Sir Charley* has quietly returned from Kronstadt, with no other 
killed or wounded than some of his gallant tars carried off by the 
cholera. To keep the public in good humor, the same farce is now 
to be repeated before Sevastopol, fifty sail of the combined fleets 
having been seen at Odessa, “making direct” for that place. 

The embarkation of the French troops from Calais, fixed for 
this day,” has been adjourned until the 20th inst., in order, it is 
said, to await the development of events in Spain. 

General Budberg has forced upon the inhabitants of the 
Principalities an address expressing their thanks to the Emperor 
Nicholas, for the occupation of their country, and for its defense 
against the “cruel and barbarous Turk.” * The Euphrates, which 
left Constantinople on the 5th and arrived at Marseilles on the 
13th inst., brings the important news that the Dobrodja has not at 
all been evacuated by the Russians, and that the “illustrious” 
Reshid (wretched) Pasha has resumed the office of Foreign 
Minister. 

It is stated from Cracow, July 8, that Prince Paskievich has 
arrived at Castle Homel, on his estates in Lithuania, and that he is 
not to take any more part in the present campaign. It is added 
that not only himself, but also his plan of campaign, has been 
given up, and this is the more probable as the Russian troops 
already in retreat to Moldavia have been ordered forward again by 

Prince Gorchakoff, who is said to be collecting a strong force in 
front of Bucharest.* The present position of the Russian troops is, 
therefore, as follows: their right wing on the Upper Jalomnitza, 
leaning with its extreme on the Transylvanian Alps, where they 
occupy the Temesher Pass with twenty-four pieces of heavy 
artillery; their center extending from Fokshani to Bucharest; their 
left, under Ltiders, at Brailow; and their extreme left, under 
Oushakoff, in the Dobrodja. 

The latest news from the theater of war states that the Turks 
have crossed the Danube in force (40,000, including 12,000 allies), 
and that they have occupied Giurgevo. French journals report that 
the Russian establishment at the Sulina mouth has been bom- 
barded and destroyed by the steamers detached from the 
combined fleet; but this news is probably to be classed with the 
hoax about the second bombardment and destruction of Bomar- 
sund in the Baltic. The operations of Marshal St. Arnaud in the 
East seem to have inspired the Tuileries with some dread, lest they 
might be on too grand a scale. At least, it is said that the French 
Government has dispatched a special superintendent—of course, a 
financial one—to control his excess of zeal (son exces de zéle). 

In Italy, a strange excitement has taken hold both of the Go- 
vernments and the people. Gen. La Marmora, the Piedmontese 
Minister of War, has ordered the formation of military camps in 
Savoy, at St. Maurice, at Alessandria, and even in the Island of 
Sardinia. A great number of soldiers on unlimited leave have been 
recalled under arms. Simultaneously the fortresses of Alessandria 
and Casale are being provisioned. Marshal Radetzky, on the other 
hand, has likewise ordered the formation of a camp between 
Verona and Volta, where more than 20,000 troops are daily 
exercised in the operations of war on a small scale (petite guerre). 
Troubles occasioned by the dearness of provisions have taken 
place at Codogno, Casalpusterlengo, and in some Lombardian 
towns. About two hundred persons have been arrested and 
conveyed to Mantua. According to letters from Naples, numerous 
arrests had been made there as well as in Sicily, where the son of 
Count Caraffa has been imprisoned. King Bomba‘ is taking 
extraordinary measures for armaments by land and sea. He has 
ordered the fortress of Gaeta to be put in readiness for all 

and No. 21791, July 12, 1854.— Ed. 

> Le Moniteur universel, No. 194, July 13, 1854.— Ed. 

eventualities. All Europe has been declared pestiferous by him, 
and a strict quarantine is established for all vessels arriving. All 
shipping from Portugal, Glasgow and the Sardinian States: are 
subjected to a quarantine of ten days; that of Tuscany and the 
Roman States, seven days. Almost every other country being 
already subject to similar restrictions, the free arrival of any ship 
at all is a rare exception. Foreign correspondence by land is 
subjected to all the measures of precaution observed with regard 
to arrivals from pestiferous countries. Communication with the 
Papal States is still carried on by Monte Casino and Sora, and by 
the Abruzzi, but a sanitary cordon is about to be established along 
the whole frontier. 

The last mail due from Madrid, via Bordeaux, had not arrived 
at Paris up to yesterday evening. The royal troops are stated to be 
still in pursuit of the rebels, to have reached them, and to be on 
the point of cutting them to pieces. We were told in the first 
instance that the rebels were on their flight to Estremadura, in 
order to gain the Portuguese frontier. Now we hear they are on 
the way to Andalusia, a circumstance which shows no very great 
determination on their part to expatriate themselves so soon. 
According to private letters Gen. Serrano has joined them with 
300 cavalry, while the Gaceta pretends that he joined them 
single-handed.*. At Madrid it was rumored that the King’s 
regiment (del Rey) had gone over to the insurgents. The 
correspondent of The Morning Chronicle adds that they were 
joined besides by 200 officers of all arms, several companies of the 
regiments stationed at Toledo, and two battalions of volunteers 
from Madrid. The Gaceta announces that the division ordered to 
pursue the rebels left Madrid on the evening of the 5th, being 
composed of three brigades of infantry, one of cavalry, two 
batteries of artillery, one company of engineers, and one 
detachment of the workmen of the military administration.” It set 
out under command of Gen. Vista Hermosa, who was replaced, 
however, on the following day by Gen. Blaser, the Minister of 
War. A royal decree of 7th July intrusts the ministry of War to 
Gen. San Roman during the absence of Blaser. The Gaceta states 
that the division above mentioned was at Tembleque, and 
proceeding in the direction of Cuidad Real by the valley of the 

was reprinted in Le Moniteur universel, No. 192, July 11, 1854.— Ed. 

Guadiana. On the same day, Blaser published a proclamation to 
the soldiers and non-commissioned officers in the rebel army, 
inviting them to return to their standards, and promising them 
full pardon in the name of the Queen. We read the following in 
the Messager de Bayonne: 

“According to the latest news we have received, Gen. O'Donnell made a 
movement in the direction of Valdepenes. The vanguard of the royal army was 
assembled at Tembleque. Gen. O’Donnell is employing his leisure in exercising his 
litle army, composed of 2,000 horse, six pieces of artillery, and 800 infantry.” * 

The proclamations of O’Donnell and Dulce are of a different 
character, the one appealing to the Constitution of 1837, the other 
to the ancient Castilian right of insurrection against monarchs 
guilty of having broken the coronation-oath.*”* A new feature is 
the formation of republican guerrillas in Valencia. Under date of 
6th imst., a communication has been received to the effect that 
some towns and villages have risen against the Government, 
among others Alcira, Xativa and Carlet. Orozko, a retired colonel, 
has entered the last-named town at the head of an armed band, 
confiscated all fire-arms, and invited the inhabitants by proclama- 
tion to join the movement. The Government sent off detachments 
of cavalry, infantry and civil guard, to suppress the insurrections 
in Valencia. 

The Indépendance belge gives quite a new version of the Russian 
note addressed to Austria and Prussia.?'* According to this paper, 
which may be regarded as the private Moniteur of the retired 
Russian diplomatists at Brussels, the Russian note was not 
addressed directly to the Austrian Cabinet, but to Prince 
Gorchakoff, who left a copy with M. de Buol, expressing the 
belief that Austria, while demanding the evacuation of the 
Principalities by the Russians, only meant to propose an armistice, 
since it could not be her wish to expose the retreating Russian 
armies to an attack of the allied forces. The Austrian meaning, 
accordingly, must have been a suspension of arms. Turks, English 
and French would then have to abstain from all forward 
movements and from every act of fresh hostility to Russia. As to 
the evacuation of the Principalities by the Russian troops, the note 
dwells on the absolute necessity for Russia of maintaining certain 
strategical points in those provinces while attending the conclusion 
of peace, as she would otherwise be placed in too disadvantageous 

July 13, 1854.— Ed. 

a position with regard to the armies of the allies. On the other 
hand, the note protests against any supposed intention of 
threatening Austria by the said strategical occupation. Proceeding 
from these promises, the note expresses the disposition of Russia 
to enter upon new negotiations of peace, to be on the following 
basis: The integrity of the Ottoman empire, which the Russian 
Government has never intended to injure; the equality between 
the Christian and Mussulman subjects of the Porte, such as it is 
understood in the protocol of April 9°"; finally, the revision of 
the conventions referring to the Straits. The note admits a 
common protectorate of the powers over the Christians of Turkey; 
but with regard to the Russian protectorate of the Greek 
Christians, the article in the Indépendance confesses that some 
vague phrases are attached to it which would give sufficient 
latitude for diverging interpretations. Prince Gorchakoff, it is 
said, speaks even in a more subdued tone than the note itself. His 
dispatch does not contain the last word of Russia; he may be 
authorized to go further, with a view of enabling Austria to enter 
into fresh negotiations. On the 9th inst., however, the Vienna 
Cabinet had not yet come to a decision. 

“Now,” says the Indépendance, or rather Baron Brunnow, “we must not conceal 
from ourselves that whatever the dispositions at St. Petersburg might be, a single 
incident, an actual act of war, an attack against Kronstadt, or what is more 
probable, against Sevastopol, and even the occupation of the Aland Isles by the 
Anglo-French, must necessarily modify those dispositions, and give more force to 
the party opposed to any concession.” 

At all events. this Russian note has satisfied Prussia, which 
considers it as a sort of escape into new negotiations, and as a 
means of preventing the Austrians from entering Wallachia. The 
Moniteur itself admits that the objections raised by Prussia against 
this Austrian entrance have produced the fresh hesitation evinced 
by the Court of Vienna. On the other hand, we are told in the 
sanctimonious Morning Chronicle that 

“it was urged from Berlin, that the contingent duty with which the Court of 
Berlin charged itself, of protecting the Austrian territory from invasion, entitled it 
to protest against any fresh provocation of Russia.” 

It is known, besides, that the treaty between Austria and 
Prussia‘ was arranged in precisely such a manner as to allow 

> The Morning Chronicle, No. 27318, July 14, 1854, leader.— Ed. 

either of the powers to stop its military operations as long as it 
should not be convinced of the necessity of the warlike steps 
contemplated by the other. Thus Austria may appear anxious to 
act with the western powers, while it finds itself stopped by the 
remonstrances of Prussia. I, for my part, am sure that all these 
eventualities were arranged for long ago by the three northern 
powers in common, and that even the new difficulties raised 
against Austria are only intended to give her occupation of 
Wallachia the appearance of a heroic opposition to Russia. A little 
sham war, after the fashion of the Austro-Prussian war of 1850,?!° 
may not be excluded from that arrangement, as it would only 
contribute to give Austria a more decisive vote at the conclusion of 
peace. Be it observed that the Austrian Correspondence* expressly 
announces that Austria consents in every point to the policy of the 
western powers, except as to any eventual infringement’ on the 
present territories of Russia.” 

In judging the position of Austria, it is important to notice the 
“Protest of the Servian Government against Austrian occupation,” 
dated June 22,° which has now been laid before the House of 
Commons. This protest is addressed by the Servian Government 
to the Sublime Porte. It begins with stating that 

“according as Austria believed the Servian Government to be more or less well 
disposed toward Russia or toward Turkey, she held to it a language corresponding _ 
to these sentiments, and constantly promised it her support for the defense of the 
frontiers of the Principality against all hostile aggression.” 

Then took place a very considerable concentration of troops on 
the frontiers of Servia. The Government of Servia asked for 
information “directly from the Cabinet of Vienna, and indirectly 
from the Sublime Porte, as to the object and meaning of this 
military movement of Austria.” Austria gave evasive declarations, 
while the Porte and the representatives of the western powers at 
Constantinople professed to know nothing about the object of the 
Austrian demonstrations, and appeared even to participate in the 
anxieties and doubts of the Servian Government. 

Marx draws on an article from the Oesterreichische Corresponden: according to 
No. 21793, July 14, 1854.— Ed. 

“The Pasha of Belgrade* remained without instructions, or, to speak more 
correctly, he remained provided with the old instructions that had formerly been 
given to him, and in virtue of which he was to consider any military intervention of 
Austria in Servia as a hostile attempt directed against the Ottoman Empire itself, 
and as such to repel it with all his power.” 

Austria appearing to lean more and more toward the western 
powers, their agents at Belgrade began to give satisfactory 
assurances as to the disposition of Austria. Simultaneously, the 
Cabinet of Vienna informed the Servian Government that the 
military measures in question had nothing in them hostile to 
Servia; that Austria only intended to protect her own frontiers; 
and would not interpose in Servia, unless the Russian troops 
entered it, or revolts against legitimate authority should break out 
there; that, consequently, even in that case, she would interpose as 
a friend, and with a view to lending assistance to the Government 
and legitimate authority. The Servian Government was not 
tranquillized with these assurances of Austria. It saw, on the one 
side, Austria pretending to an arbitral intervention, and on the 
other her isolated action under pretense of co-operating with the 
western powers in support of the Ottoman Empire. In conclusion, 
it suspected her intention to provoke those very disorders which 
she professed to be so anxious to prevent. As the military 
preparations of Austria assumed, day by day, a more threatening 
aspect, the Servian Government, in concert with Izzet Pasha, took 
active steps at Vienna and Constantinople for the prevention of 
any combination which should make Austria the arbiter of the 
present destinies of Servia. It is for this object that Azzis Pasha was 
first sent to Vienna, and is now at Constantinople. At the same 
time, every measure for the defense of the country was taken in 
concert with the Turkish representative. Austria holds out two 
reasons which might occasion her intervention in Servia: 1. The 
entrance of the Russians; 2. The breaking out of an insurrection 
in Servia. The first is absurd, as the theater of war is too distant 
from Servia, and should the Russians attempt to enter it, the 
Servian and Turkish troops would perfectly suffice to repel them. 
If auxiliary troops were required, others would be preferable to 
Austrian. 

“The Servian nation has so decided a mistrust, if not a hatred of Austria, that 
the entrance of the Austrians into Servia would be immediately considered by every 
Servian as so imminent a danger, so great a misfortune, that all the proceedings of 
the Servians would be directed against the Austrian troops, all the energy of the 

nation would be employed in resisting those enemies in whom is always supposed 
to be personified that cupidity which urges Austria to seek to exercise in Servia, no 
matter under what patronage, a selfish influence.” 

As to internal insurrections, they are only to be apprehended in 
consequence of Austrian intervention. Servia will always be loyal to 
the Porte. 

“All that the Servian Government requires, is to be honored henceforth with 
the same confidence the Sublime Porte has hitherto shown it, and not to see its 
country given over to Austrian occupation, which would be the signal for, and the 
commencement of, incalculable misfortunes. On this condition, the Servian 
Government fully answers for the maintenance of public tranquillity, of order in 
Servia.” 

This protest of the Servians is at the same time a fair indication 
with what enthusiasm the Austrian entrance into Wallachia is 
looked forward to by the Wallachian people. 

The neutral or rather hostile attitude of the minor powers 
toward England can surprise no one who has followed her present 
acts of war against Russia, who considers the marauding expedi- 
tions of the English fleet in the Baltic, and the measures that have 
been taken to disable the troops at Varna from doing anything in 
the field, so that even the medical ambulances of the British 
troops in Turkey have but just now been sent out by the Himalaya 
from Southampton.* Sweden, accordingly, has definitely declared 
her resolution to remain neutral, and to abstain from any steps in 
common with the western powers, while Denmark and Holland, as 
members of the German Confederation,”!” have only assented to 
the Austrian communication of May 24, on the express under- 
standing that nothing but absolute neutrality and endeavors to 
restore peace are meant by it. 

A police case has occurred before the magistrate of Bow-st., Mr. 
Jardine, which has caused infinitely greater excitement in London 
than either Bonaparte’s harangue at Boulogne” or Charley’s 
glorious retreat from Kronstadt. A German, named Dr. Peitman, 
having been locked up during four days, was brought up by 
warrant and charged with being a person of unsound mind and 
unfit to be at large. Mr. Reynolds, the Solicitor to the Treasury, 
desired the exclusion of the public and the press, and the 
proceedings were conducted accordingly; with the strictest secrecy, 
in the magistrate’s private room. Mr. Otway, M.P., a friend of 

> Napoleon III’s address to the soldiers in Boulogne on July 12, 1854. Le 
Moniteur universel, No. 194, July 13, 1854.— Ed. 

defendant, indignantly protested against the attempt to exclude 
him from the inquiry, and was subsequently admitted, and Mr. 
Lewis, a lawyer, also demanded and obtained admission as the 
solicitor of the defendant. Mr. Lewis asked why Dr. Peitman had 
been confined in a felon’s cell four whole days without having 
been taken before any magistrate. Mr. Jardine replied that two 
medical gentlemen had signed certificates as to the insanity of the 
defendant, upon which he must order him to a lunatic asylum. 
Mr. Lewis offered to produce contrary certificates, but Mr. Jardine 
refused to hear any proposal for adjourning the case, as he must 
act upon the certificates before him. Mr. Lewis then said he would 
appeal to a higher tribunal, where the case would not be 
prejudged and both parties would be heard. He should now 
advise his chent to make no answer to the charge, although invited 
to do so by the magistrate. Mr. Otway protested against the ex 
parte* character of the entire proceedings and declared he would 
bring the whole matter before the House of Commons, by moving 
for the particulars of Dr. Peitman’s former apprehension and 
committal to a lunatic asylum. The defendant was removed to 
Colney Hatch. 

I now subjoin the statement of Mr. Percival, the physician who 
lately released Dr. Peitman from Bedlam, which is given in 
to-day’s Morning Advertiser: 

“Dr. Peitman, a German Professor, who has studied at Bonn, Berlin, and Halle, 
is the son of a Hanoverian officer, who fought for George III, and died in his 
service, and step-son of Baron Ripperta, a Prussian Landrath. He came to England 
about thirty years ago, and, having soon become acquainted with the disgracefully 
defective system of education pursued in our public schools and colleges, he went 
to Oxford and Cambridge to give lectures on the subject. In 1835 he was 
recommended to the Marquis of Normanby, and he went to Ireland under his 
protection. Lady Normanby having already a tutor for Lord Mulgrave, recom- 
mended Dr. P. to an Insh nobleman, to whose two sons he became tutor. After 
seven months, it was discovered that the eldest son was deeply attached to a Saxon 
maid, servant in the family, and in fact that she was enceinte by him. His mother 
applied to Dr. Peitman to assist her in getting the girl back to Germany, but the 
Doctor refused to interfere. He left the family and commenced a course of public 
lectures at Dublin, when about March 1836, the Saxon girl, delivered of a child on 
the nobleman’s estate, came there in a state of great destitution, and soon after 
informed him that she would employ an attorney to commence an action for 
seduction against the nobleman’s son, and that he would be subpoenaed as witness. 
Dr. Peitman then resolved to call on Col. Phipps, Chamberlain of the Marquis of 
Normanby, and very intimate with that nobleman’s family. Having repeatedly 

called upon this Phipps, brother of Normanby, and present Secretary of Prince 
Albert, he got neither answer nor admittance, and was at length taken before Mr. 

Studdert, a magistrate in Dublin, who on the evidence of the same Phipps, sent 
_ him to a lunatic asylum without any certificate for a breach of the peace, in May, 
1836. Under Lord Normanby’s Vice-Royalty, he was removed to Dean Swift’s 
Hospital, on the certificate of a Dr. Lytton, which contained, in his opinion no 
ground of Peitman’s insanity. He was released nine months after, through the 
interference of Dr. Dawson, Dean of St. Patrick’s, by whose introduction he gave a 
course of lectures before the Royal Society of Dublin, and was engaged in Lord 
Fortescue’s family. On the arrival of Prince Albert in England, he applied to the 
Prince for the office of a librarian, and permission to carry out his school reforms. 
The Duke of Sussex, after a long interview, ordered his librarian to give him free 
access to his library. Subsequently he sent in his application to Prince Albert, 
accompanied by his testimonials and by eleven volumes published by him. The 
Prince returned no answer to his application, and Dr. Peitman ultimately called to 
request an interview or to have his testimonials restored to him. About this time 
young Oxford fired at the Queen, and a female came over from Germany with whom 
the Prince had been intimate at Bonn, where he had studied under the same tutor 
with Peitman. The Court were nervous, and Dr. Peitman’s pertinacity excited 
suspicion. Report was made to the Home Secretary, the Marquis of Normanby, 
against whom Peitman complained for having had him detained unjustly in a 
lunatic asylum in Dublin; and a policeman in plain clothes was sent one morning in 
June, 1840, to fetch the Doctor from his lodgings at Whitehall. Lord Normanby 
sent for his brother, Col. Phipps, on whose testimony the magistrate in attendance 
ordered the Doctor to be removed to Bedlam, where he remained confined 
fourteen years. His conduct there was always exemplary; he was never subject to 
restraint nor medicine, and he employed himself in attaining an improvement of 
the treatment of the: patients, forming classes of such of them as were capable of 
receiving his instruction. When released he petitioned on the advice of his friends 
to the Queen, and on Saturday last, conceiving that he might now go anywhere 
without exciting apprehension, he went to the royal chapel in Buckingham Palace, 
where he attended divine service in order to come under the notice of the Queen. 
It was here that he was again arrested.” 

Your readers may see from this sample how dangerous it is in 
this free country to excite the nervousness of the Court, and to 
become initiated into the family scandals of the moral English 
aristocracy.