London, Tuesday, Aug. 15, 1854 

It is stated in the Cologne Gazette* that 

“after many years negotiations the American Government has declared its 
refusal to renew the existing treaty with Denmark, unless article V. be replaced by 
a stipulation according free passage through the Sound to all American vessels. At 
the same time the United States Government has declined to offer any 
compensation. Denmark, menaced by these American measures, has appealed to 
the other powers, and the Prussian Government is said to be willing to send 20,000 
men for the protection of the Sound.” 

Since the Sound duties weigh on no one more oppressively than 
on Prussia herself, the measure attributed to her would marvel- 
lously suit the genius of Prussian policy. Altogether— se non é vero, 
é ben trovato. 

The Frankfort Diet has published the new law on the press and 
association which has occupied its deliberations for a long time. 
The law affecting public associations simply prohibits every sort of 
political meetings or reunions, and the law on the press imposes 
heavy sums of cautionnement, makes the issue of all publications 
dependent on Government permission, and withdraws offenses of 
the press from the jurisdiction of the jury trial. 

The long-pending affair of the Berlin revolutionist conspiracy?” 
has been abandoned by the Prussian Government, the chief 
witness against the accused parties, Mr. Hentze, being declared 
“suspect” by the public prosecutor. This Hentze is the same 

person on whose evidence, at the Cologne trial, a number of my 
friends were condemned to imprisonment in 1852.2 But we are 
no longer in 1852, and the Prussian Government perhaps did not 
like to run the risk of seeing all its police agents branded a second 
time, reviving the souvenirs of Cologne in the very Capital, and at a 
time when the terreur of counter-revolution no longer imposes on 
the people. 

On the Ist of August the Servian Government sent a courier to 
Brestovac, where Prince Alexander is using the waters, with the 
answer proposed to be made to the injunctions of the Sublime 
Porte.* The answer was signed by the Prince and immediately 
forwarded to Constantinople. It alleges the impossibility of a 
disarmament, on account of the many dangers that would 
surround it, but states that in deference to the wishes of Austria 
and the orders of the Porte the military exercises had been 
suspended. Izzet Pasha, the Governor of Belgrade, has been 
recalled, at his own request. His successor is not yet known. 

Ten thousand Turks are said to occupy Bucharest; but at. the 
same time we read in today’s Moniteur that Austria is only waiting 
for the reply of Omer Pasha to the last communication of Colonel 
Kalik, in order to command the entrance of an Austrian corps into 
the Principalities.» When Count Buol received the notification 
from Prince Gorchakoff, announcing the departure of the 
Russians from the Principalities, he answered that 

“the Austrian troops would occupy the Principalities, but that such occupation 
had nothing hostile to Russia.” © 

By the prorogation of Parliament in 1854 the Eastern Question 
is brought back to the stage it occupied at the prorogation of 
Parliament in 1853. The Vienna Conference*” is once more to set 
to work, to paralyze active operations, to bewilder public opinion, 
and to offer a new occasion to Sir James Graham, at the 
reopening of Parliament, to say that a noble mind is slow to 
suspect.’ It is worthy of observation that the dodge originates this 
time not with Austria, but with England itself, as you will see from 

The Times Vienna correspondence: 

“3 Report from Vienna of August 10, 1854. Le Moniteur universel, No. 226, 
August 14, 1854.— Ed. 
de Francfort in Le Moniteur universel, No. 227, August 15, 1854.— Ed. 

“The English and French Ministers have informed Count Buol that they have 
been instructed by their Governments to propose that the Vienna Conference should 
meet. The reply is said to have been that nothing could be more agreeable to the 
Imperial Court.” * 

The basis of the new deliberations of the Conference is a sort of 
revived Vienna note, furnished by the answer of M.Drouyn de 
Lhuys to the last communication of M. de Nesselrode, the cardinal 
points of which differ very little from what I expected they would 
be after the analysis I gave you in my last letter” of the terms 
named by The Times. There is not a word about an indemnity to 
the Turks, nor even to the allies. The usurped Russian protector- 
ate over Moldavia, Wallachia and Servia, is to be transformed into 
European usurpation; the same is to be done with the “protector- 
ate” over the Christians in Turkey; the fruits of the Turkish 
victories to be restricted to free navigation of the Danube for 
Austria, and a change of the treaty of 1841°” in favor, not of the 
Porte, but of the Powers. 

The speech of Lord Clarendon on Thursday, the main points of 
which I have already reported, contained a most important 
revelation on the policy observed by the English Ministry in the 
Oriental question. He stated in plain words: 

“I beg you to remember, that it was on the 29th of March that war was declared 
—a little more than four months ago—and it was then universally believed —and, 
when I say universally believed I do not speak of her Majesty’s Government, but of 
the most able and experienced officers both of England and France—that at that 
time Russia meditated a war of further aggression. Nobody believed that, with the 
great forces she had concentrated on the north of the Danube, with all the efforts 
she had made, and with all the vast supplies she had accumulated, she did not 
intend—on the contrary that she did intend—a march southward. Although we 
did not doubt the known bravery of the Turks, we could not bring ourselves to 
believe that they would be able to resist the well-disciplined and numerically 
superior Russian troops, under the most experienced generals, while the only 
Turkish general whom we know even by name was Omer Pasha, who had not then 
had the opportunity, which he has since so nobly profited by, to establish for 
himself a lasting fame and renown. So much were the French Government and we 
convinced of this that Sir J. Burgoyne and an experienced French officer of 
engineers. were sent to Constantinople in order to devise means of defending that 
capital and the strait of the Dardanelles, and so much importance was attached to 
their mission, and so entirely was the whole plan of the campaign supposed to be 
connected with it, that the departure of Lord Raglan and Marshal St. Arnaud was 
delayed, in order that they might have personal communications with the officers 
sent out on that service. The united armies of the Allies then went to Gallipoli 

where great works were thrown up. They went to Constantinople, always having 
the necessity of defending the Dardanelles in view.” * 

The whole plan, then, of the Allied Powers, was that Russia 
should advance into and occupy the provinces, and the allied forces 
the capital of the Ottoman Empire and the Dardanelles. Hence the 
delays and all the misunderstood movements of the Anglo-French 
forces. The bravery of the Turkish troops which baffled this 
Russo-Anglo-French trick was, of course, “unexpected.” 

Some months before the outbreak of the present Spanish 
revolution, I told your readers that Russian influences were at 
work in bringing about a Peninsular commotion.” For that Russia 
wanted no direct agents. There was The Times, the advocate and 
friend of King Bomba,° of the “young hope” of Austria,* of 
Nicholas, of George IV, suddenly turned indignant at the gross 
immoralities of Queen Isabella and the Spanish Court. There 
were, besides, the diplomatic agents of the English Ministry, whom 
the Russian Minister Palmerston had no difficulty in bamboozling 
with visions of a Peninsular Coburg kingdom.?” It is now 
ascertained that it was the British Embassador who concealed 
O’Donnell at his palace, and induced the banker Collado, the 
present Minister of Finance, to advance the money required by 
O’Donnell and Dulce, to start their pronunciamento. Should 
anybody doubt that Russia really had a hand in Peninsular affairs, 
let me remind him of the affair of the Isla de Leon. Considerable 
bodies of troops were assembled at Cadiz, in 1820, destined for 
the South American colonies. All at once the army stationed on 
the Isle declared for the Constitution of 1812, and its example was 
followed by troops elsewhere. Now, we know from Chateaubriand, 
the French Embassador at the Congress of Verona,’” that Russia 
stimulated Spain to undertake the expedition into South America, 
and forced France to undertake the expedition into Spain. We 
know, on the other hand, from the message of the United States 
President,’ that Russia promised him to prevent the expedition 
against South America." It requires, then, but little judgment to 

* Lord Clarendon’s speech in the House of Lords on August 10, 1854. The 
Times, No. 21817, August 11, 1854.—EFd. 

infer as to the authorship of the insurrection of the Isla de Leon. 
But I will give you another instance of the tender interest taken by 
Russia in the commotions of the Spanish Peninsula. In his Historia 
politica de la Espanta moderna, Barcelona, 1849, Senor de Marliani, 
in order to prove that Russia had no reason to oppose the 
constitutional movement of Spain, makes the following statement: 

“There were seen on the Neva Spanish soldiers swearing to the Constitution (of 
1812) and receiving their banners from imperial hands. In his extraordinary 
expedition against Russia Napoleon formed from the Spanish prisoners in France a 
special legion, who, after the defeat of the French forces, deserted to the Russian 
camp. Alexander received them with marked condescension, and quartered them 
at Peterhoff, where the Empress” frequently went to visit them. On a given day 
Alexander ordered them to assemble on the frozen Neva, and made them take the 
oath for the Spanish Constitution, presenting them at the same time with banners 
embroidered by the Empress herself. This corps, thenceforth named ‘Imperial 
Alexander,’ embarked at Kronstadt, and was landed at Cadiz. It proved true to the 
oath taken on the Neva, by rising, in 1821, at Ocaha for the reestablishment of the 
Constitution.” 

While Russia is now intriguing in the Peninsula through the 
hands of England, it, at the same time, denounces England to 
France. Thus we read in the New-Prussian Gazette” that England 
has made the Spanish revolution behind the back of France. 

What interest has Russia in fomenting commotions in Spain? To 
create a diversion in the West, to provoke dissensions between 
France and England, and lastly to seduce France into an 
intervention. Already we are told by the Anglo-Russian papers 
that French insurrectionists of June’? constructed the barricades 
at Madrid. The same was said to Charles X at the Congress of 
Verona. 

“The precedent set by the Spanish army had been followed by Portugal, spread 
to Naples, extended to Piedmont, and exhibited everywhere the dangerous 
example of armies meddling in measures of reform, and by force of arms dictating 
laws to their country. Immediately after the insurrection had taken place in 
Piedmont, movements had occurred in France, at Lyons and in other places, 
directed to the same end. There was Berton’s conspiracy at Rochelle in which 25 
soldiers of the 45th regiment had taken part. Revolutionary Spain retransfused its 
hideous elements of discord into France, and both leagued their democratic 
factions against the monarchical system.” © 

Do we say that the Spanish revolution has been made by the 
Anglo-Russians? By no means. Russia only supports factious 

movements at moments when it knows revolutionary crises to be at 
hand. The real popular movement, however, which then begins, is 
always found to be as much opposed to the intrigues of Russia as 
to the oppressive agency of the Government. Such was the fact in 
Wallachia in 1848—such is the fact in Spain in 1854. 

The perfidious conduct of England is exhibited at full length by 
the conduct of its Embassador at Madrid, Lord Howden. Before 
setting out from England to return to his post, he assembled the 
Spanish bondholders, calling upon them to press the payment of 
their claims on the Government, and in case of refusal, to declare 
that they would refuse all credit to Spanish merchants. Thus he 
prepared difficulties for the new Government. As soon as he 
arrived at Madrid, he subscribed for the victims fallen at the 
barricades. Thus he provokes ovations from the Spanish people. 

The Times charges Mr. Soulé with having produced the Madrid 
insurrection in the interest of the present American Administra- 
tion.* At all events, Mr. Soulé has not written The Times’s articles 
against Isabella II, nor has the party inclined to Cuban annexation 
gained any benefit from the revolution. With regard to this 
question, the nomination of General de la Concha as Captain- 
General] of the Island of Cuba is characteristic, he having been one 
of the seconds of the Duke of Alba in his duel with the son of Mr. 
Soulé. It would be a mistake to suppose that the Spanish Liberals 
in any way partake in the views of the English Liberal, Mr. 
Cobden, in reference to the abandonment of the colonies.” One 
great object of the Constitution of 1812 was to retain the empire 
over the Spanish colonies by the introduction of a united system of 
representation into the new code.”' In 1811 the Spaniards even 
equipped a large armament, consisting of several regiments from 
Galicia, the only province in Spain then not occupied by the 
French, in order to combine coercion with their South American 
policy. It was almost the chief principle of that Constitution not to 
abandon any of the colonies belonging to Spain, and the 
revolutionists of today share the same opinion. 

No revolution has ever exhibited a more scandalous spectacle in 
the conduct of its public men than this undertaken in the interest 
of “morality.” The coalition of the old parties forming the present 
Government of Spain (the partisans of Espartero and the partisans 
of Narvaez) has been occupied with nothing so much as ‘the 
division of the spoils of office, of places, of salaries, of titles, and 
of decorations. Dulce and Echague have arrived at Madrid, and 

* The Times, No. 21820, August 15, 1854, leader.— Ed. 

Serrano has solicited permission to come, in order to secure their 
shares in the plunder. There is a great quarrel between 
Moderados and Progresistas, the former being charged with 
having named all the generals, the latter with having appointed all 
the political chiefs. To appease the jealousies of the “rabble,” 
Pucheta the toreador has been promoted from a director of the 
slaughter-houses to a director of police. Even the Clamor Publico, a 
very moderate paper, gives vent to feelings of disappointment. 

“The conduct of the generals and chiefs would have been more dignified if 
they had resigned promotion, giving a noble example of disinterestedness, and 
conforming themselves to the principles of morality proclaimed by the revolu- 
tion.” * 

The shamelessness of the distribution of the spoils is marked by 
the division of the Embassadors’ places. I do not speak of the 
appointment of Senor Olozaga for Paris, although being the 
Embassador of Espartero at the same Court in 1843, he conspired 
with Louis Philippe, Cristina and Narvaez; nor of the appointment 
for Vienna of Alejandro Mon, the Finance Minister of Narvaez in 
1844; nor of that of Rios y Rosas for Lisbon, and Pastor Diaz for 
Turin, both Moderados of very indifferent capacity. I speak of the 
nomination of Gonzalez Bravo for the Embassy of Constantinople. 
He is the incarnation of Spanish corruption. In 1839 he published 
El Guirigay (The Slang), a sort of Madrid Punch, in which he made 
the most furious attacks against Cristina. Three years afterward 
his rage for office transformed him into a boisterous Moderado. 
Narvaez, who wanted a pliant tool, used him as Prime Minister of 
Spain, and then kicked him away as soon as he could dispense 
with him. Bravo, in the interval, appointed as his Minister of 
Finance one Carrasco, who plundered the Spanish treasury 
directly. He made his father Under-Secretary of the Treasury, a 
man who had been expelled from his place as a subaltern in the 
Exchequer because of his malversation; and he transformed his 
brother-in-law, a hanger-on at the Principe Theater, into a 
state-groom to the Queen. When reproached with his apostasy and 
corruption, he answered: “Is it not ridiculous to be always the 
same?” This man is the chosen Embassador of the revolution of 
morality. 

It is somewhat refreshing to hear, in contrast with the official 
infamies branding the Spanish movement, that the people have 
forced these fellows at least to place Cristina at the disposal of the 

belge, No. 221, August 9, 1854.— Ed. 

Cortes, and to consent to the convocation of a National 
Constituent Assembly, without a Senate, and consequently neither 
on the election law of 1837 nor that of 1845.7? The Government 
has not yet dared to prescribe an election law of their own, while 
the people are unanimously in favor of universal suffrage. At 
Madrid the elections for the National Guard have returned 
nothing but Exaltados.** 

In the provinces a wholesome anarchy prevails, juntas | being 
constituted, and in action everywhere, and every junta issuing 
decrees in the interest of its locality—one abolishing the monopoly 
of tobacco, another the duty on salt. Contrabandists are operating 
on an enormous scale, and with the more efficiency, as they are 
the only force never disorganized in Spain. At Barcelona the 
soldiers are in. collision, now among each other, and now with the 
workmen. This anarchical state of the provinces is of great 
advantage to the cause of the revolution, as it prevents its being 
confiscated at the capital. 

The Madrid press is at this moment composed of the following 
papers: Espana, Novedades, Nacion, Epoca, Clamor Publico, Diario 
Espanol, Tribuno, Esperanza, Iberia, Catolico, Miliciano, Independen- 
cia, Guarda Nacional, Esparterista, Union, Europa, Espectador, Liberal, 
Eco de la Revolucion. The Heraldo, Boletin del Pueblo, and the 
Mensajero, have ceased to exist.