Johann Georg Eccarius
Record of Karl Marx's speech on the attitude
of the British government towards the Irish Question
at the meeting of the General Council,
November 16, 1869

Reynolds's Newspaper.
Nr. 1006, 21. November 1869

The British Government and the Irish
Political Prisoners.

… Dr. Marx opened a discussion "On the attitude of the British Government on
the Irish question". He said there were generally two sources from whence political amnesty proceeded. The first was when a Government had been attacked, and
been victorious, and felt itself strong enough, by force of arms and public opinion, so despise the enemy; or when the opponents accepted the conditions, as in
America. The amnesty was given. The second was when misgovernment was the
cause of the quarrel, and the opposition gained their point, as in the case of
Austria and Hungary; and such ought to have been the case in Ireland. Both Mr.
Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone had said the English Government ought to do for
Ireland what a revolution would effect. Mr. Bright had declared that if no radical
change was made, Ireland would always be rife for revolution. During the election Mr. Gladstone justified the Fenians, and declared that every other nation
would have revolted under similar circumstances. He had made a fiery declaration against the conquest policy, and plainly maintained that Ireland ought to be
ruled according to Irish ideas. To put an end to the policy of conquest, on
becoming minister, he ought to have begun, like America and Austria, by an
amnesty. He did nothing. Then the amnesty movement had been commenced by
the municipalities of Ireland. A petition had been got up with two hundred
thousand signatures for the release of the political prisoners. To anticipate the
deputation that had been appointed to present the petition, and to remove the
idea of giving way to Irish pressure, some had been released; Mr. Moore had
asked in the House for an inquiry into the treatment of the prisoners, which he
alleged was infamous. There was no country in Europe where political prisoners
were so badly treated as in England, and Mr. Bruce had been obliged to admit
the fact; but the Inquiry had been refused. The popular amnesty movement had
commenced in Limerick, where a meeting was held, at which 30,000 people were
present and a memorial adopted. Meetings have been held in all the towns in the

south, and in the north. After the great meeting in Dublin, on the 10" of October, 30

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Record of Marx's speech on the attitude of the British government

at which 200,000 people had been present, Mr. Gladstone answered the Limerick
memorial of August. In his answer he objected that offensive language had been
used, and that the meeting demanded as a right what could be an act of clemency.
A paid public servant presumed to teach a public meeting how to speak. The next
5 objection was. the prisoners had not abandoned their designs, which had been cut
short by their incarceration. How did Mr. Gladstone know what they would do if
released? Had he tortured them into a confession? He wanted them to renounce
their principles—to degrade them morally. Napoleon had not made the renunciation of Republican principles a condition of his amnesty; nor had the King of
10 Prussia required anything of the kind. All the Irish prisoners who had been
released had behaved well. The next objection was that the conspiracy still existed. Ifa conspiracy existed here Scotland-yard would soon lift it out; it was only
a disaffection, one of 700 years' standing, which Mr. Gladstone had repeatedly
justified. The Irish declared they would accept the unconditional release of the
15 prisoners as an act of conciliation. Did Mr. Gladstone believe he could quell
Fenianism in America by keeping the prisoners as hostages? He promoted it. The
American Irish called him the head centre. Then he complained of the press. Was
he going to make the prisoners responsible for the press, which he had not the
courage to prosecute? The Mr. Gladstone had answered "that revolt against the
20 public order was ever a crime in this country, and the Administration could have
no interest except the punishment of crime. An enlightened sovereign and parliament had done a great act of justice" Jefferson Davis's revolt had not been a
crime in Mr. Gladstone's opinion, because it was not against the English Government. The public order of this country was the oppression of Ireland, and the
25 Administration were the servants of the oppressors. With the Irish Church only
the badge of conquest had been removed, not the servitude. The Irish Church
had only been an election cry to oust the Tories, and give an excuse to Irish
place-hunters to sell themselves. The Government was resolved to give security to
life and property. It was the English landlords who endangered life and property.
30 The Irish were asked to put their trust in parliament—the same power that had
ruled them for 700 years; they were to have no opinion on their own affairs. It
was the greatest stupidity to think that the prisoners, if they had been released,
could be more dangerous than it is to insult a whole nation. ...

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