Manchester, 30 July 1869. Dear Mohr,

Old Becker must have gone quite mad. How can he decree that the trades union is to be the true workers’ association and the basis of all organisation, that the other associations are only to exist provisionally alongside it, etc. All this in a country where proper trades unions do not even exist yet. And what an intricate “organisation”. On the one hand, each trade centralises itself in a national head, on the other hand the various trades of each locality centralise themselves in turn into a local head. If one wants to make the eternal squabbling permanent, one must introduce this arrangement. But au fond it is nothing more than the old German lout who wants to save his “hostel” in every city, and takes this hostel for the unity of the workers’ organisation. If more proposals of this kind come to light, the time at the Eisenach Congress will be nicely debated away. The international plans have, of course, no other purpose than to secure the leadership for Becker as far as the German tongue is heard (he has already annexed Mulhouse in Alsace, see Vorbote, p. 109, under Basle). In fact, this fine organisation with Geneva as its head founders on the German laws, since B., as usual, made his calculations without the host. That he generalises the thing with the language central committees, i.e. wants to place the Geneva workers under Paris, the Antwerp workers under Amsterdam (unless Geneva is also to rule all France and Walloon Belgium, something which, in all probability, they have imagined in free Geneva as well), will probably only have the purpose of strengthening his claim to the regency over the German language. But it is very good that it is the Eisenach Congress and not the International Basle Congress that is to pass decisions on these matters. Incidentally, I am by no means claiming that I have correctly understood Becker’s plan; with his German and his logic which rule there, sense and understanding cease altogether. That fat Bakunin is behind it is quite clear. If that damned Russian really thinks of intriguing his way to the head of the labour movement, then it is time he was properly served out, and the question raised whether a Pan-Slavist can be a member of an International Working Men’s Association at all. One can very easily catch the fellow. He must not imagine he can play the cosmopolitan communist before the workers, and the fiercely national Pan-Slavist before the Russians. A few hints to Borkheim, who is just now putting him through the mill, would be quite in place; B. will surely understand the broad hint. You will have seen how the worthy Swiss also want to debate “direct legislation by the people” at the congress. That will be a pretty sight. It is really a disgrace that after nearly 40 years of political labour movement in England, the only workers’ paper in existence can be bought up by a bourgeois like S. Morley. But unfortunately, it seems to be a law of the proletarian movement that everywhere a part of the leaders of the workers necessarily go to the bad, although this occurs nowhere else in the generality with which Lassalle depicted it in Germany. Tussy is now reading Firdausi in the very good Schack edition; so far she likes it very well, but whether she will work her way through the enormous volume is another matter. By the end of next week I think I shall finally have done with the precious Gottfried, and shall then have about 14 days of freedom before me. If you want to make a travel plan, then make it and let me know; we can then meet somewhere in Germany, or in Holland if you wish, or leave London together. At the end of August I must meet my mother in Ostend, around the 20th or 25th. Tussy can probably stay here in the meantime and keep Lizzie company? What do you think? Your F. E. Money you’ll receive as soon as I am straight with G. Ermen, if possible earlier, i.e. if he forks out before. Send the enclosed to Tussy in a feigned hand; she will wonder where it comes from?