Friedrich Engels

The Situation in Russia

From the English.

["The Pall Mall Gazette" No. 1900, 16 March 1871]

To the Editor of the "Pall Mall Gazette"

Sir,

the English government declares that it knows nothing of an alliance between Russia and Prussia. In Germany no one denies the existence of such an alliance; on the contrary, the pro-Prussian press exults over this fact; the anti-Prussian newspapers are indignant about it. One of the latter, "Der Volksstaat", believes that by this denial Mr Gladstone merely meant to indicate that what exists here is not a treaty of alliance, but rather a relationship of vassalage, and that in this case he is in the right. The telegrams that were exchanged between Versailles and St. Petersburg, between "Your Wilhelm, faithful unto death" and his more reserved nephew Alexander, really leave no further doubt as to the connections between the two great military monarchies of the Continent. These telegrams were, incidentally, first published in the "Journal de St. Petersbourg". Equally significant is the fact that they were not reproduced in full in the German press; above all, Emperor Wilhelm's assurance of being devoted to the Tsar unto death was suppressed. At all events, the full wording of the correspondence leaves no doubt that Emperor Wilhelm wishes to express the deep sense of obligation he harbours towards Russia, and his readiness to place his services at Russia's disposal in return. That the Emperor is already over seventy and the sentiments of his presumed heir |Crown Prince Frederick William| are doubtful, naturally constitutes for Russia a strong incentive to strike while the iron is hot.

Moreover, the internal situation in Russia is anything but satisfactory. The finances are almost hopelessly disordered; the particular form in which the emancipation of the serfs and the other social and political changes connected with it were carried out has thrown agricultural production out of gear to an almost unbelievable degree. The half-measures of a liberal character, granted, withdrawn and again granted in turn, have given the educated classes just enough scope to develop a quite definite public opinion; this public opinion stands at all points in opposition to the foreign policy which the present government has up to now seemed to pursue. Public opinion in Russia is essentially vehemently Pan-Slavist, that is to say hostile to the three great "oppressors" of the Slav race: the Germans, the Hungarians and the Turks. A Prussian alliance would be as repugnant to it as an Austrian or Turkish one. It also demands direct warlike action in the Pan-Slavist sense. The quiet, slow, but extremely sure underground action of traditional Russian diplomacy puts its patience to a painful test. Such successes as were achieved at the Conference, however important they may be in themselves, count for nothing with the Russian Pan-Slavists. They hear nothing but the "cry of anguish" of their oppressed racial brethren; they feel nothing more keenly than the necessity of restoring the lost suzerainty of holy Russia by a great blow, a war of conquest. They know, moreover, that the presumed heir |Tsarevich Alexander, the later Alexander III| is one of their own. If we take all this into consideration, and also the great strategic railway lines to the south and south-west, which are now sufficiently far advanced to serve effectively for attacks against Austria or Turkey, or against both, is there not a strong incentive for the Russian government and for Emperor Alexander personally to employ the old Bonapartist device and to fend off internal difficulties by a foreign war, as long as the Prussian alliance still appears secure?

Under such circumstances, the new Russian loan of 12 million pounds sterling acquires a quite particular significance. It is true that a patriotic protest has been circulated at the stock exchange; however, it is reported

to have been and apparently to have remained without signatures, and we hear that the amount of the loan has been more than covered. For what purposes, among other things, these 12 millions are to be used, we are informed by the "Ostsee-Zeitung" in Stettin, a paper which not only has for many years had the very best information on Russian affairs, but has also been independent enough to publish it. The Franco-German war, says the St. Petersburg correspondent of this paper (under date of 4 March, new style), has convinced the Russian military authorities of the total ineffectiveness of the system of fortification as it has been followed hitherto in the construction of Russian fortresses; and the War Ministry has already laid down the plan for the necessary changes.

"It is reported that the new system, based on the introduction of detached forts, is to be applied for the first time to the more important frontier fortresses, the reconstruction of which is to be commenced immediately. The first fortresses to be provided with detached forts are Brest-Litovsk, Deblin and Modlin."

Now, Brest-Litovsk, Deblin (or Ivangorod) and Modlin (or Novo-Georgievsk, to give it its official Russian name) are precisely the three fortresses which, with Warsaw as the central point, command the greater part of the Kingdom of Poland; Warsaw is now receiving no detached forts, for the good reason that it has already possessed them for a number of years. Russia loses no time in fortifying its power in Poland and strengthening its basis of operations against Austria; the haste with which this is done is no good omen for European peace.

All this may for the present be regarded as a purely defensive measure. But the said correspondent further reports:

"The war preparations in Russia, which began on the outbreak of the Franco-German war, are being continued with undiminished zeal. The War Ministry recently ordered the formation of the fourth battalions. The implementation of this order has already begun in all regiments, including those in the Kingdom of Poland. The detachments for railway and telegraph service in the field, as well as the sanitary companies, have already been organised. The men are being zealously instructed and trained in their various duties, and the sanitary companies are even being instructed how to apply first dressings to the wounded, to stop bleeding and to revive persons in a swoon."

Now, in almost every large army on the Continent, the infantry regiments in their peace strength consist of three battalions, and the first

unmistakable step from peace to war strength is the formation of the fourth battalions. On the day when Louis Napoleon declared war, he also ordered the formation of the fourth battalions. In Prussia this is the first thing that happens after the mobilisation order is issued. It is exactly the same in Austria and likewise in Russia. Whatever one may think of the suddenly discovered necessity of detached forts for the Polish fortresses, or of the equally sudden empressement |eagerness| for the introduction of the Prussian Krankenträger |Krankenträger: in the "P.M.G." German| and railway and telegraph detachments into the Russian service (in a country where both railways and telegraphs are fairly rare), — here, in the formation of the fourth battalions, we have an unmistakable sign that Russia has already crossed the line between peace and war footing. No one will imagine that Russia has taken this step without a purpose; and if this step is to mean anything, it means an attack against someone or other. Perhaps this explains what the 12 million pounds sterling are needed for.

Yours etc.

E.