Provisional Rules of the International Working Men’s Association

Revised Translation from the English

Provisional Rules.

Considering:

That the emancipation of the working classes must be the work of the working classes themselves; that the efforts of the working classes to conquer their emancipation must not tend to constitute new privileges, but to establish for all equal rights and equal duties and to annihilate the domination of every class;

That the economic subjection of the worker to the holders of the means of labour, that is to say, of the sources of life, is the primary cause of his political, moral, and material servitude;

That the economic emancipation of the working classes is consequently the great end to which every political movement must be subordinated as a means;

That all efforts made hitherto have failed, for want of solidarity between the workers of the various trades in each country, and of a fraternal union between the workers of the different countries;

That the emancipation of labour, being neither a local nor a national, but a social problem, embraces all the countries in which modern life exists, and requires for its solution their theoretical and practical concurrence;

That the movement which is reappearing among the workers of the most industrial countries of Europe, while giving rise to new hopes, gives solemn warning not to fall back into the old errors and urges them to combine immediately their still isolated efforts;

For these reasons:

The undersigned, members of the Council elected by the Assembly held on 28 September 1864, at St. Martin’s Hall, London, have taken the necessary measures to found the International Working Men’s Association.

They declare that this International Association, as well as all societies or individuals adhering to it, will recognise as the basis of their conduct towards all men: Truth, Justice, Morality, without distinction of colour, creed, or nationality.

They consider it a duty to claim for all the rights of man and of citizen. No duties without rights.

It is in this spirit that they have drawn up the provisional rules of the International Association.

Art. 1. An association is established to provide a central point of communication and cooperation between the workers of the different countries aspiring to the same end, viz.: Mutual Assistance, Progress, and the complete Emancipation of the working class.

Art. 2. The name of this Association shall be: International Working Men’s Association.

Art. 3. In 1866 there shall take place the meeting of a general Congress. This Congress shall make known to Europe the common aspirations of the workers. Determine the definitive rules of the International Association. Examine the best means to ensure the success of its work and elect the Central Council of the Association. The Congress shall meet once a year.

Art. 4. The Central Council shall sit in London and shall consist of workers representing the different nations belonging to the International Association. It shall, from its own body, appoint according to the needs of the Association, the officers of the bureau, such as President, General Secretary, Treasurer, and Corresponding Secretaries for the different countries.

Art. 5. At each annual Congress, the General Council shall make a public report of the year’s work. In case of urgency, it may convene the Congress before the fixed date.

Art. 6. The General Council shall establish relations with the different workers’ associations, so that the workers of each country be constantly informed of the movements of their class in the other countries; That an inquiry into the social state be made simultaneously and in a common spirit; — That the questions proposed by a Society, and the discussion of which is of general interest, be examined by all, and that when a practical idea or an international difficulty requires the action of the Association, the latter may act in a uniform manner. Whenever it shall seem necessary to it, the Central Council shall take the initiative of proposals to be submitted to the local or national Societies.

Art. 7. Since the success of the working-class movement can only be assured in each country by the strength resulting from union and association; — on the other hand, the usefulness of the Central Council depends on its relations with the workers’ societies, whether national or local, the members of the International Association shall use all their efforts, each in his own country, to unite the various existing workers’ societies into a national association, as well as to create a special organ.

It is understood, however, that the application of this article will depend upon the particular laws of each country, and that, apart from these legal obstacles, each independent local Society shall have the right to correspond directly with the Central Council in London.

Art. 8. Until the first meeting of the working-class Congress, the Council elected in September shall act as provisional Central Council. It shall endeavour to put into communication the workers’ societies of all countries. It shall group together the members of the United Kingdom. It shall take the provisional measures for the convocation of the general Congress, and it shall discuss with the local or national societies the questions that are to be laid before the Congress.

Art. 9. Each member of the International Association, on changing country, shall receive the fraternal support of the members of the Association.

Art. 10. Although united by a fraternal bond of solidarity and cooperation, the workers’ societies shall none the less continue to exist on the bases that are particular to them.

FOR THE GENERAL COUNCIL OF THE INTERNATIONAL WORKING MEN’S ASSOCIATION.

The President, The General Secretary, The Treasurer,
Odger. Cremer. Wheeler.

La Rive Gauche. Brussels. No. 24, 17 June 1866.
Masthead and page 2 with the beginning of the article
“Aperçu sur la marche de l’Association Internationale
des Travailleurs” by Hermann Jung and Paul Lafargue

Hermann Jung/Paul Lafargue
A Sketch of the Progress of the International Working Men’s Association

La Rive Gauche.
No. 24, 17 June 1866

A Sketch of the Progress of the International Working Men’s Association.

The founding assembly of the International Working Men’s Association was held on 28 September 1864, in London, at St. Martin’s Hall. This assembly was composed of representatives of the main European nations (Germany, Poland, Switzerland, France, Belgium, Italy). A central committee was provisionally elected, charged with drafting the manifesto, drawing up the rules, and forming groups throughout Europe.

We wish today, before the congress, to bring to the knowledge of all members of the Association and of all those who have not yet joined it, a sketch of the progress achieved.

England.

A great number of English workers’ societies* have adhered to the principles, and have joined the International Association (society of bricklayers, shoemakers, cabinet-makers, tailors, etc.…).

At this moment, the societies of carpenters, coopers, joiners, etc., are ready to join.

The reform movement absorbed for a moment the whole attention of the working class and the whole activity of the central council. But for some time deputations, emanating from the central council, have been sent to all the workers’ societies to make known the principles to them, and to invite them to join. These deputations are everywhere warmly received.

In London, the central council has founded a newspaper, The Commonwealth, which has become its official organ.

*The reader must not forget that the English working class is partly organised. In fact, the societies (Trade Unions) include all the members of a single industry. Some of these societies are composed of a considerable number of men; that of the shoemakers numbers about 5,000 members.

A German branch and a French branch of the International Association have been formed.

But its greatest claim to public attention is to have reawakened and maintained in the English working class the consciousness of its political strength, a feeling it had lost since the reaction of ’48, as the manifesto states. The impetus it has given in this direction has been so considerable that the shoemakers’ society has struck out from its statutes the article which forbade them to occupy themselves with politics; the masons’ society is in the process of doing the same.

It is the International Association that made the workers persevere in their anti-slavery policy, during the American war. It was one of the first to address a letter of congratulation to Lincoln, on account of his re-election. Lincoln replied and strongly urged the members to continue their movement of union and concord. — The Association took the initiative of the movement of the Reform League. After the first reform meeting, an organising and agitating committee was appointed, consisting of 27 members, of whom 24 belonged to the central council, and it was they who demanded universal suffrage. While the whole English press applauded and approved the conduct of the government against the Fenians, The Commonwealth alone dared to raise its voice and defend them. The central council even sent a petition to the Secretary of State to obtain an interview with the minister, with the aim of asking for a mitigation in the fate of the prisoners. The interview was refused.

The International Association has recently achieved a success which has modified the opinion of the press towards it. The journeymen tailors had been locked out by their masters*, who immediately sent agents to the continent to recruit workers. The central council warned its correspondents, who, through communications, whether verbal or through the press, foiled the plans of the masters. However, a certain number of German workers, coming from towns where the International Association had no members, arrived in Edinburgh. Two of their compatriots were sent to them from London, and on their return they made a report to the central council and announced their departure, which indeed took place a few days later*.

Switzerland.

Hermann Jung/Paul Lafargue

Overview of the Progress of the International Working Men’s Association

It was above all in Switzerland that the International Association was able to spread most rapidly and achieve positive results. It founded groups in almost all Swiss towns: Geneva, Lausanne, Vevey, Montreux, La Chaux-de-Fonds, St-Imier, Sonvilliers, Porrentruy, Bienne, Basle, Zurich, Aubonne, Wetzikon, etc.

In England both employers and workers are going on strike. They close their workshops and throw their wretched employees onto the street. This is what is happening at present in Sheffield; the file-makers are out of work, and all the other societies have come to their aid.

At the request of its president Odger, the Central Council is to discuss the question of the war and will convene a great workers’ meeting to sound out popular opinion.

The International Association owns three newspapers, two published in French, *La Voix de l’Avenir*, *Le Journal de l’Association internationale*, and one in German, *Der Vorbote* (Precursor). All the Swiss newspapers have placed their advertising at the service of the Association.

In Lausanne, the members of the Association undertook last winter some works for the state, to the amount of about 24,000 francs, with the aim of providing work for the workers during the bad season. The site, specially directed by workers, without the intervention of any employer, was a source of astonishment to visitors and to the municipal authorities. They have founded a bank called the Caisse du crédit mutuel, whose capital of 20,000 francs is divided into shares of 5 francs. – A workers’ circle has been set up.

In La Chaux-de-Fonds, a cooperative bakery has been established, and a cooperative butcher’s shop has been announced. Scarcely had the bakery been opened than the bakers reduced the price of bread to 0.16 centimes per pound. The planned cooperative butcher’s shop has not been without effect on the price of meat; the butchers have already reduced it by 0.09 centimes.

In Geneva, a consumers’ society is in the process of being organised. In Lausanne, it has been decided to create funds for the construction of workers’ houses, similar to the Familistère at Guise, near Paris.

Germany.

In Germany, as in France, the International Association has not been able to expand greatly, thanks to the lack of liberty! It has, however, been able to form groups in Leipzig, Magdeburg, Hanover, Mainz, Berlin, Peterswaldau, Solingen, Langenbielau, Pinneberg, Wüste-Giersdorf, Emsdorf, etc.

Since the approach of the war, more liberty having been granted, the Association is in the process of prospering. All the principal leaders of the German workers’ movement [in Saxony] have adhered to its principles and are actively engaged in propagating them.

France.

The International Association has groups in various towns: Paris, Lyon, Bordeaux, Caen, Neufchâteau, Argentan, Rennes, Rouen, Granville, etc., etc.

Although it is little developed, it rendered a service to the working class in Lyon; the tulle workers were on strike and were about to give in, because their employers threatened to send for English workers, who, according to them, were paid more cheaply. The workers made inquiries, and the Central Council replied that the very opposite was the case; they persevered and obtained their demand.

Belgium.

Several groups have been set up in Brussels, Antwerp, Liège, Verviers, Ghent, Namur, Patignies, etc. The society Le Peuple has federated with the International Association, and its organ *La Tribune du Peuple* now belongs to the Association.

It is the Association which, in the Belgian reform movement, has exerted the greatest influence and, through its numerous meetings, has clearly placed the reform question on the terrain of universal suffrage.

Italy.

Until now, Italy, preoccupied with questions of unity, has not been able to give much thought to social questions. Nevertheless, the central committee of all the Italian workers’ societies has adhered to the principles and is undertaking to develop the idea of the International Association. Groups already exist in Genoa, Milan, etc.

America.

The Association is in communication with New York and various towns in Massachusetts.

Paul Lafargue

Paul Lafargue
The Social Struggle
(Extract)
*La Rive Gauche.*
No. 28, 15 July 1866

The Social Struggle.

The field is overrun by brambles, nettles and other noxious plants. When sowing time comes, the peasant does not set about pulling them out one by one or cutting them down to the ground. – No. – He takes his plough, sinks it in deeply and turns the field upside down. The brambles and nettles, deprived of air and sun, rot and enrich the soil.

In our society we find a host of harmful, parasitic products: the judiciary, the clergy, the army, the bureaucracy, the state, etc., etc. ... And you would have us come to terms with each of these institutions individually. – No. – The time has come to go to the bottom and the very bottom of the question; to attack bourgeois property head on, energetically. It is the basis of the entire system; the cause of all evils.

I
Theoretical Movement.

The economic question dominates everything; its solution inevitably brings with it the solution of all other questions.

Antinomy exists in the social world. The classes are in perpetual antagonism, the bourgeoisie against the nobility, the proletariat against the bourgeoisie.

Let us listen to the eminent German socialist Karl Marx expounding the theory of this antagonism:

“Feudalism also had its proletariat – serfdom, which contained all the germs of the bourgeoisie. Feudal production, too, had two antagonistic elements which are likewise designated by the names of the good side and the bad side of feudalism, irrespective of the fact that it is always the bad side that in the end triumphs over the good side. It is the bad side that produces the movement which makes history, by providing a struggle. If, during the epoch of the domination of feudalism, the economists, enthusiastic over the knightly virtues, the good harmony between rights and duties, the patriarchal life of the towns, the flourishing condition of domestic industry in the countryside, the development of industry organised into corporations, guilds and fraternities, in a word, over everything which constitutes the good side of feudalism, had set themselves the problem of eliminating everything that casts a shadow on the picture – serfdom, privileges, anarchy – what would have happened? All the elements which constitute struggle would have been destroyed, and the development of the bourgeoisie stifled in the germ. They would have set themselves the absurd problem of eliminating history.

When the bourgeoisie had triumphed, there was no longer any question of the good side or the bad side of feudalism. The productive forces which had been developed by it under feudalism were taken over by it. All the old economic forms, the civil relations corresponding to them, the political state which was the official expression of the old civil society, were shattered.

Thus, to judge feudal production properly, it must be considered as a mode of production founded on antagonism. It must be shown how wealth was produced within this antagonism, how the productive forces were developed at the same time as the class antagonisms, how one of the two classes, the bad side, the negative side of society, was constantly growing, until the material conditions for its emancipation were fully ripe. Does not this show clearly enough that the mode of production, the relations in which productive forces develop, are anything but eternal laws, but rather correspond to a definite development of men and of their productive forces, and that a change in men’s productive forces necessarily brings about a change in the relations of production? As the main thing, above all is not to be deprived of the fruits of civilisation, of the acquired productive forces, the traditional forms in which they were produced must be shattered. From that moment, the revolutionary class becomes conservative.

The bourgeoisie begins with a proletariat which is itself a relic of the proletariat of feudal times. In the course of its historical development, its antagonistic character is at first more or less disguised, and exists only in a latent state. As the bourgeoisie develops, there develops in its bosom a new proletariat, a modern proletariat; a struggle develops between the proletarian class and the bourgeois class, a struggle which, before it is felt, perceived, appreciated, understood, avowed, and loudly proclaimed by the two sides, manifests itself only in partial and momentary conflicts, in subversive acts. On the other hand, although all the members of the modern bourgeoisie have the same interest inasmuch as they form a class as against another class, they have opposite, antagonistic interests inasmuch as they stand face to face with one another. This opposition of interests arises from the economic conditions of their bourgeois life. Thus it becomes clearer every day that the relations of production in which the bourgeoisie moves do not have a simple, uniform character, but a dual character; that in the same relations in which wealth is produced, poverty is produced also; that in the same relations in which there is a development of productive forces, there is a force productive of repression; that these relations produce bourgeois wealth, i.e., the wealth of the bourgeois class, only by continually annihilating the wealth of the individual members of this class and by producing an ever-growing proletariat.

So long as the proletariat is not yet sufficiently developed to constitute itself as a class, and consequently its struggle with the bourgeoisie has not yet assumed a political character, and the productive forces are not yet sufficiently developed in the bosom of the bourgeoisie itself so as to allow us to have a glimpse of the material conditions necessary for the emancipation of the proletariat and for the formation of a new society, the theorists of the proletariat (the socialists and communists) are merely utopians who, to meet the wants of the oppressed classes, improvise systems. But as history advances and with it the struggle of the proletariat assumes clearer outlines, they no longer need to seek science in their minds; they have only to take note of what is happening before their eyes and to make themselves its organ. So long as they seek science and merely make systems, so long as they are at the beginning of the struggle, they see in poverty nothing but poverty, without seeing in it the revolutionary, subversive side which will overthrow the old society. From that moment, science, which is produced by the historical movement and associating itself consciously with it, has ceased to be doctrinaire and has become revolutionary.”

Class struggle is therefore one of the conditions of the historical movement.

Despite its length, we have thought it well to cite this powerful critique by Dr. Karl Marx. Our readers, we are convinced, will be grateful to us for it, for it is extracted from a pamphlet, *La Misère de la Philosophie, réponse à la Philosophie de la Misère de P.-J. Proudhon*, which has become very rare in bookshops. It was published in French, in Paris.