MR. WASHBURNE,
THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR IN PARIS
TO  THE NEW YORK  CENTRAL COMMITTEE
FOR  THE UNITED STATES ’ SECTIONS
OF  THE INTERNATIONAL  WORKING  MEN’S ASSOCIATION
Citizens,—The General Council of the Association consider it their duty to communicate publicly to you evidence
on the conduct, during the French Civil War, of Mr. Wash-
burne, the American Ambassador.
I
The following statement is made by Mr. Robert Reid,
a Scotchman who has lived for seventeen years in Paris,
and acted during the Civil War as a correspondent for
the London Daily Telegraph and the New York Herald.445
Let us remark, in passing, that the Daily Telegraph, in
the interests of the Versailles Government, falsified even
the short telegraphic despatches transmitted to it by Mr.
Reid.
Mr. Reid, now in England, is ready to confirm his statement by affidavit.
“The sounding of the general alarm, mingled with the roar of the
cannon, continued all night. To sleep was impossible. Where, I thought,
are the representatives of Europe and America? Can it be possible that
in the midst of this effusion of innocent blood they should make no
effort at conciliation? I could bear the thought no longer; and knowing
that Mr. Washburne was in town, I resolved at once to go and see

him. This was, I think, on the 17th of April; the exact date may,
however, be ascertained from my letter to Lord Lyons, to whom I
wrote on the same day. Crossing the Champs Elysees, on my way to
Mr. Washburne’s residence, I met numerous ambulance-waggons filled
with the wounded and dying. Shells were bursting around the Arc
de Triomphe, and many innocent people were added to the long list
of M. Thiers’s victims.
“Arriving at No. 95, Rue de Chaillot, I inquired at the Concierge’s
for the United States’ Ambassador, and was directed to the second
floor. The particular flight or flat you dwell in is, in Paris, an almost
unerring indication of your wealth and position,—a sort of social
barometer. We find here a marquis on the first front floor, and an
humble mechanic on the fifth back floor,—the stairs that divide them
represent the social gulf between them. As I climbed up the stairs,
meeting no stout flunkeys in red breeches and silk stockings, I thought,
‘Ah! the Americans lay their money out to the best advantage,—we
throw ours away.’
“Entering the secretary’s room, I inquired for Mr. Washburne.—
Do you wish to see him personally?—I do.—My name having been
sent in, I was ushered into his presence. He was lounging in an easychair, reading a newspaper. I expected he would rise; but he remained
sitting with the paper still before him, an act of gross rudeness in a
country where the people are generally so polite.
“I told Mr. Washburne that we were betraying the cause of humanity, if we did not endeavour to bring about a conciliation. Whether
we succeeded or not, it was at all events our duty to try; and the
moment seemed the more favourable, as the Prussians were just then
pressing Versailles for a definitive settlement. The united influence
of America and England would turn the balance in favour of peace.
“Mr. Washburne said, 'The men in Paris are rebels. Let them lay
down their arms.' I replied that the National Guards had a legal right
to their arms; but that was not the question. When humanity is outraged, the civilised world has a right to interfere, and I ask you to
co-operate with Lord Lyons to that effect.—Mr. Washburne: ‘These
men at Versailles will listen to nothing.’—‘If they refuse, the moral
responsibility will rest with them.’—Mr. Washburne: ‘I don’t see that.
1 can’t do anything in the matter. You had better see Lord Lyons.’
“So ended our interview. I left Mr. Washburne sadly disappointed.
I found a man rude and haughty, with none of those feelings of fraternity you might expect to find in the representative of a democratic
republic. On two occasions I had had the honour of an interview with
Lord Cowley, when he was our representative in France. His frank,
courteous manner formed a striking contrast to the cold, pretentious,
and would-be-aristocratic style of the American Ambassador.

“I also urged upon Lord Lyons that, in the defence of humanity,
England was bound to make an earnest effort at reconciliation, feeling
convinced that the British Government could not look coldly on such
atrocities as the massacres of the Clamart station and Moulin Saquet,
not to speak of the horrors of Neuilly, without incurring the malediction of every lover of humanity. Lord Lyons answered me verbally
through Mr. Edward Malet, his secretary, that he had forwarded my
letter to the Government, and would willingly forward any other
communication 1 might have to make on that subject. At one moment
matters were most favourable for reconciliation, and had our Government thrown their weight in the balance, the world would have been
spared the carnage of Paris. At all events, it is not the fault of Lord
Lyons if the British Government failed in their duty.
“But, to return to Mr. Washburne. On Wednesday forenoon, the
24th of May, I was passing along the Boulevard des Capucines, when
I heard my name called, and, turning round, saw Dr. Hossart standing
beside Mr. Washburne, who was in an open carriage amidst a great
number of Americans. After the usual salutations, I entered into a
conversation with Dr. Hossart. Presently the conversation became
general on the horrid scenes around; when Mr. Washburne, addressing
me with the air of a man who knows the truth of what he is saying,—
‘All who belong to the Commune, and those that sympathise with them,
will be shot.’ Alas! I knew that they were killing old and young for
the crime of sympathy, but I did not expect to hear it semiofficially
from Mr. Washburne; yet, while he was repeating this sanguinary
phrase, there was still time for him to save the Archbishop.”446
II
“On the 24th of May, Mr. Washburne’s secretary came to offer to
the Commune, then assembled at the Mairie of the 11th Arrondissement,
on the part of the Prussians, an intervention between the Versaillese
and the Federals on the following terms:—
“ ‘Suspension of hostilities.
“ 'Re-election of the Commune on the one side, and of the National
Assembly on the other.
“ ‘The Versailles troops to leave Paris, and to take up their quarters
in and around the fortifications.
“ ‘The National Guard to continue to guard Paris.
“ ‘No punishment to be inflicted upon the men serving or having
served in the Federal Army.’
“The Commune, in an extraordinary sitting, accepted the propositions, with the proviso that two months should be given to France

in order to prepare for the general elections of a Constituent Assembly.
‘’A second interview with the Secretary of the American Embassy
took place. At its morning sitting of the 25th May, the Commune resolved
to send five citizens—amongst them Vermorel, Delescluze, and Arnold
—as plenipotentiaries to Vincennes, where, according to the information given by Mr. Washburne’s secretary, a Prussian delegate would
then be found. That deputation was, however, prevented from passing
by the National Guards on duty at the gate of Vincennes. Consequent
upon another and final interview with the same American Secretary,
Citizen Arnold, to whom he had delivered a safe conduct, on the 26th
May, went to St. Denis, where he was—not admitted by the Prussians.
“The result of this American intervention (which produced a belief
in the renewed neutrality of, and the intended intercession between the
belligerents, by the Prussians) was, at the most critical juncture, to
paralyse the defence for two days. Despite the precautions taken to
keep the negotiations secret, they became soon known to the National
Guards, who then, full of confidence in Prussian neutrality, fled to the
Prussian lines, there to surrender as prisoners. It is known how this
confidence was abused by the Prussians, shooting by their sentries part
of the fugitives, and handing over to the Versailles Government those
who had surrendered.
“During the whole course of the Civil War, Mr. Washburne, through
his secretary, never tired of informing the Commune of his ardent sympathies, which only his diplomatic position prevented him from publicly
manifesting, and of his decided reprobation of the Versailles Government.”
This statement, No. II, is made by a member of the
Paris Commune,*  who, like Mr. Reid, will in case of need,
confirm it by affidavit.
To fully appreciate Mr. Washburne’s conduct, the statements of Mr. Robert Reid and that of the member of the
Paris Commune must be read as a whole, as part and
counterpart of the same scheme. While Mr. Washburne
declares to Mr. Reid that the Communals are “rebels” who
deserve their fate, he declares to the Commune his sympathies with its cause and his contempt of the Versailles
Government. On the same of May, while, in presence
of Dr. Hossart and many Americans, informing Mr. Reid

that not only the Communals but even their mere sympathisers were irrevocably doomed to death, he informed,
through his secretary, the Commune that not only its members were to be saved, but every man in the Federal army.
We now request you, dear Citizens, to lay these facts
before the Working Class of the United States, and to call
upon them to decide whether Mr. Washburne is a proper
representative of the American Republic.
The General Council of the International
Working Men’s Association:
M. J. BOON, FRED. BRADNICK, G. H. BUTTERY,
CAIHIL, WILLIAM HALES, KOLB, F. LESSNER,
GEORGE MILNER, TIIOS. MOTTERSHEAD, CHAS.
MURRAY, P. MAC DONNELL, PFANDER, JOHN ROACH,
RUHL, SADLER, COWELL STEPNEY, ALFRED
TAYLOR, W. TOWNSHEND
Corresponding Secretaries:
EUGENE  DUPONT, for France; KARL  MARX, for
Germany and Holland; F. ENGELS, for Belgium and
Spain; II. JUNG, for Switzerland; P. GIOVACCHINI, for
Italy; ZEVY MAURICE, for Hungary; ANTON  ZABICKI,
for Poland; JAMES COHEN, for Denmark; J. G. ECCA RIUS, for the United States
HERMANN  JUNG, Chairman
JOHN WESTON, Treasurer
GEORGE  HARRIS, Financial Secretary
JOHN HALES, General Secretary
Office—256, High Holborn, London, W.C., July 11th, 1871
Published as a leaflet about July 13, 1871, and in a number of the

TO THE BELGIAN FEDERAL COUNCIL
OF THE INTERNATIONAL WORKING MEN’S
ASSOCIATION* 447
London, 9 August 1871
Compagnons,
Le Conseil General vient de recevoir une delegation des
ouvriers mecaniciens de Newcastle.
Ces ouvriers, vous le savez, sont en greve depuis plu-
sieurs semaines deja pour obtenir une diminution d’une
heure de travail, a la journee. Par consequent pour ne plus
travailler que 9 heures par jour.
Ce mouvement, vous le voyez, est tout a fait le meme
que celui que les mecaniciens de Verviers ont entrepris.
Or, les ouvriers de Newcastle, qui se croient sur le point
de reussir et de triompher entierement dans leurs reclamations, viennent d’apprendre que leurs patrons se sont
rendus sur le continent, afin d’aller embaucher des tra-
vailleurs qu’ils trompent par de fausses promesses com-
me ils le font generalement.
11 paraitrait que les patrons sont parvenus a embaucher
3 000  ouvriers, la plupart beiges, qui d’ici a peu de temps
devaient venir supplanter leurs confreres anglais.

Le Conseil General ne peut laisser accomplir un tel acte.
11 doit naturellement faire tous ses efforts pour empecher
les travailleurs d'aggraver eux memes leur position en se
faisant entre eux une concurrence desastreuse.
11 a done decide que deux delegues seraient envoyes en
Belgique pour ramener les ouvriers beiges a de meilleurs
sentiments et tacher de leur faire comprendre qu’il est de
leur devoir d’aider les ouvriers anglais et non d’essayer
de les supplanter448.
Le Conseil General beige ne voudra pas rester en arriere.
Nous esperons done, Compagnons, que vous ferez tout
votre possible pour empecher une telle action de la part
des Beiges. Nous esperons surtout que ceux-ci compren-
dront, quelle ingratitude il y aurait de leur part a venir
(entraver) faire echouer les justes reclamations des travailleurs anglais au moment ou ces derniers viennent de don-
ner un si bel exemple de solidarite en soutenant la greve
des cigariers d’Anvers.
A propos de cette greve. Les ouvriers beiges justement
froisses de l’arrivee d’ouvriers hollandais, se sont cru le
droit de recevoir ceux-ci comme des ennemis et des rixes
malheureux se sont eleves entre des proletaries, a la grande
joie de nos eternels ennemis.
Qui nous repond que les Beiges ne seront pas accueillis
de la meme maniere a Newcastle et dans ce cas a qui de-
vront-ils s’en prendre?
A eux et eux seuls.
Nous engageons vivement le Conseil General beige a
informer toutes les sections beiges de l’arrivee des delegues anglais, a convoquer dans le plus bref delai les ouvriers mecaniciens, a leur exposer la situation de leurs
confreres et a les engager non pas a venir les supplanter,
mais bien plutot a leur porter aide et secours.
Nous esperons aussi, que le Conseil voudra bien porter
ces faits a la connaissance de tous les journaux ouvriers,
afin que ceux-ci puissent agir simultanement et empecher