London, 29 November 1869 

Dear Kugelmann, 

About 5 weeks ago Jennychen sent you a letter°—in fact two 
letters, one to you and one to Madame the Countess. With it she 
enclosed a portrait of G. Weerth—and as this is difficult to replace, 
and no second one can be sent, Jennychen would like to know as 
soon as possible whether you received the letter or not. 

Some doubts about the inviolability and safety of the postal 
services have certainly been awakened here because a letter I 
wrote to Engels from Hanover“ was undoubtedly opened and then 
reclosed very clumsily. Engels retained the envelope, so that I 
could convince myself by ocular inspection. 

My long and, to some extent, criminal silence may be explained 
by the fact that I had to catch up with a mass of work, not simply 
for my scientific studies, but also quoad* International; in addition 
to have to grind at Russian, as the result of a book sent me from 

a Engels’ dog - > See this volume, pp. 545-47. - © Kugelmann’s wife Gertrud - ¢ See 
this volume, pp. 358 and 363. - € regarding 

St Petersburg on the situation of the working classes (or cours:, 
PEASANTS INCLUDED) in Russia,* and, finally, my state of health is by 
no means satisfactory. 

You will probably have seen in the Volksstaat the resolutions I 
proposed regarding Gladstone on the Irish amnesty question.” I 
have now attacked Gladstone—and this has attracted attention 
here—just as I attacked Palmerston’ earlier. The demagogic 
REFUGEES here love to attack the continental despots from a safe 
distance. I find this only attractive if it is done vultu instantis 
tyranni.* 

Yet both my appearance on this Irish amnesty issue and, 
further, my proposal to the Generar Councit that it should discuss 
the attitude of the English working class to Ireland and adopt a 
resolution on the subject,” naturally had other grounds than 
simply to speak out loudly and decidedly for the oppressen Irisu 
against their oppressors. 

I have become more and more convinced—and the thing now is 
to drum this conviction into the English working class—that they 
will never be able to do anything decisive here in England before 
they separate their attitude towards Ireland quite definitely from 
that of the ruling classes, and not only make common cause with 
the Irish, but even take the initiative in dissolving the Union ** 
established in 1801, and substituting a free federal relationship for 
it. And this must be done not out of sympathy for Ireland, but as 
a demand based on the interests of the English proletariat. If not, 
the English people will remain bound to the leading-strings of the 
ruling classes, because they will be forced to make a common front 
with them against Ireland. Every movement of the working class 
in England itself is crippled by the dissension with the Irish, who 
form a very important section of the working class in England 
itself. The primary condition for emancipation here—the over- 
throw of the English landed oligarchy—remains unattainable, 
since its positions cannot be stormed here as long as it holds its 
strongly-entrenched outposts in Ireland. But over there, once 
affairs have been laid in the hands of the Irish people themselves, 
as soon as they have made themselves their own legislators and 
rulers, as soon as they have become autonomous, it will be 
infinitely easier there than here to abolish the landed aristocracy 
(to a large extent the same persons as the English LanpLorps) since in 

aH. @aeposcriit, Toromenie pabouaeo xaacca 6b Pocciu.-> K. Marx, Draft 
Resolution of the General Council on the Policy of the British Government Towards the Irish 
Prisoners; see also this volume, pp. 375-76. - © K. Marx, Lord Palmerston (see present 
edition, Vol. 12). - 4 in the face of the tyrant - © See this volume, pp. 371-72. 

Ireland it is not just merely an economic question, but also a 
national one, as the LanpLorps there are not, as they are in England, 
traditional dignitaries and representatives, but the mortally-hated 
oppressors of the nationality. And not only does England’s 
internal social development remain crippled by the present 
relationship to Ireland, but also her foreign policy, in particular 
her policy with regard to Russia and the United States of America. 

Since, however, the English working class undoubtedly throws 
the greatest weight on the scales of social emancipation generally, 
this is the point where the lever must be applied. It is a fact that 
the English Republic under Cromwell met shipwreck in— 
Ireland.*° Non bis in idem?! The Irish have played a capital joke 
on the English government by electing the convict rrLon O’Donovan 
Rossa as member of Parliament.” Government newspapers are 
already threatening a renewed suspension of the Habeas Corpus 
Act,“ a renewed system of terror! In fact, England never has and 
never can rule Ireland any other way, as long as the present 
relationship continues—only with the most abominable reign of 
terror and the most reprehensible corruption. 

In France things are going well so far. On the one hand, the 
outmoded demagogic and democratic bawlers of all shades are 
compromising themselves. On the other, Bonaparte has been 
driven along a path of concession on which he is bound to break 
his neck. 

Yesterday's Observer (this weekly belongs to the Ministry), 
referring to the Eulenburg scandal ” in the Prussian Chamber, 
remarks: ‘Napoleon said: “Grattez le Russe, et vous trouverez le 
Tartare”’.“ With regard to a Prussian it isn’t even necessary to 
scratch—to find a Russian. 

Apropos. Reich, Dr Med., has the Christian name of Eduard, 
and appears, from the preface to his book, to live in Gotha. 

My best wishes to Madame the Countess and Franzchen.‘ 

Your 
K. Marx 

Couldn’t we have the Bielefeld Freiligrath-Fest-Broschtire?