The general elections in Holland, necessitated by the late 
dissolution of the States-General, are now completed, and the 
result has been the return of a majority of 12 in favor of the 
Ultra-Protestant and Royalist ministry. 

Denmark is by this time inundated with anti-governmental 
pamphlets, the most prominent of which are the Dissolution of 
Parliament Explained to the Danish People, by Mr. Grundtvig, and 
one anonymous entitled The Disputed Question of the Danish 
Succession; or What Is to Be Done by the Powers of Europe. Both these 
pamphlets aim at proving that the abolition of the ancient law of 
succession as demanded by the ministry and stipulated in the 
London protocol,” would turn to the ruin of the country, by 
converting it, in the first instance, into a province of Holstein, and 
later into a dependency of Russia. 

Thus, it appears, the Danish people have at last become aware 
of what their blind opposition to the demands for independence 
raised by the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein in 1848 has brought 
over them. They insisted upon their country’s permanent union 
with Holstein, for which purpose they made war on the German 
revolution—they won in that war, and they have retained 
Holstein. But, in exchange for that conquest, they are now 
doomed to lose their own country. The Neue Rheinische Zeitung in 
°48 and ’49 never ceased to warn the Danish democrats of the 
ultimate consequences of their hostility to the German’ revolu- 
tion.’ It distinctly predicted that Denmark, by contributing to 
disarm revolution abroad, was tying itself forever to a dynasty 
which, as the legitimate course of succession had obtained its 

sanction and validity through their own consent, would surrender 
their nationality to the “bon plaisir”* of the Russian czar. The 
Danish democracy refused to act upon that advice, and are now 
receiving the same price for their short-sighted folly as the 
Bohemian Sclaves_ did, who, in order to “preserve their nationali- 
ty against the Germans,” rushed to the destruction on the 
Viennese revolutionists, their only possible liberators from that 
German despotism which they hated. Is not this a grave lesson 
which is now being received by these two peoples, who allowed 
themselves to be arrayed in self-destructive warfare against the 
cause of the revolution, by the intrigues of the counter-revolution? 

Now that Mr. Gladstone’s scheme for the reduction of the public 
debt has passed through Parliament, and is undergoing its 
practical test, his apologists—and almost the entire London press 
seemed highly to approve of that famous scheme—have all of 
them become mute at once. Mr. Gladstone’s three alternatives for 
voluntarily converting the five hundred millions of 3 per cents., 
turn out so very innocent, that none of them has as yet met with 
an acceptation worth mentioning.—As to the conversion of the 
South Sea stock, up to the evening of May 19 only £100,000 out 
of the £10,000,000 had been converted into new stock. It is a 
general rule that such operations, if not effected in the first weeks, 
lose every day something of the probability of their being carried 
out at all. Besides, the rate of interest is just rising in slow but 
steady progression. It is, therefore, almost an exaggeration to 
suppose that ten millions of old paper will be converted into new 
stock within the time fixed for that operation. But even in this 
case, Mr. Gladstone will have to repay at least eight millions of 
pounds to those holders of South Sea Funds, who are unwilling to 
convert them into his new stock. The only fund he has provided 
for such an eventuality is the public balance at the Bank of 
England, amounting to about eight or nine millions. As _ this 
balance, however, is no excess of income over expenditure, but is 
only lodged in the Bank, because the public income is paid a few 
months in advance of the time when it is necessary to expend it, 
Mr. Gladstone will find himself at a future moment in a very 
heavy financial embarrassment, which will produce, at the same 
time, a most serious disturbance in the monetary transactions of 
the Bank and in the money market in general, the more so as a 
presumed deficient crop will cause a more or less extensive drain 
of bullion. 

The charter of the East India Company expires in 1854. Lord 
John Russell has given notice in the House of Commons, that the 
Government will be enabled to state, through Sir Charles Wood, 
their views respecting the future Government of India, on the 3d 
of June. A hint has been thrown out in some ministerial papers, in 
support of the already credited public rumor, that the Coalition 
have found the means of reducing even this colossal Indian 
question to almost Lilliputian dimensions. The Observer prepares 
the mind of the English people to undergo a new disenchantment. 

“Much less,” we read in that confidential journal of Aberdeen, “than is 
generally supposed will remain to be done in the new organization for the 
Government of our Eastern Empire.” * 

Much less even than is supposed, will have to be done by my 
lords Russell and Aberdeen. 

The leading features of the proposed change appear to consist 
in two very small items. Firstly, the Board of Directors will be 
“refreshed” by some additional members, appointed directly by 
the Crown, and even this new blood will be infused “sparingly at 
first.” The cure of the old directorial system is thus meant to 
be applied, so that the portion of blood now infused with 
“great caution” will have ample time to come to a standstill 
before another second infusion will be proceeded upon. Secondly, 
the union of Judge and of Exciseman in one and the same person, 
will be put an end to, and the Judges shall be educated men. 
Does it not seem, on hearing such propositions, as if one were trans- 
ported back into that earliest period of the Middle Ages, when the 
feudal lords began to be replaced as Judges, by lawyers who 
were required, at any rate, to have a knowledge of reading and 
writing? 

The “Sir Charles Wood” who, as President of the Board of 
Control, will bring forward this sensible piece of reform, is the 
same timber who, under the late Whig Administration, displayed 
such eminent capacities of mind, that the Coalition were at a’ 
dreadful loss what to do with him, till they hit upon the idea of 
making him over to India. Richard the Third offered a kingdom 
for a horse”; —the Coalition offers an ass for a kingdom. Indeed, if 
the present official idiocy of an Oligarchical Government be the 
expression of what England can do now, the time of England’s 
ruling the world must have passed away. 

* The Observer, May 22, 1853.— Ed. 

On former occasions we have seen that the Coalition had 
invariably some fitting reason for postponing every, even the 
smaller measure. Now, with respect to India their postponing 
propensities are supported by the public opinion of two 
worlds. The people of England and the people of India 
simultaneously demand the postponement of all the legislation on 
Indian affairs, until the voice of the natives shall have been heard, 
the necessary materials collected, the pending inquiries completed. 
Petitions have already reached Downing-st., from the three 
Presidencies,** deprecating precipitate legislation. The Manchester 
School have formed an “Indian Society,” which they will put 
immediately into motion, to get up public meetings in the 
metropolis and throughout the country, for the purpose of 
opposing any legislation on the subject for this session. Besides, 
two Parliamentary Committees are now sitting with a view to 
report respecting the state of affairs in the Indian Government. 
But this time the Coalition Ministry is inexorable. It will not wait 
for the publication of any Committee’s advice. It wants to legislate 
instantly and directly for 150 millions of people, and to legislate 
for 20 years at once. Sir Charles Wood is anxious to establish his 
claim as the modern Manu. Whence, of a sudden, this precipitate 
legislative rush of our “cautious” political valetudinarians? 

They want to renew the old Indian Charter for a period of 20 
years. They avail themselves of the eternal pretext of Reform. 
Why? The English oligarchy have a presentiment of the approach- 
ing end of their days of glory, and they have a very justifiable 
desire to conclude such a treaty with English legislation, that even 
in the case of England’s escaping soon from their weak and 
rapacious hands, they shall still retain for themselves and their 
associates the privilege of plundering India for the space of 20 
years. 

On Saturday last dispatches were received by telegraph from 
Brussels and Paris, with news from Constantinople to May 13. 
Immediately after their arrival a Cabinet-Council was held at the 
Foreign-Office, which sat 3 hours and a half. On the same day 
orders were sent by Telegraph to the Admiralty at Portsmouth, 
directing the departure of two steam-frigates, the London 90, and 
Sanspareil 71, from Spithead for the Mediterranean. The Highflyer 
steam-frigate 21, and Oden steam-frigate 16, are also under orders 
for sea. 

What were the contents of these dispatches which threw 
ministers into so sudden an activity, and interrupted the quiet 
dulness of England? 

You know that the question of the Holy Shrines had been 
settled to the satisfaction of Russia,” and according to the assurances 
of the Russian Embassy at Paris and London, Russia asked for no 
other satisfaction than a priority share in those holy places. The 
objects of Russian diplomacy were merely of such a chivalric 
character, as were those of Frederick Barbarossa and Richard Coeur 
de Lion. This, at least, we were told by The Times. 

“But,” says the Journal des Débats, “on the 5th of May the Russian steam-frigate 
Bessarabia arrived from Odessa, having on board a Russian Colonel with dispatches 
for Prince Menchikoff, and on Saturday, 7th inst., the Prince handed to the 
Ministers of the Porte the draught of a convention or special treaty, in which the 
new demands and pretentions were set forth. This is the document called the 
ultimatum, since it was accompanied by a very brief note, fixing Tuesday, 10th May, 
as the last day on which the refusal or the acceptance of the Divan could be 
received. The note terminated in nearly the following words: ‘If the Sublime Porte 
should think proper to respond by refusal, the Emperor would be compelled to see 
in that act the complete want of respect for his person, and for Russia, and would 
receive intelligence of it with profound regret.” 

The principal object of this treaty was to secure to the Emperor 
of Russia the Protectorate of all Greek Christians subject to the 
Porte. By the treaty of Kutshuk-Kainardji, concluded at the close 
of the 18th century, a Greek chapel was allowed to be erected at 
Constantinople, and the privilege was granted to the Russian 
Embassy of interfering in instances of collision of the priests of 
that chapel with the Turks. This privilege was confirmed again in 
the treaty of Adrianople.’' What Prince Menchikoff now demands, 
is the conversion of that exceptional privilege into the general 
Protectorate of the whole Greek Church in Turkey, ie., of the vast 
majority of the population of Turkey in Europe. Besides, he asks 
that the patriarchs of Constantinople, Antiochia, Alexandria, and 
Jerusalem, as well as the metropolitan archbishops, shall be 
immovable, unless proved guilty of high-treason (against the 
Russians), and then only upon the consent of the Czar,—in other 
words, he demands the resignation of the Sultan’s” sovereignty into 
the hands of Russia. 

This was the news brought by the telegraph on Saturday: 
firstly, that Prince Menchikoff had granted a further delay until 
14th inst., for the answer to his ultimatum; that then a change in 
the Turkish Ministry ensued, Reshid Pasha, the antagonist of 

handed on May 5, 1853 (see this volume, p. 110).— Ed. 

Russia, being appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Fuad 
Effendi reinstated in his office; lastly, that the Russian ultimatum 
had been rejected. 

It would have been impossible for Russia to make more 
extensive demands upon Turkey, after a series of signal victories. 
This is the best proof of the obstinacy with which she clings to her 
inveterate notion, that every interregnum of the counter- 
revolution in Europe constitutes a right for her to exact 
concessions from the Ottoman Empire. And, indeed, since the first 
French: revolution, Continental retrogression has ever been identi- 
cal with Russian progress in the East. But Russia is mistaken in 
confounding the present state of Europe with its condition after 
the congresses of Laybach and Verona, or even after the peace of 
Tilsit.°* Russia herself is more afraid of the revolution that must 
follow any general war on the Continent, than the Sultan is afraid 
of the aggression of the Czar.’ If the other powers hold firm, 
Russia is sure to retire in a very decent manner. Yet, be this as it 
may, her late maneuvers have, at all events, imparted a mighty 
impetus to the elements engaged in disorganizing Turkey from 
within. The only question is this; Does Russia act on her own free 
impulse, or is she but the unconscious and reluctant slave of the 
modern fatum, Revolution? I believe the latter alternative. 

Written on May 24, 1853 Reproduced from the New-York 
Tribune, No. 3790, June 9, 1853; reprinted