.«
(189)
Das was in
Davis
’ Report (sieh oben) in
Widerspruch scheint mit d
en
Brehon Laws
, u. a. mit
Corus
Bescna
(which deals with rights over tribal
lands) ist dass er ausser rule of Tanistry
nur die
of »Gavelkind« kennt,
.
Dr.
Sullivan
in
Introduc.
(Breh. Laws
)
,
p. CLXX
) says: „According to the Irish custom,
property descended at first only to the male heirs of the body, each son
receiving an equal share … Ultimately, however, daughters appear to have
become entitled to inherit all, if there were no sons.“ (Dies analog dem
Gavelkind of Kent
.)
Corus
Bescna
implies that under certain circumstances
land might be permanently alienated
, at all events to
the Church
. (191) Ist möglich, dass in certain time
the
Irish Gavelkind
, the modern Gavelkind known to Kent, and many
forms of succession intermediate between the two, co-existed in Ireland. The
Brehon writers
als lawyers u.
friends of the Church
»and (it may
be) as
well
[-]
wishers to
their country
«.⦘ sehr biassed für descent of property in individual
families. (193)
Beständig kam vor in
Irland
u.
schott. Highlands
dass a Chief, ausser
domain
appertaining to his office, had
a great
estate
held under what the English lawyers deemed
the inferior tenure
. 2 Beispiele on record wo 2
grosse Irish Chiefs
distributed such estates among their
kindred
. Im
14 Jhdt
Connor
More
O’Brien
assigned the
bulk of the estate to the various families
of the Sept formed by his own relatives
, behielt sich
nur ½ of a 3
d
= ⅙ vor, u. dies ⅙ divided er unter
his 3 sons,
reserving only a rent to himself
. Am
Ende d
es
15. Jhdts
Donogh
O’Brien
, son of
Brien
Duff
, son of
Connor
,
King of Thomond,
divided all his land unter seine 11 sons
, reservirte
für sich nur mansion u. the demesne in his vicinity. Diese 2 cases getrennt
d
ur
ch a century. Im ersten Fall d
as
land had remained
in a
state of indivision
w
ä
h
ren
d
several generations; im 2
ten
had been periodically
divided. Der Connor More O’Brien distributed the inheritance of a
;
Donogh
O’Brien
that of a
family
. (
Vallancey
:
„Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis“
I, 264,
265.
Connor
More O’Brien scheint
to have paid regard to the various
stirpes
or
stocks
, worin d
ie
gens
sich branched out; entsprechend was
Davis
sagt dass d
er
chief divided a lapsed share
between the members of a sept „according to their
antiquity“
. In d
er
most archaic form der
Joint Family
u. d
er
institution which grew out of it,
the
Village
[-]
Community
, diese distributions
per
capita
,
distribution
per
stripes
, wo careful attention is paid to the lines into which the
descendants of the ancestor of the
joint-family
have separated,
and separate rights are reserved to them. Finally, the
stocks themselves
escape from the sort of shell constituted by the
Joint Family
; each man’s
share of the property, now
periodically divided
,
is distributed among his direct descendants at
his death.
At this
point,
property in its modern form has been established
; but the Joint
family has not wholly ceased to influence successions.
Fehlen direct descendants, it is even now the
rules of the Joint Family which determine the taking of
inheritance.
Collateral
successions
, when distant, follow the more primitive form –
per capita
; when they are
those
of the nearer kindred
per stirpes
. (193–96)
177
D
ie
Theilung bei Lebzeiten
, die sich bei beiden Chiefs
findet, auch in
Hindoo Joint-Family
; auch
Laertes
in
Odyssee
, the Old Chief,
, parts with his power u.
retains but part of the property he has administered; dagegen d
er
»poorer freeman«
w
ir
d einer der
„Senior“
pensioners des tribe
so
often referred to in the tracts
. (196)
d
ie
»power of distributing inheritances vested in the Celtic
Chiefs«
essentially dieselbe Institution sei, die dem »Hindoo
father« reserved ist d
ur
ch die
»Mitakshara«
,
: »It is part of
the
prerogative
belonging to the representative of the
blood
in the joint family; but in proportion as the
Joint
Family, Sept
, or
Clan becomes more
artificial
, the
power of distribution
tends
more and more to look like mere
administrative
authority
.« (196, 197)
In einigen systems of
Hindoo law
, hat der Vater, der
bei Lebzeiten d
as
Eigenthum vertheilt, d
as
Recht to retain a double share
u. nach einigen
Hindoo customs, nimmt der
älteste Sohn
, wenn
d
as
patrimony theilend mit seinen Brüdern,
2×
grösseren Antheil als d
ie
anderen. Aehnlich
„the birthright“
of the Hebrew patriarchal history.
Dies nicht zu verwechseln mit Recht
of the rule of
Primogenitur
e
.
coupled with the right to take
exclusively such things
deemed incapable of
, the
family house
, f.i., and
certain
ustensils
. Statt d
es
ältesten Sohns
dies Privileg manchmal dem
jüngsten Sohn
zufallend. (197)
Primogenitur
unbekannt
Griechen
u.
Römern
u.
Semiten
. (
Juden
u. a. auch) Aber wir
finden
als familiar fact dass d
es
letzten Königs ältester Sohn
ihm folgt; d
ie
griech. Philosophen
speculiren auch dass in älterem
status of society, smaller groups of men,
families u.
villages
, governed by eldest son after eldest son. (198)
Auch beim Einfall d
er
in
West Europa
Primogenitur nicht d
ie
gewöhnliche Regel der Nachfolge.
D
as
Allodial Property d
es
Teutonic freeman
–
theoretisch d
er
share he had got bei
, wenn getheilt,
gleich
getheilt zwischen Söhnen
od. auch
zwischen
Söhnen u. Töchtern
. Doch erscheint erst mit diesen Barbaren
Primogenitur rasch ausgebreitet über Westeuropa.
oder dass
neither the
succesion of the eldest son nor that of the eldest relative could take
effect without election or confirmation by the members of the aggregate
group to which they belong
. (199)
, wo nach Tod d
es
Familienhaupts, wenn
d
ie
Familie separates, gleiche Theilung stattfindet; wenn
nicht,
election
, meist ältester Sohn; wenn dieser
set
aside, nicht sein Sohn, sondern meist d
er
brother of deceased
[zum]
manager gewählt; so sort of
mixture of election and doubtful succession
, was auch gefunden
wird in the early examples of European primogeniture. (200)
u. instances of the choice being
systematically made from 2 families
. (200
[, 201]
)
„It is a custom among all the Irish that
presently after the death of any of their chief lords or captains, they do
presently assemble themselves to a place generally appointed and known
to
unto
them to choose another in his stead, where they
do nominate and elect for the most part
, not
the eldest son
, nor any of the children of the lord deceased, but
the next to him
of blood that
is eldest and worthiest
, as commonly the
next
brother
if he have any, or the
next cousin
,
[and so forth,]
as any is elder in that kindred or
sept; and
then, next to him;
then,
next to him, they choose the next of the
blood to be Tanaist, who shall succeed him in the
next
said
Captaincy
if he live thereunto … For when their Captain
dieth, if the Signory should descend to his child, and he perhaps an infant,
another might peradventure step in between or thrust him out by strong hand,
being then unable to defend his right and to withstand the force of a
forreiner; and therefore they do appoint the eldest of the kin to have the
Signory, for that commonly he is a man of stronger
year
years
and better experience to maintain the inheritance and to defend
the country … And to this end the Tanaist is always ready known, if it
should happen to the Captain suddenly to die, or to be slain in battle, or
to be out of the country, to defend and keep it from all such dangers.“
(
Spenser: „View of the State of Ireland“
“
)
(bei
Maine
p. 201, 202)
»
Primogeniture
,
considered as a rule of succession to property, appears to me a
product of tribal leadership in its decay
.« (
20
202
)
Glanville
(
)
writes mit Bezug auf English
military tenures
: „When
anyone dies, leaving a younger son and a grandson, the child of his eldest
son, a great doubt exists as to which of the two the law prefers in the
succession to the other, whether the son or the grandson. Some think the
younger son has more right to the inheritance than the grandson … but others
incline to think that the grandson ought to be preferred to his uncle.“
(
Glanville
,
VII,
7
3
) Ebenso disputes among Highland families about the title to the
chieftaincy of particular clans. (l.c. 203)
sobald times
had become friedlicher unter central authority of a king »the
value of strategical capacity in the humbler chiefs would
diminish
, and in the smaller brotherhoods the
respect for purity of blood would have unchecked play
.«
(
[202,]
203)
Dieselbe
Streitfrage arose zwischen d
en
descendants of daughters in
d
er
controversy zwischen
Bruce
u.
Baliol
über
Krone von Schottland. (204) (
Edward I
liess für Baliol entscheiden; danach
d
ie
descendants of an elder child must be exhausted before
those of the younger had a title.)
Sobald d
er
älteste Sohn statt d
es
uncle
folgte to »the humbler
chieftaincies«, he doubtless also obtained that „portion of land attached to
the Signory which went without partition to the
Tanistry
Tanaist
“. (204) So »the ›demesne‹, as it was afterwards called, assumed
more and more the character of
of
mere property descending according to the rule of primogeniture.«
(p. 204)
179
Nach u. nach dann this principle of primogeniture extended from the demesne
to all the estates of the holder of the Signory, however acquired, and
ultimately determined the law of succession for the privileged classes
throughout feudalised Europe. (204, 5) French
„Parage“
under which the near kinsmen of the eldest son still took
an interest in the family property, but held it of him as his Peers.
(205)
Unter act of the
12
th
year of
Elizabeth
the Lord Deputy was empowered to take
surrenders and regrant estates to the Irishry. „The Irish Lords“, says
Davis
,
„made surrenders of entire countries and obtained grants of the whole again
to themselves only, and none other, and all in demesne. In passing of which
grants,
there was no care taken of the inferior septs of
people
… So that upon every such surrender or grant, there was
but one freeholder made in a whole country, which was the
lord himself
; all the rest
were
but tenants at
will, or rather
tenants in villenage
.“ (bei
Maine
p. 207)
In
Brehon Laws (Book of
Aicill)
namentlich, Third Vol.
Irish family
getheilt in
Geilfine, Deirbhfine, Iarfine
u.
Indfine
(wovon d
ie
3 letzteren übersetzt: the
True
, the
After
u.
d
ie
End Families
)
[.]
D
er
Editor d
es
Third Volume (
Brehon Laws
, worin d
as
Book of Aicill
) sagt: „Within the Family, 17 members
were organized in 4 divisions, of which the
junior
class
, known as the
Geilfine division
,
consisted of 5 persons; die
Deirbhfine
– 2
nd
in order,
Iarfine
–
3
d
in order, and the
Indfine
– the
senior of
all – consisted
respectively of 4 persons. The whole organization consisted, and could only
consist, of 17 members.
If
any person was born into
the Geilfine division
, its
eldest member
was promoted into the Deirbhfine, the
eldest member of
the Deirbhfine
passed into the
Iarfine
, the
eldest member of the Iarfine moved into the Indfine, and the eldest member
of the
Infine
Indfine
passed out of the organization altogether. It would appear that
this transition from a lower to a higher grade took place upon the
itroduction of new members, not upon the death of
the seniors.“ (citirt bei Maine, 209)
: any
member of the
Jointfamily
Joint-family
or Sept might be selected as the starting
[-point]
, and become a root from which sprung as
many of these groups of 17 men as he had sons. Sobald einer dieser Söhne
4 Kinder hat, ist a full
Geilfine sub-group
formed
of 5 persons; w
ir
d ein neues male Kind (Sohn) zugeboren, diesem
Sohn or to any of his male descendants, so d
as
älteste Glied der Geilfine sub-group
– provided
always he were not the person from whom it had sprung – sent into the
Deirbhfine. A succession of such births completed the Deirbhfine Division,
and went on to form the Iarfine and the
Infine
Indfine
, the After and the End Families; d
ie
5
te
Person in d
er
Geilfine division
soll sein the parent von dem d
ie
16 descendants spring; er scheint to be referred to in the tracts as the
Geilfine Chief. (
[209,]
210)
The
Geilfine group
is several times stated by the
Brehon lawyers to be at once the
highest and the
youngest
.
Whitley
Stokes
told dem Maine, dass
Geilfine
=
hand-family
; nämlich
„Gil“
sei =
hand
(also the rendering of
O’Curry
) and sei in fact =
χείρ; u.
hand
in several Aryan languages =
power
, nam
en
tlich für family or patriarchal
power; so, in Greek, ὑποχείριος u. χέρης, for the person under the hand;
latin. „herus“ (master)
von an old word, cognate to
χείρ; ebenso lat.
manus, in manu
etc.
[,]
in Celtic
„Gilla“
. (a servant, bei
Walter
Scott
„Gillie“
) (216, 217)
, dass
hinter dieser Irish distribution der Family d
ie
Patria Potestas
u. founded (
on the
order of emancipation von Paternal authority
. The
Geilfine
, d
ie
Hand family, consists of
father u. 4 natural or adoptive sons immediately under his power;
d
ie
other groups of
emancipated
descendants
diminishing in dignity in proportion to their distance
from the group which … constitutes the true or representative
180
family. (217) Aehnlich in
Roman family
, wo die
emancipated members der family underwent a capitis
diminutio.
(218)
The Irish division of the Family seems only to have been wichtig mit Bezug
auf law of succession after death. Aber dies rule in all societies. When the
ancient constitution of the Family has ceased to
effect
affect
anything else
, it affects inheritance. (219)
D
ie
authors
der Brehon law
tracts
oft
compare the Geilfine Division
der family der
human hand
.
Dr.
Sullivan
says: „as they represented the roots of the
spreading branches of the Family,
the
they
were called the
cuic mera na Fine
or the
‘five fingers of the Fine’
.“ (p. 220) Patria
potestas referred to in the Irish tracts as the father’s power of „judgment,
proof, and witness“ over his sons. (l.c.) See
Tylor
über
»Finger-Counting«
, in
„Primitive culture“
. Weil menschliche Hand
5 Finger
zählt, 5 a primitive natural maximum
number.
Early English Township
represented by the
Reeve
and the 4 men; the Indian
punchayet
. (221)
„Borough English“
, unter which law
the youngest son
and not
the eldest
succeeds to the
burgage-tenements
of his father.
(222)
Blackstone
, um dies zu erklären, citirt von
Duhalde
that the
custom of descent to the
youngest son prevails among the Tartars
; sobald d
ie
älteren Sons fähig to lead a pastoral life, verliessen sie den father to
migrate
»with a certain allotment of cattle«
, and go
to seek a new habitation. D
er
younges
youngest
, who continues longest with his father, is naturally the heir of
his house, the rest being already provided for. (222)
, ausserdem certain ustensils; the other sons are
to divide what remains. (223). D
er
youngest,
remaining under patria potestas
, preferred to the others. (l.c.)
Primogeniture … comes … from the Chief (of Clan); „Borough English“ wie
„Geilfine“
dagegen von ancient conception of family
as linked with patria potestas. (
l.c.
223, 224
)
D
as
Irish word
Fine
– in the Brehon Laws –
used for d
ie
family
, für d
en
Sept
, f
ü
r
Tribe
etc. (231)
Irish family liess
Adoption
zu
;
.
The
Sept
admitted Strangers on stated
conditions, the
Fine Taccair
; d
er
Tribe
included refugees from other tribes, die nur in Zusammenhang mit ihm
d
ur
ch Chief. (231, 232)
In
Dr. Sullivan’s
introduction
he traces the origin of
Guilds
to the
grazing partnerships
common
among the ancient Irish; the
same words
used to
describe
bodies of co-partners
, formed by contract,
and bodies of co-heirs or co-parceners formed by common descent. (232)
the abbot of the parent house and all the abbots of the minor houses are the
„comharbas“ od. co-heirs of the saint
. (l.c.) An
entire
sub-tract
in the
Senchus
Mor
devoted to the
Law of Fosterage
,
setting out with the greatest minuteness the rights and duties attaching to
all parties when the children of another family were received for nurture
and education. (241
, sq.
) It is classed with
»Gossipred«
. (p.
[241,]
242)
»Literary Fosterage«.
(p. 242, sq.) D
ie
Brehon lawyers
selbst sind betrachtet by the English
writers who have noticed them as a
caste
. Nach
evidence d
er
Irish records jedoch anyone who went through a
particular training might become a Brehon. Zur Zeit wo Ireland began to be
examined by English observers, the art and knowledge der Brehon had become
hereditary in certain families
attached to or
dependent on the Chiefs of particular tribes. Dieser selbe change has
obviously occurred with a vast number of
trades and
professions
in India, jetzt popularly called
castes
.
a son should
not
succeed to the learning of
a
his
father, and consequently his office and duties.
,
is
it
is still praktisch allgemeine rule that
office
is hereditary
. Aber dies erklärt nicht the growth of
those castes
which
are definite
sections of great populations
. Nur eine einzige dieser
castes
really survives in
India,
that of the Brahmins
u. it is strongly suspected that the whole
literary theory of Caste, which
is
of Brahmin origin, is based on the existence of the
Brahmin caste alone
. (
[244,]
245)
(247); so »associations of
kinsmen shading off into assemblages of partners and guild-brothers –
;
foster parentage, spiritual parentage, and preceptorship
181
(Teacher and pupil) taking their hue from natural paternity –
ecclesiastical organization blending with tribal organization.
[«]
(248)
Grösster Theil des Senchus Mor
– the largest Brehon
law tract – handelt v.
Distress
. Es handelt sich
hier um
Procedur
, die bei d
en
Rechtsanfängen d
as
wichtigste.
[250, 251]
actio
generally =
(
Cic. N.D.
actio vitae
id
. Off.
I. 5 (=
vital
action
[)]
; ferner
=actiones
= public
functiones
functions
or duties,
wie actio consularis
; dann:
negotiation, deliberation
wie: »
etc«;
political measures or proceedings, addresses of the magistrates to the
People
;
: an
action, suit, process
with a defining
genitive
:
actio
furti
action for theft; auch mit
de
:
»actio de repetundis«
.
actionem
alicui intendere, actionem instituere
(bring an action
action
ag
ain
st
somebody).
»
.
[«]
Liv.
)
Daher allgemein:
a legal formula
or
form of process
»
«.
actiones
Manilianae
, forms relative to purchase and sale.
)
»
Dare alicui actionem
«, Permission to
bring an action, which was the office of the Prätor.
, to
proceed according to law, mode of executing law
, to
execute
a sentence. »
.«
(
Cic. De Orat.
I, 38.)
rights and duties rather the
adjective of procedure
als umgekehrt. Difficulty in such times not
in conceiving what a man was
entitled to
, but in
obtaining it
; so that
the
method
, violent or legal,
by which an end was
obtained
, was of more consequence than the nature
or
of
the end itself. …
. (
[251,]
252)
D
ie
first dieser alten (Roman) actiones ist die:
Legis Actio Sacramenti
, the undoubted parent of all the Roman
actions u. daher of most of the
civil remedies
now
in use in the world.
Diese Actio sacramenti is a dramatisation of the Origin of Justice; 2
Bewaffnete Männer ringen mit einander, Prätor geht vorbei, interposes to
stop the contest; d
ie
disputants state him their case, agree that
he shall arbitrate; arrangirt dass der loser, ausser resigning the subject
of the quarrel, shall pay a sum of money to the umpire
. (p. 253)
In dieser dramatisation the claimant holds a
wand in his
hand
, der nach
Gajus
a spear
repräsentirt, the emblem of the strong man
armed, served as the
symbol of
property
held absolutely and ag
ai
nst the
world
in Roman u. several Western
societies.
Quarrel between plaintiff u. defendant
⦗assertions u. reassertions – formal dialogue dabei⦘ was a mere pretence
among the Romans, long remained
a reality
in other
societies u. survived in the
Wager of Battle
, der
als English Institution erst »finally abolished in our fathers’ day«.
(
[254,]
255)
The disputants staked a sum of money – the Sacramentum – on the merits of
their quarrel, and the stake went into the public exchequer. The
money thus wagered
, das erscheint in a large number
of archaic legal systems, is the
earliest representative
of Court Fees
…
So sagt
Gajus
:
If you sued by
Legis Actio
for injury to your vines,
and
called them vines
, you would fail; you must call
them
trees
, because the
Text of
the 12 Tables
speaks only of Trees. Ebenso enthält d
ie
alte collection of
Teutonic legal formulas
– the
Malberg gloss
– provisions von genau derselben
Natur. If you sue for a
bull
, you will miscarry if
you describe him as a bull; you must give him
,
his ancient juridical designation of
„leader of
the herd“
. You must call the fore-finger the
„arrow“ finger
, the
goat
the
„browser upon leeks“
. (255, 256)
F
o
lgt bei
Gajus
the
Condictio
; er sagt sie sei
gegründet, soll aber nur regulated w
or
den sein d
ur
ch
2 Roman Statutes of the
6
th
Century B.C.
, the
Lex Silia
u. the
Lex Calpurnia
;
becam
bekam
Namen von a notice die der Kläger dem Beklagten gab in 30 Tagen
vor Prätor zu erscheinen, damit ein
judex oder
referee
might be nominated.
Nach d
er
condictio the
parties entered into
„sponsio“
u.
„restipulatio“
.
Nachdem diese condictio gegeben, the parties entered into a „sponsio“ and
„restipulatio“, i.e. laid
a formal wager
(distinct
from
Sacramentum) on the justice of their respective
contentions. D
ie
sum so staked
= ⅓ of the amount in dispute, went in the end to
the successful litigant, and not, like Sacramentum, to the State.
Gajus
proceeds von der
Condictio
zur
Manus Injectio
u.
Pignoris Capio
, actiones
legis die nichts mit modernem Begriff von actio gemein haben. Manus injectio
ausdrücklich stated to have been
originally the Roman
mode of execution against the person of a judgment debtor
; war the
instrument der Cruelties praktizirt d
ur
ch
röm. Aristokratie on their defaulting plebejan debtors
, gab so
impetus to
series of popular movements
affecting the
whole history of Roman commonwealth. D
ie
Pignoris Capio
war zuerst ein völlig
extra-judicial proceeding
. D
ie
Person die
es anwandte,
seized
in certain cases
the goods
of a fellow citizen, ag
ain
st whom
he had a claim,
but against whom he had not instituted a
suit
. Dies zuerst beschränkt – diese power of seizure – auf
soldiers against public officers bound to supply them
with pay, horse, or forage
; ditto auf
seller
of a
beast for sacrifice
against a
defaulting purchaser; später extended to demands for
overdue arrears of public revenue
. Etwas Aehnliches in
Plato’s leges
, auch als remedy for breach of public
duties connected with military service or religious observance.
Gajus
sagt dass d
ie
Pignoris Capio
could be resorted to in the
absence of the Prätor
and generally of the
person under Liability
, and also that it
might be carried out even when the Courts were not
sitting
. (256–59)
The Legis actio sacramenti assumes that the quarrel is at once referred to
a present arbitrator
; the
Condictio
, dass d
ie
Referenz is to the decision of an
arbitrator nach 30 days’
[interval]
, aber
meantime
the parties have entered into a
separate wager
on the merits of their dispute. Noch
zu
Cicero
’s Zeit, als
condictio
eine der most important Roman actions geworden, an
independent penalty attached to the suitor
in dieser
Klage. (260)
taking
forcible possession der moveable property
des
adversary and detain it till he submits. (260)
So im English Law
Power of Distraint
or
Distress
– (womit connected als Remedy d
as
s
o
called
Replevin
) – z. B. heut zu Tag
landlord’s right to
seize the goods of his tenants for
unpaid rent
, and the right of the lawful possessor of land to
take and impound stray beasts
which are damaging his
crops or soil. (261, 262) Im letztren Fall cattle kept bis satisfaction made
for the injury. (l.c.)
the practice of Distress, – of taking
nams
, word erhalten im law-term
withernam
. (262, 63) Zur Zeit v.
Henry III
confined to certain
specific claims u. wrongs. Damals: Person seizes the goods (almost always
cattle
)
183
der Person von der er sich
benachtheiligt glaubt; treibt d
ie
beasts to
a
pound
,
an enclosed piece of land reserved for the purpose, and generally open to
the sky … eine d
er
ältesten Institutionen Englands: the
Village-Pound
, far older than the King’s Bench, and
probably than the Kingdom. While the cattle were on their way to the
poundthe
owner had a limited right of rescue which the law recognised, but which he
ran great risk in exercising. Once lodged within the enclosure, the
impounded beasts
, when the
pound
was uncovered
, had to be
fed by the owner
and not by the distrainor; this rule only altered in the present reign.
(263) Wenn d
er
Eigner d
es
cattle altogether denied the
distrainor’s right to distrain, or
[the latter]
refuse
d
to release the cattle, on
security
being tendered to him
, dann d
er
cattle owner might apply
to the King’s Chancery for a writ commanding the Sheriff to
„make replevin“
, or he might verbally complain
himself to the Sheriff, who would then proceed at once to „replevy“.
(264)
In d
er
action of Replevin, wenn d
ie
Sache vor Gerichtshof
kam, der owner des distrained cattle war der Kläger u. der distrainor was
the defendant. (265)
„Taking in withernam“
of Old
Engl. Law means, wenn d
er
distrainor dem
Sheriff
d
as
distrained cattle nicht zeigen wollte od. es
in distance out of his jurisdiction removed, so erhob dieser wegen Brechen
of King’s Peace »hue u. cry« wider ihn u.
seized von
des
distrainors cattle double the value of the beasts
which were not forthcoming
; letztres
„taking in
withernam“
.
(l.c.)
(264)
disorderly proceeding
which the law steps in to
regulate.
(l.c.)
(265)
In
d
er
Form of impounding
, wo
d
ie
person distrained must
feed the
cattle
(als Zeichen of deren continued
ownership
), Verbot für
distrainer
distrainor
to work them –
Distress becomes
a
semi-orderly contrivance for extorting satisfaction
.
(266)
, that
the modified exemption of certain classes of goods from
distraint
– z. B.
plough-oxen
u.
instruments of trade
, ursprünglich nicht intended
als
kindness to owner
, sondern weil
ohne d
ie
instruments of tillage or
handicraft
the debtor could never pay his debt. (l.c.)
, ist:
the King steps in
, d
ur
ch his deputy, den
Sheriff
; selbst wenn dieser obtains his view, he
can do nothing
unless the cattle owner
is prepared
with
security
that he will try the question between
himself u. dem
distrainer
distrainor
in a
Court of Justice
; dann erst steps in
the judicial Power of the Commonwealth; its jurisdiction
acquired
through the act
of the Sheriff in
restoring the cattle
upon pledge given. D
er
distrainor has
lost his material security, the cattle; the owner of the cattle has become
personally bound; so both placed under a compulsion which drives them in the
end to a judicial arbitration. (
[266,]
267)
Fast alle
Leges Barbarorum
refer to
Pignoratio
od.
distraint of
goods
. D
ie
Lex Visigothorum verbietet
es ausdrücklich;
d
ie
lex Lombardorum
permits it after simple demand of
payment. D
as
Salic Law
– nach d
en
neusten deutschen
Autoritäten redigirt zwischen
Tacitus
Zeit u. d
er
Zeit d
er
Invasion des Roman Empire
d
ur
ch d
ie
Franken, enthält sehr genaue Bestimmungen
die zuerst fully interpreted by
Sohm
. In diesem System
Distress
not yet a judicial remedy; ist noch
an extrajudicial mode of redress
, but it has been
incorporated with a regular and highly complex procedure. Eine succession of
notices to be given in solemn form d
ur
ch d
en
complainant
der Person über die sich der would be
distainor
distrainor
beklagt u. whose property he proposes to seize. Er kann nicht
saisiren bevor er jene person vor d
as
Volksgericht
geladen u. bevor d
er
Popular
Officer dieses Gerichts, der Thunginus, pronuncirt hat eine Formel licensing
distraint. Dann erst kann er
distress
auf seinen
Gegner machen. Entsprechend eine
Ordonanz von
Canut
Canute
that no man is to take
nams
unless he has demanded
[right]
3 times in the Hundred; erhält er
d
as
3
t
mal keine justice, so geht er
zum
Shire-gemot
; d
er
Shire appoints him a
4
th
time, u. when that fails, he may take the
distress. (269, 270)
D
as
fragment of the system which has survived in the English
Common Law
(and it is to this that it probably owes
its survival) was
from the first
pre-eminently
a remedy by which the lord compelled his tenants to
render him their services
. Was
archaischer
im engl. Gesetz als in den
leges barbarorum
:
notice of the intention to distrain
was never in
England
essential to the legality of distress
,
obgleich d
as
Statute-law renders it necessary
to make
a sale
of
the distrained property
legal
; ebenso im ältesten State d
es
Common Law, obgleich
distraint sometimes followed a proceeding in the lord’s Court, yet it did
not necessarily presuppose or require it. (270–71) D
ie
Frankish
procedure was completely at the disposal of the complainant.
184
It is a procedure
regulating extrajudicial redress
.
Beobachtet der complainant the proper forms, so ist the part of the Court in
licensing seizure purely passive. … when the defendant submitted or was
unsuccessful in attacking the proceedings of the other side, he paid not
only the original debt but
various additional
penalties
entailed by neglect to comply with previous notices to
discharge it. Dies founded
on the assumption that
plaintiffs are always in the right
u.
defendants
always in the wrong
, w
ä
h
ren
d the
modern
principle
compels the
complainant to
establish at all events a
prima
facie
case. Früher the man most likely to be in the right the man
who faced the manifold risks attending the effort to obtain redress, to
complain to the Popular Assembly, to cry for justice to the King sitting in
the gate. … In einem Fall, wo King Kläger, d
ie
Presumption dass
Kläger in the right lang aufrechterhalten
u. hence the
obstinate dislike of
lawyers
to
allowing prisoners to be defended by Counsel
.
(271–73)
Gajus
sagt v. d
en
Legis Actiones
im allgemeinen dass „sie in Discredit
fielen, weil wegen der excessive subtlety der ancient lawyers things came to
such a pass that he who
committed the smallest error
failed altogether.“
Ebenso
Blackstone
remarks on English Law of Distress: „The many particulars which attend the
taking of distress used formerly to make it a hazardous kind of proceeding;
for, if any one irregularity was committed, it vitiated the whole.“
(273)
Nach
Sohm
the power of seizing a man’s property extrajudicially in satisfaction of
your demand
; ging der complainant who
sought to distress nicht d
ur
ch
alle acts u.
words
required by the law with the most rigorous accuracy so,
besides failing in his object, incurred a variety of penalties, which could
be just as harshly exacted as his own original demand. (273, 74)
to compel the
appearance of the defendant
and
his submission
to jurisdiction
,
. (275) In
d
em
Fränkischen Gesetz
, wenn
in
gewissen cases
auch selbe von Anfang an bis judgment judicially
tried, so noch nicht
the judgment by its own force
operative
. Hat der defendant
ausdrücklich
erklärt to obey it
, the
Count or royal
deputy
, on being properly summoned, will execute it; but
if no such promise has been made, the plaintiff has no
remedy except an application to the King in person
. (275)
Später sobald d
ie
Franks settled in Roman Empire, the
royal deputy
will execute the judgment
ohne promise des defendant to submit
. In England
dieser change u. d
ie
Macht der Courts
greatly
due to the development of royal justice at the expense of popular
justice
. Doch savoured Engl. judicial proceedings noch long of the
old practices. Hence on the smallest provocation the King
constantly took the lands of the defendant into his hands
or
seized his goods, simply to compel or perfect his
submission to the royal jurisdiction
.
D
as
survival of
distress
in Engld
.
The modern
–
:
ist that a landlord is allowed to distrain because
by the nature of the case
he is
always compelled to give his tenant credit
, and that he can
distrain without notice because every man is supposed to know when his rent
is due. (277) Ursprünglich
distress treated as wilful
breach
of the peace, ausser wo it was connived at so far as it
served to
compel the submission of defendants
to
the jurisdiction of courts
. (278)
Ueber Hälfte d
es
Senchus Mor
taken up with
the Law
of Distress
. Senchus
More
Mor
pretends to be the Code of Irish Law prepared unter the influence
of
St. Patrick
upon the introduction of
Christianity in Ireland. (279)
„If the defendant or debtor were a person of
chieftain grade, it was necessary not only to give notice, but also
to fast upon him
. The fasting upon him consisted in
going to his residence and waiting there a certain time without
185
food. If the plaintiff did not within a certain time receive satisfaction
for his claim, or a pledge
therefore
therefor
, he fort
h
with, accompanied by a law-agent, witnesses, and
others; seized his distress“ etc (p. 280–81 cf.
Senchus Mor. 1
st
vol.
remark of the Editor
⦘
)
Erlaubte d
er
Schuldner nicht his cattle to go to pound u.
gab er „a sufficient pledge, e.g.
his son
, or some
article of value, to the creditor, that
the
he
would within a certain time try the right to the distress by law,
the creditor was bound to receive such pledge. If he did not go to law, as
he so undertook,
the pledge became forfeited for the
original debt
.“ (p.
282
[)]
»The distress of the Senchus
Mor is not, like the Distress of the English Common Law, a remedy confined
in the main to
demands of the lord on his tenants
;
as in the
Salic
it extends to
breaches of contract
u., so far as the Brehon law is
already known, it would appear to be the universal method of prosecuting
claims of all kinds.« (p. 283
⦘
)
The Irish
stay of proceedings
entspricht einigen provisions in
d
en
leges barbarorum
. In einigen derselben when a
person’s property is about to be seized he makes a mimic resistance; im
Salic law
he protests against the injustice of the
attempt; im
Ripuarian law
he goes through the
formality of standing at his door with a
drawn
sword
. Thereupon the
seizure is interrupted
u.
opportunity given for enquiring into the regularity of the proceedings etc.
(284) Mit d
em
English law hat d
as
Irische
speciell gemein – was ganz absent from the
Teutonic procedures – the
»impounding«
, the „taking
in withernam“ u. nam
en
tlich dass nicht required »assistance od.
permission from any Court of Justice«. (
285
284
) (Dies nur im
Lombardic law
(unter den
leges barbarorum
) (
l.c.
285
)) Ferner – u. dies in England erst d
ur
ch
Statute Law
eingeführt – im
Brehon Law
the
seizure of cattle
nicht nur
als a method of satisfaction, sondern it provides for their
forfeiture in discharge of the demand for which they are
taken
. (285)
dass d
ie
Fränkischen Volksgerichte nicht ihre eignen Dekrete
exequirten
; versprach der defendant to submit to an award, the
local deputy of the King might be required to enforce it, aber, when no such
promise, the plaintiff was forced to
petition the King in
person
… in d
en
älteren Zeiten, vor full development der
, Courts of Justice
existed less for the purpose of doing right generally than for the purpose
of
supplying an alternative to the violent redress of
wrong
…
shows that
perpetual fighting
and
perpetual
litigation may go on side by side
, and that a
highly technical procedure
may be scrupulously followed at a time
when homicide is an
everydays’
everyday
occurrence …
contention in Court takes the
place of contention in arms
, but only gradually takes its place …
in our days, when a wild province is annexed to the British Indian Empire,
there is …
a rush
of
suitors to
the Courts
which are immediately established … the men who can no
longer fight go to law instead … hasty appeals to a judge succeed hurried
quarrels, and hereditary law-suits take the place of ancestral blood-feuds. (
278
288
, 289)
Im Allgem. probable that, in proportion as Courts grow stronger, they first
take under their control the
barbarous
practice of making reprisals on a wrongdoer by
seizing his property and ultimately they absorb it into their own procedure.
(290)
D
as
Irish Law of Distress
wo action of Courts of Justice feeble and
intermittent. (291)
. (l.c.)
The Irish used the
remedy of distress, because they knew
no other remedy
, u.
made
it a capital
felony
in an Irishman to follow the only law with which he
186
was acquainted
.
.) Nay, those very subtleties
of Old English Law which, as
Blackstone
says,
made the taking of distress „a hazardous sort of proceeding“ to the civil
distrainor, might bring an Irish man to the gallows, if in conscientiously
attempting to carry out the foreign law he fell into the smallest mistake.
Mit Bezug auf
D
d
as
„fasting upon“ the debtor
heisst es in
Senchus
Mor
: „
Notice
precedes
every distress in the case of the inferior grades except it be by persons of
distinction or upon persons of distinction.
Fasting
precedes distress in their case
. He who does
not
give a pledge to fasting
is an evader of all; he who disregards all
things shall not be paid by God or Man.“
(297)
Heute noch sehr striking examples davon in
Persien
,
wo a man intending to
enforce payment of a demand by
fasting begins by sowing some barley at his debtor’s door
and
sitting down in the middle
. (l.c.)
D
as
Wort
dharna
soll exact equivalent sein
von Roman
„capio“
, and meaning „detention“ or
„arrest“. Soll
VIII,
49 bei
Manu
vorkommen.
(l.c.
[, 298]
) Im
Vyavahara Mayukha
Brihaspiti
is cited as enumerating, among the
lawful modes of compulsion by which the debtor can be
made to pay, „confining his wife, his son, or his cattle, or watching
constantly at his door.“
(298)
⦗See
Lord
Teignmouth
’s
description (in
Forbes „Oriental
Memoirs“
II, 25
) d
er
form dieses „
watching
constantly at the door“ in British India
vor Ende d
es
18. Jhdts.
[298, 299]
⦘
In einem
Law of
Alfred
heissts:
„Let the man who knows his foe to be
homesitting
fight not before he have demanded justice of him. If he have power to beset
his foe and besiege him in his house, let him keep
[him]
there for 7 days but not attack him if he will remain
indoors. If then, after seven days, he be willing to surrender and give up
his weapons, let him be kept safe for thirty days, and let notice be given
to his kinsmen and friends. But if the plaintiff have no power of his own,
let him ride to the Ealdorman, and, if the Ealdorman will not aid him, let
him ride to the King before he fights.“
)
The
rule
is to be enforced by the
civil power, the Ealdorman of the King; the
Hindoo
Brahminical rule
by the fear of punishment in another world. (303,
4)
„Sitting dharna“
, placed under the ban of the
Brit. law, still common in the Native Indian States, u. dort
h
au
ptsächlich an expedient
resorted to by
soldiers
to
obtain arrears of pay
, wie
„pignoris capio“
beim
Gajus
surviving in 2 cases, wovon einer the default of a military paymaster. (304,
5)
(315)
Später d
ie
ordinary Roman marriage a
voluntary
conjugal society, terminable at the pleasure of either side by
divorce
. (317) Nach dem
Ancient Irish Law
women had some power of
dealing with their own property
without the consent of their husbands
, and this was one of the
institutions
expressly declared by the
Judges to be
illegal at the beginning of the 17
th
century
. (324) Die Brahminical Indian Lawyers haben ganz
187
ausgearbeitet
the
doctrine of »Spiritual Benefit«
, as they call it.
Inasmuch as the
condition of the dead could be
ameliorated by proper expiatory rites, the property descending or
devolving on a man
came to be regarded by them partly
as a fund for paying the expenses of the ceremonial
by which
the soul of the person from whom the inheritance
came could be redeemed from suffering or degradation
, and partly
as a reward for the proper performance of the
sacrifices
. (
332, 333
331, 332
)
Church
: the first and best destination of a
dead man’s goods to purchase masses for his soul
, u.
out of these views grew the
whole testamentary
and
intestate jurisdiction of the Ecclesiatical Courts. (332)
Im
Mitakshara
heissts: „The
wealth of a regenerate man
is designed
for religious uses, and a woman’s succession to such property is unfit
because she is not competent to the performance of religious rites.“ (332,
33)
»Among the
Aryan
sub-races, the Hindoos
may be as
confidently asserted as the Romans
to have had their society
organized as
a collection of patriarchally governed
families
.
If,
then,
then
,
, at
any early period
,
the married
women
woman
had among the Hindoos
her property altogether
enfranchised from her husband’s control
, it is not easy to give a reason why the
obligations of the family despotism
were relaxed in this one particular.« (323)
»fee« der Braut
»what is
given her in her bridal procession, upon the final ceremony, when the
marriage already contracted and solemnized, is about to be consummated, the
bride having hitherto remained with her mother« (
Strange.
t. I,
p. 29); Strange bemerkt of this
domi-ductio
, this bringing of the bride home, which,
with the
Hindoo
Hindoos
, is a
consequence only of the antecedent
contract
, that, among the Romans, it was an ingredient wanting to
its completion; till when, the bride was
„sponsa“
only; becoming
„That which is given (to the wife) by the father, the mother, the husband, or
a brother, at the time of the wedding, before the nuptial fire.“ Aber
d
er
compiler of the Mitakshara adds a proposition not found
elsewhere: „also property which she may have acquired by inheritance,
purchase, partition, seizure, or finding, is denominated by Manu and the
others
‚woman’s property‘
.“
(
Mit
.
XI, 2)
(p.
[321,]
322)
Hierüber heftige controversies unter d
en
Brahminical commentators.
Unter d
en
Aryan Communities
finden
findet
man »the earliest traces of the separate property of women in the
widely diffused ancient institution known as
Bride-Price
. Part of this price, which was paid by the bridegroom
either at the wedding or the day after it, went to the bride’s father as
compensation
for the Patriarchal or Family authority which was
transferred to the husband
, but another part went
to the bride herself
and was generally enjoyed by
her separately and kept apart from her husband’s property. It further
appears that under a certain number of Aryan customs the
proprietary rights of other kinds which women slowly acquired
were
assimilated to their rights in their portion of the
Bride-price
, probably
as being the
only existing type of women’s property.« (324)
»There are in
fact clear indications of a sustained
general effort on
the part of the Brahminical writers on mixed law and religion
, to
limit the privileges of women which they seem to have found
recognised by older authorities
.« (325.
)
; dieser »as the
condition on which the widow may aspire to Heaven, have simply required
that she should, on the decease of her husband, live a life of
seclusion, privation, and
decency.«
(
Post
,
p. 245) Im
Shaster
auch noch
d
as
suttee
nur recommended. (
Strange l.c.
p. 241)
Strange spricht ausdrücklich of
»designing Brahmins«
u.
»interested relatives«
. (l.c. p. 239)
Nämlich:
»the wife surviving her husband, succeeds as
heir to him
, in
default of male issue.«
(
Strange
t. I
, p.
236
237
) Ausserdem »her
claim to be maintained by
his
representatives
«. (l.c. p. 246)
, not the immediate ones merely, but the
whole living at the time«. (p. 247)
(239, 240
Strange.
t. I
)
»the Hindoo laws, religious and civil, have for
centuries been undergoing transmutation, development, and, in
some
points, depravation at the hands of
successive Brahminical expositors«
[,]
(326)
»the despotism of groups over the members composing
them«
(p. 327)!
the widow comes in for her life
before the collateral relatives
. »At the present moment,
marriages among the upper classes of Hindoo
s
being very commonly infertile
, a
very
considerable portion
is in the hands of widows as tenants for life
.
But it was exactly in
Bengal proper
that the
English, on entering India, found the
Suttee … not
merely an occasional, but a constant and almost universal practice
with the wealthier classes
,
»
and, as a rule, it was only the childless widow, and never the
widow with minor children, who burnt herself on her husband’s funeral
pyre. There is no question that there was the closest connection between
the law and the religious custom, and the widow was made to sacrifice
herself in order that
her tenancy for life might be
got out of the way
. The anxiety of
her
family
that the rite should be performed, which
seemed so striking to the first English observers of the practice, was,
in fact, explained by the coarsest motives; but the
Brahmins
who exhorted her to the sacrifice were
undoubtedly
influenced
by a purely
professional dislike to her enjoyment of property
. The ancient
rule of the civil law, which
made her tenant for life
, could not
be got rid of
, but it was combated by the modern
institution which made it her duty to devote herself to a frightful
death.« (335, 336)
190
»There can be no serious question
that, in its ultimate result, the
disruption of the
Roman Empire
was very unfavourable to the personal and
proprietary liberty of women« (337),
. Er sagt: »the place of women under
the new system
when fully
organised
was worse than it was under Roman
law, and
would have been very greatly worse but for
the efforts of the Church
« (337)
(343)
Austin’s: „Province of Jurisprudence
Determined
“
has long been one of the higher
classbooks in this
University
. (345) (andre
lectures
more
recently given to the world.) Seine Vorgänger
Bentham
u.
Hobbes
.
„If
a determinate human superior
, not in the habit
of obedience to a like superior,
receive habitual
obedience
from the
bulk of a given
society
, that determinate superior is
Sovereign
in that society, and the
society
, including the superior, is a society political and
independent.“ „To
that superior
the other
members of the society are
subject
; or
on that determinate superior
the other members
of the society are dependent. The
position of its
other members towards that determinate superior is a state of
subjection or a state of dependence
. The
mutual relation
which subsists between that superior and them,
may be styled the
relation
of
Sovereign and Subject
, or the Relation of Sovereignty and
Subjection.“ (citirt bei Maine p. 348, 349)
(349)
: If the
community be violently or voluntarily divided into a number of separate
fragments, then, as soon as each fragment has settled down (perhaps
after an interval of anarchy) into a state of equilibrium, the Sovereign
will exist and will be discoverable in each of the now independent
portions. (349, 350) Das gemeinsame Charaktermal aller shapes of d.
Sovereignty – whether the Sovereign a person or a combination of persons
–, ist, dass er has
the
possession of irresistible force,
not necessarily exerted but capable of being exerted.
Ist
d
er
Sovereign a
single person
, so
nennt ihn Austin a
Monarch
; if a
small group
–
Oligarchy
;
if a group of considerable dimensions, an
Aristocracy
; if very large and numerous, a
Democracy
. Austin hates the name of
»Limited Monarchy«
, in his days more fashionable than now, u.
d
as
Government of Great Britain
he classes with
Aristocracies
. Was
alle forms
of Sovereignty
gemein haben, is
the
power
(but not necessarily the will)
to put
compulsion without limit on subjects or fellow-subjects
. (350)
(351) The question of
determining his (the Sovereign’s) character ⦗in a given society⦘ is
always a
question of fact
…
never a question of law or morals
. (l.c.)
D
er
Sovereign must be a
determinate
human superior. Besteht aus mehren Personen, so he must be a number of
persons
capable of acting
in
a corporate or collegiate
capacity. … since the Sovereign must
effect his exertions of power, must issue
191
his orders, by a definite exercise of his will
.
The
possession of physical power
. (351) The
bulk of the society must obey the superior
who
is to be called Sovereign.
Not the whole of the
Society
, for in
that case sovereignty would
be impossible
, but
the bulk, the large
majority, must obey
. (352)
The
Sovereign
must
receive an
habitual obedience from the bulk of the community
. (353)
Ferneres characteristic desselben: is
immunity from
the control of every other human superior
. (l.c.)
⦘
das des
Austin
»strictly scientific«
If all the members of the community had equal physical strength and were
unarmed, the power would be a mere result from the superiority of
numbers; but, as a matter of fact,
various causes, of
which much the most important
have been the superior physical
strength and
the superior armament of portions of the
community
have conferred on
numerical
minorities
the power of applying
irresistible pressure
to the individuals who make up the
community as a whole. (
[357,]
358)
Die assertion … which the great »Analytical Jurists«
cannot be
charged with making, but which some of their disciples go very near to
hazarding, that the Sovereign person or group
actually wields the stored-up force of society by an uncontrolled
exercise of will
, is certainly never in accordance with fact.
The vast mass of influences
, which we may
call for shortness
moral
,
perpetually shapes, limits, or forbids the
actual direction
of the forces of society by
its Sovereign. (
[358,]
359) The Austinian
view of Sovereignty really ist – that
it is the
result of Abstraction
.
[»]
It is arrived at by throwing aside all
the characteristics and attributes of Government and
Society except one, and by
connecting
all
forms of political
superiority
together through
their common
possession of force
.
The elements neglected in the
process are always important, sometimes of extreme importance, for they
consist of all
the
controlling human action
except force directly applied or directly apprehended
;
but the operation of
throwing them aside for purposes of classification
is …
perfectly legitimate«. (359) We reject in the process of abstraction by
which the conception of Sovereignty is reached …
the
entire history of each community
… the
mode
in
which the result has been arrived
at
. (360)
»It is its history (des Gemeinwesens),
the
entire mass
of its historical antecedents,
which in each community determines how the Sovereign shall exercise or
forbear from exercising his irresistible coercive power«, (p. 360)
»All that constitutes this – the whole enormous
aggregate of
opinions, sentiments, beliefs,
superstitions
, and
prejudices of all
kinds
, hereditary and acquired, some produced by institutions
and some by the
constitution of human nature
–
is rejected by the Analytical Jurists. And
thus
it is that, so far as the restrictions contained in their definition of
Sovereignty are concerned, the Queen and Parliament of our own country
might direct all weakly children to be put
[to]
death or establish a system of
lettres de cachet
.« (p. 360)
Dag
e
gen
,
sob
a
ld man weiss dass »in
his system the
determination of Sovereignty
ought to
precede the determination of Law
«, it being once understood
»that the Austinian
conception of Sovereignty
has been reached through mentally uniting
all forms
of Government
in a group by conceiving them
to be
stripped
of
every attribute except coercive force
«
,
and
when it
is steadily
born
borne
in mind that the deductions from an abstract principle
are never from the nature of the case completely
exemplified in facts
«. (362)
»Jurisprudence is the science of
Positive Law
. Positive Laws are
Commands
, addressed by Sovereigns to their
Subjects
, imposing a
Duty
, or condition of obligedness, or obligation, on those
Subjects, and threatening a
Sanction
, or
Penalty
, in the event of disobedience to
Command. A
Right
is the faculty or power
conferred by the Sovereign on certain members of the community to draw
down the sanction on
an
a
fellow-subject violating a Duty.« (362)
»
Sovereignty
, for the purposes of
Austin
’s system, has no
attribute but force
, and consequently the view here taken of
„law“, „obligation“ u. „right“ is a view of them regarded exclusively as
products of coercive force. The „sanction“
thus becomes the primary and most important
member of
[the]
series of notions and gives its
colour to all the others.« (363)
»that laws have the
character given to them by Austin, so far as such laws have proceeded
from formal Legislatures« (l.c.),
the customary law of
all countries which have not included their law in Codes, and specially
the English Common Law
[«]
. (l.c.) The way
in which
Hobbes
and he
bring
such bodies of rules as the Common Law under their system by insisting
on a maxim which is of vital importance to it:
„Whatever the Sovereign permits, he commands
[.]
“
(p. 363) Until customs are enforced by
Courts of Justice, they are merely „positive morality“, rules enforced
by opinion, but, as soon as courts of Justice enforce them, they become
commands of the Sovereign, conveyed through the Judges who are his
delegates or deputies. (364)
»They
command
«
(d
ie
Sovereigns) what they permit, »because,
being by the assumption possessed of uncontrollable
force, they could innovate without limit at any moment
. The
Common law consists of their commands because they can repeal or alter
or re-state it at pleasure.« (364) Law is
regarded as
regulated
force
. (365)
: »The one
doctrine of this school of jurists which is repugnant to lawyers would
lose its air of paradox if an assumption were made which,
in itself theoretically unobjectionable
, manifestly approximates to practical
truth as the course of history proceeds – the
assumption that
what the Sovereign
might
alter, but does not alter
, he
commands
.« (366)
Austin’s »
…
was Utilitarianism in its earlier shape
«. (
368.
The 2
nd
, 3
d
, and 4
th
Lectures (of
Austin
) are occupied with an attempt to identify the
law of God
and the
law of
Nature
(so far as these last words can be allowed to have any
meaning) with the rules required by the
theory of
utility
… the identification … is quite gratuitous and
valueless for any purpose. (369) The jurist, properly so called, has
nothing to do with any ideal standard of law or morals. (
p. 370
)
Lecture XIII. Sovereignty and Empire.
The word
„law“
has come down in close association
with two notions, the notion of
»order«
and the
notion of
»force«
. (371)
194
The principal writings of
Austin
are
not much more than 40 years old. (373)
From the point of view of the Jurist,
law
is only
associated with order through the necessary condition of every
true law
that it must prescribe
a class of acts or omissions
, or a number of
acts and omissions determined
generally
; the
law which prescribes a single act
not being a
true law
, but being distinguished as an
„occasional“
or
„particular“
command. Law, thus defined and limited, is the
subject-matter of Jurisprudence as conceived by the Analytical Jurists.
(375)
Austin
in his treatise examines »a
number of existing governments or (as he would say),
forms of political superiority and inferiority
, for the
purpose of determining the
exact seat of
sovereignty
in each of them.« (375, 376)
Austin
recognizes the existence of
communities, or aggregates of men, in which no dissection could disclose
a person or group answering to his definition of a
Sovereigns
Sovereign
. D’abord, er, wie
Hobbes
fully allows that there is a
state of anarchy
.
Wherever
such a state is found
, the
question of
Sovereignty is being actively fought out
, u. er giebt als
Beispiel that which was never absent from Hobbes’s mind, the struggle
zwischen
Charles I
u. his
Parliament. An acute critic of Hobbes u. Austin,
Fistjames
Fitzjames
Stephen
, insists that there is a
condition of
dormant
anarchy, z. B. United
States
before the War of Secession. (377)
»there may be
deliberate abstinence from fighting out a question known to be
undecided, and I
see no objection to call the temporary
equilibrium thus produced a state of dormant anarchy.
[«]
(p. 377)
Austin
further admits the theoretical
possibility of a
state of nature
; giebt ihm
nicht d
ie
Wichtigkeit wie
Hobbes
u. andre, aber allows
his
its
existence, wherever a number of men, or of groups not numerous
enough to be political, have not as yet been brought under any common or
habitually acting
.
(378)
Austin sagt, p. 237,
I
st
vol., 3
d
ed.
:
„Let us suppose that a single family of savages lives in absolute
estrangement from every other community. And let us suppose that the
father, the chief of this isolated family, receives habitual obedience
from the mother and children. Now, since it is not a limb of another and
larger community, the society formed by the parents and children, is
clearly an
independent society
, and, since the
rest of its members habitually obey its chief, this independent society
would form
a society political
, in case the
number of its members were not extremely minute. But, since the number
of its members
is
extremely minute, it would, I
believe, be esteemed a
society in a state of
nature
; that is, a
society consisting of
persons not in a state of subjection
. Without an application of
the terms, which would somewhat smack of the ridiculous, we could hardly
style the society a society
political
and
independent, the imperative father and chief a
monarch
or
sovereign
, or the obedient
mother and children
subjects.“
[378, 379]
, »since, wie er sagt, the form of authority
about which it is made, the
authority of the
Patriarch
or
Paterfamilias
over his
family, is, at least according to one
modern theory, the element or germ out of
which all permanent power of man over man has been gradually developed.«
(379)
D
er
Punjaub
, after passing d
ur
ch every
conceivable phase of anarchy and dormant anarchy, fell, about 25 Jahre
vor seiner Annexation, under the tolerably
195
consolidated
dominion of a half military, half religious oligarchy, known as the
Sikhs; sie selbst reduced to subjection by a single chieftain belonging
to their order,
.
. He took,
as his revenue, a prodigious share of the produce of the soil. He
harried villages which recalcitrated at his exactions, and he executed
great numbers of men. He levied great armies; he had all material of
power, and exercised it in various ways.
But he never
made a law
. The rules which regulated the life of his subjects
were derived from their immemorial usages, and these rules were
administered by domestic tribunals, in families or village-communities.
(380, 381) Runjeet Singh
never did
or
could
have dreamed of changing the civil rules
under which his subjects lived. Probably he was as strong a believer in
the independent obligatory force of such rules as the elders themselves
who applied them. An Eastern or Indian theorist in law, to whom the
assertion was made that Runjeet Singh
commanded
these rules, would
“
etc feel it etc absurd etc. (382)
Dieser state d
es
Punjab under
may be taken as the type of all Oriental
communities in their native state, during their rare intervals of peace
and order. They have ever been despotisms
der despots at
their head, harsh and cruel as they might be,
[have always
been]
implicitly obeyed. But then these commands, save in
so far as they served to
organize administrative
machinery for the collection of revenue
, have not been true
laws; were of the class called by
Austin
occasional or particular commands. The truth is
that
the one solvent of local and domestic usage
… has been not
the command
of the Sovereign but
the supposed command of the Deity. In India, the influence of the
Brahminical treatises on mixed law and religion
in
sapping the old customary law of the country
has always been
great, and in some particulars … it has become greater under English
rule. (382, 383)
D
ie
Assyrian, Babylonian, Median u. Persian Empires
,
for occasional wars of conquest, levied vast armies from populations
spread over immense areas;
to their
occasional commands, punished disobedience with the utmost cruelty;
dethroned petty kings, transplanted whole communities etc. Aber mit all
dem interfered but little with the every day religious or civil life of
the groups to which their subjects belonged. The
„royal statute“
and
„firm decree“
preserved to us as a sample of
„law of the Medes and
Persians which altereth not“
, ist kein law in modernem Sinn,
sondern a „particular command“, a sudden, spasmodic, and temporary
interference with ancient multifarious usage left in general
undisturbed. Selbst d
as
Athenian empire, so weit es nicht
Attica betraf, sondern d
ie
subject cities u. islands was
clearly a
tax-taking
Empire
, nicht a
legislating Empire
. (384, 385)
legislation
introduced into the world
d
ur
ch d
as
empire of the Romans
. (
[385,]
386)
d
er
origin of the political communities called
States
is that they were formed by the
coalescence of groups
, the
original
group
having been in no case
smaller than
the patriarchal family
.
Aber dies
coalescence was soon arrested. (386)
In a later stage, political communities … often of very great territorial
extent, are constructed by one
community conquering
another
or
one chieftain, at the head of a
single community or tribe
, subjugating great masses of
population. But … the separate local life of the small societies
included in these great States was not extinguished or even much
enfeebled. (386, 387)
196
The »completer trituration in modern societies of the groups which once
lived with an independent life has proceeded concurrently with
much greater activity in legislation
.« (387)
If
The
the
powers of the Village Council (später Athenian Ekklesia
etc
[)]
must be described by modern
names, that which lies most in the background is
legislative power
, that which is most distinctly conceived is
judicial
powers
power
. The laws obeyed are regarded as having always
existed, and usages really new are confounded with the really old. (388,
389) The village-communities of the Aryan
race do not therefore exercise
true legislative power so long as they remain under primitive
influences. Nor again is legislative power exercised in any intelligible
sense of the words by the Sovereigns of those
great
States
, now confined to the East, which preserve the primitive
local groups most nearly intact.
Legislation, as we
conceive it, and the break up of local life appear to have
universally gone on together
. (389)
The Roman Empire was the source of the influences which have led,
immediately or ultimately, to the formation of highly-centralised,
actively legislating, States. It was the first great dominion which did
not merely tax
, but
legislated
also. The process was spread over many centuries. …
its commencement and completion, I should place … roughly at the issue
of the first
Edictum Provinciale
, and at the
Extension of the Roman citizenship to all subjects of
the Empire
. But, in the result, a vast and miscellaneous mass
of customary law was broken up and replaced by new institutions. … It
(the Roman
)
Empire
[)]
devoured, brake in
pieces, and stamped the residue with its feet. (390, 391)
(391)
Customary law
… is not obeyed, as enacted law is
obeyed. When it obtains over small areas and in small natural groups,
the penal sanctions on which it depends are partly opinion, partly
superstition, but to a far greater extent an instinct almost as blind
and unconscious as that which produces some of the movements of our
bodies.
The actual constraint
which is required
to secure conformity with usage is unconceivably small. When, however,
the rules which have to be obeyed once emanate from an
authority external to the small natural group
and forming no part of it, they wear a character wholly unlike that of a
customary rule. They lose the assistance of superstition
, probably that of opinion, certainly that
of spontaneous impulse. The
force
at
the back of law
comes therefore to be
purely coercive force
to a degree quite unknown
in societies of the more primitive type. Moreover, in many communities,
this force has to act at a very great distance
from the bulk of the persons exposed to it
, and thus the
Sovereign who wields it
has to deal with great
classes of acts and with great classes of persons
, rather than
with isolated acts and with individuals. Daher d
ie
indifferency, inexorableness, u. generality ihrer »laws«. (392, 93)
Their generality (of the Laws) and their dependence on the coercive force
of a Sovereign are the result of the great territorial area of modern
States, of the comminution of the sub-groups which compose them, and
above all
etc. (394)
We have heard of a village
Hampden
,
but a village
Hobbes
is
inconceivable. Flüchtet v. England wegen civil disturbance; a
u
f
continent
governments rapidly centralising
, local privileges und jurisdictions in
197

extreme decay, the old historical bodies, such as the French
Parliaments, tending for the time to become furnaces of anarchy, the
only hope discoverable in kingly power. These were among the palpable
fruits of the wars which ended in the Peace of Westphalia. The old
multiform local activity of feudal or quasi-feudal society was
everywhere enfeebled or destroyed.
A Sovereign who was a democrat
commenced, and a Sovereign who was a despot completed, the
Codification of the laws of France
. There had
never before in the modern world been so striking an exemplification of
the proposition that, what the Sovereign permits, he commands, because
he could at any time substitute an express command for his tacit
permission, nor so impressive a lesson in the far-reaching and on the
whole
most beneficial results
which might be expected from the
increased activity of Sovereigns in legislation proper. (
[395,]
396)
[201a]
1)
Lewis Morgan
.
„Ancient
Society.“ London 1877
.
(p. 1–98)
2)
J. W. B. Money
.
„Java etc.“ 2
v
o
ls. London
1861
.
(p. 99–127)
3)
Sir
J. Phear
.
„The Aryan
village in India and Ceylon.“ 1880
.
(p. 128–155)
4)
D.
Rudolph Sohm
„Fränkisches Recht
u. Römisches Recht etc.“
(155–159)
5)
Sir
Henry Sumner
Maine
:
„Lectures on the Early History of Institutions“.
Lond. 1875
.
(p. 160–