MARX TO ENGELS “? 

London, 10 December 1869 

Dear Fred, 

D’abord,” about the Solingen business.** (Are £2 necessary here? 
I think only one.) 

These people have sornerep me, the Central Counci. 3 the Basle 
Congress etc., with their appears. They themselves admit that their 
productive cooperative is only of local interest. How can they 
expect foreign countries to contribute a SINGLE FARTHING to them, in 
view of the international sacrifices that the sraixes, etc., cost, and of 
the tribulations of hundreds of French and English production 
cooperatives? They have seen what benefit they have gained from 
Becker's enthusiastic appeals. 

On the other hand: these Solingen people are supporters for you 
and me in the Rhine Province. They belonged (tHE Leavers) to the 

a See this volume, p. 299. - © First of all - © Marx has in mind the appeals for aid to 
the Solingen cooperative issued by the Central Committee of the German language 
sections: ‘Rundschreiben des Zentralkomite’s der Sektionsgruppe deutscher Sprache 
an die Sektionen und mitgenössischen Gesellschaften’, Der Vorbote, No. 11, 
November 1868; ‘Mahnruf. An unsere Bundesgenossen und die Arbeiter und 
Arbeitervereine aller Lander’, Der Vorbote, No. 10, October 1869. 

League. Under Lassalle’s lordly sway, when Marquis Izzy? was 
in Cologne, the same Karl Klein announced a roast for us,” the 
editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, and Izzy was forced de faire 
bonne mine a mauvais jeu.” Further, their cooperative was solid and 
maintained itself for years. The stupidity of the Prussian 
legislation forced them to fix their capital and thus reduce their 
working capital. Then the Rhenish bourgeois became irritable and 
decided to break them up, partly by selling their opticarions, and 
partly by withdrawing all commercial ADVANCES (not based on 
OBLIGATIONS). 

Thus, the business is of general importance and, for us, 
personal importance. 

What I suggest is this: 

You send the fellows 50 thaler for obligations, and tell them, at 
the same time, that they must themselves see you can do nothing 
for them among the English bourgeois in Manchester. Tell them 
as well—and this is a fact—that I in London have made all 
possible efforts on their behalf, but in vain. Finally, tell them—and I 
shall try this immediately—that I shall try to raise money for them 
among the German bourgeois. | shall—naturally you will not tell 
them this—write immediately to Menke in Hamburg to this end. 
It is possible that Menke (who is a millionaire, and has read 
Capital‘ from beginning to end, and furnished it with ‘correcting 
notes’, which he himself showed me) will do something. 2,000 
thaler are nothing to such people. They would naturally, d’abord, 
SEND somebody To Solingen to look at how the thing works. If the 
business is not capable of surviving, it should not and may not receive 
support. If the contrary, then I am certain that these people 
(Menke et Co.) will provide the money. 

Ad vocem: Irish Question. I did not attend the Central Council 
last Tuesday. My ‘ramiy’ did not allow me to go in this roc and in 
MY PRESENT STATE OF HEALTH, although I had undertaken ro open THE 
DEBATES. 

With regard to the report in the National Reformer,‘ not only has 
nonsense been attributed to me, but even what is rightly reported 
is incorrectly reported. But I didn’t want to complain. D’abord, I 
_ would, thereby, offend the reporter (Harris). Second, as long as I 
don’t interfere, all these reports are in no way official. If I correct 
something, I admit the rest is right—yet everything is wrong the 

a Ferdinand Lassalle - > to grin and bear it - ¢ K. Marx, Capital, Vol. I (see present 
edition, Vol. 35). - ¢ As to - ¢ 7 December - f See this volume, pp. 392 and 394. 

way it is reproduced. Besides, I have reasons not to convert these 
reports into legal evidence against me, which happens the moment I 
correct details. 

The way I shall express the matter next Tuesday is: that, quite 
apart from all ‘international’ and ‘humane’ phrases about justice ror 
Treranp—which are taken for granted on the INTERNATIONAL 
Councu.— it is in the direct and absolute interests of the English working 
CLASS TO GET RID OF THEIR PRESENT CONNEXION with IreLanp. I am fully 
convinced of this, for reasons that, in part, I cannot tell the 
English workers themselves. For a long time I believed it would be 
possible to overthrow the Irish regime by ENc.isH working CLASS 
ascenpancy. I always took this viewpoint in the New-York Tribune.*” 
Deeper study has now convinced me of the opposite. The English 
WORKING class will never accomplish anything BEFORE IT HAS GOT RID OF 
IreLano. The lever must be applied in Ireland. This is why the Irish 
QUESTION is so important for the social movement in general. 

I have read a lot of Davies* in extracts. The book itself I have 
only glanced through superficially in the Museum,” so you would 
oblige me if you would copy out for me the passages relating to 
COMMON PROPERTY. You must get hold of Curran’s ‘Speeches’ edited by 
Davies (London: James Duffy, 22 Paternoster Row). 1 meant to give it 
to you when you were in London. It is now circulating among the 
English members or THE Centrat Councit, and God knows when I shall 
see it again. For the period 1779-1800 (Union) it is of decisive 
importance, not only because of Curran’s ‘Speeches’ (namely in 
court; I regard Curran as the sole great lawyer (people’s advocate) 
of the 18th century, and the noblest personality, while Grattan was a 
parliamentary rogue), but because you find all the sources about the 
Unirep Irisumen“ This period is of the greatest interest, scienTIFI- 
CALLY AND DRAMATICALLY. First, the dirty infamies of the English in 
1588-89 repeated (perhaps even intensified) in 1788-89. Second, 
class movement is easily shown in the Irish movement itself. Third, 
the infamous policy of Pitt. Fourth, which very much irks Messrs 
the English, the proof that Ireland came to grief because 1n Fact, 
FROM A REVOLUTIONARY STANDPOINT, the Irish were too far advanced for the. 
Encuish Kine anp .Church mos, while, on the other hand, English 
reaction in England (as in Cromwell’s time) had its roots in the 
subjugation of Ireland. This period must be described in at least 
one chapter°”: a pillory for John Bull! 

Enclosed something French—and, as a contrast, Freiligrath-ish! 

a J. Davies, Historical Tracts. - > the British Museum Library 

I would be glad if you would send the money for the next 
quarter as soon as possible. 

Apropos. Tussy has undertaken a foolish work, embroidering a 
sofa cushion for you for Christmas. I don’t believe she will be 
finished before the New Year. She allows neither Mama, nor 
Jennychen, nor Lenchen to sew a single stitch, so she has done 
nothing else for weeks. This is, however, a great secre, and you 
must naturally not give the slightest hint that you know about it. 
Tussy would eat me alive. 

Compliments To Mrs Lizzy. 

Your 
K. Moor 

Of the French stuff I am sending you, Gaulois—half Bonapart- 
ist, half opposition—is stupid. Pére Duchésne will astonish you by 
its impudence. And in such a srate or THIncs the bitch Eugénie 
dares to push herself forward *? She really wants to get hanged. 

Apropos. The translation of Capital coxs on.**’ Keller has now 
interrupted it, however. He wants to publish 18th Brumaire first, 
believing this possible under the present circumstances and 
important for France. 

As for the current Irish movement, 3 important factors: 
1. opposition to lawyers and TRADING POLITICIANS and BLARNEY; 
2. opposition to the dictates of the priests who (the higher ones) are 
TRAITORS, as in O’Connell’s time, just as in 1798-1800; 3. the 
emergence of the AGRICULTURAL LABOURING CLASS against the FARMING CLASS 
ON THE last MEETINGS.” (Similar phenomenon from 1795 to 1800.) 

The Irishman only made its way owing to the suppression of the 
Fenian press. For a long time it stood in opposition To Fenianism. 
Luby, etc., of the Irish People were educated people who treated 
religion as a bagatelle. The government cast them into prison, and 
then came the Pigotts et Co. The Irishman will only continue to 
amount to anything until those people come out of prison. He 
knows this, though he is now squeezing political capita out of 
declarations on behalf of the ‘reLon convicts’.