THE PEACE 

It seems from the intelligence received by the Europa, that the 
_ Italian Confederation announced by Napoleon III as one of the 
bases of his Peace with Francis Joseph, is a thing of most vague 
and precarious proportions. So far, it is simply a notion to which 
Austria has consented, but which has still to be submitted to the 
Italian Governments. It does not appear that even Sardinia, whose 
King, by the way, was apparently not consulted in the conclusion 
of the Peace, has agreed to join it, though he must of course do as 
he is told; while there is a rumor that the Pope, the proposed 
honorary head of the Federation, has written to Louis Napoleon 
that he shall seek the protection of the Catholic Powers—rather a 
doubtful refuge just at this moment, when it is against France that 
he wants to be protected.* As for the lately banished Monarchs of 
Tuscany, Modena, and Parma, it appears that they are to be 
restored to their thrones; and, under such circumstances, they will 
no doubt be ready to join any Confederation that may be dictated 
to them. But of the King of Naples,” now the only independent 
sovereign in Italy, we hear nothing whatever; and it is not 
impossible that he may refuse outright. Thus, it is yet a question 
whether there will be any Federation at all, and still more a 
question what will be its nature, should it succeed in getting itself 
formed. 

An important fact, now first made certain, is that Austria retains 

all four of the great fortresses,* the Mincio being made the 
western boundary of her territories. Thus she still holds the keys 
of Northern Italy, and can take advantage of any favorable 
emergency to regain what she has now had to abandon. This fact 
alone shows how utterly unfounded is Napoleon’s pretense that he 
has virtually accomplished his purpose of driving Austria out of 
Italy. Indeed, it is not too much to say that if he has beaten 
Austria in the war, she has decidedly beaten him in concluding the 
peace. She has resigned simply what had been conquered from 
her, nothing more. France, at an expense of some hundred 
millions of dollars and the lives of some fifty thousand of her sons, 
has gained the control of Sardinia, much glory for her soldiers, 
and the renown of a very lucky and moderately successful General 
for her Emperor. For him it is much; for France, which has borne 
all the expense and suffered all the losses, it is little; and it is not 
surprising that there should be discontent in Paris. 

The reason alleged by Napoleon for thus suddenly concluding 
the war is that it was assuming proportions incompatible with the 
interests of France. In other words, it was tending to become a 
revolutionary war, with an insurrection at Rome, and a rising in 
Hungary among its features. It is a curious fact that, just before 
the battle of Solferino, this same Napoleon actually urged Kossuth, 
who, at his invitation, had come to see him in the camp, to 
undertake a revolutionary diversion in favor of the Allies. Before 
that battle, then, he did not dread the dangers that terrified him 
immediately afterward. That circumstances alter cases is not a 
novel observation; but it is applicable in the present instance. 
However, it is needless to multiply evidence to prove that this man 
is as purely selfish as he is unscrupulous; and that, after having 
shed the blood of fifty thousand men to gratify his personal | 
ambition, he is ready to forswear and abandon even the hypocrisy 
of every principle in the name of which he led them to the 
slaughter. 

One of the first results of the present settlement, is the downfall 
of the Cavour ministry, which has had to quit office in Sardinia. 
Though one of the cleverest men in Italy, and not at all concerned 
in making the peace, Count Cavour could not stand before the 
public indignation and disappointment. It will probably be long 
before he rises to power again. And it will be long before Louis 
Napoleon can again delude even the sentimentalists and en- 
thusiasts into regarding him as a champion of Freedom. The 

Italians will now hate him worse than all other representatives of 
tyranny and of treachery; and we need not be surprised if the 
knives of Italian assassins should again seek the life of the man, 
who, promising and pretending to be the conqueror of Italian 
independence, has left Austria seated almost as firmly as ever on 
the neck of Italy.