London, Tuesday, Sept. 12, 1854 

The papers contain diverse rumors about Mazzini’s arrest at 
Bale. I have received the following information from a friend: 
Mazzini was really arrested by two gendarmes at Zurich, but only 
for a few hours, after which he escaped. This escape was 
facilitated by another Italian causing himself to be arrested 
simultaneously at another place by pretending to be Mazzini. By 
this coup the authorities were misled, and M. Druey himself 
telegraphed from Berne to Geneva, that no further investigations 
would be required, as Mazzini was in prison. It is supposed that 
the person arrested in Mazzini’s stead is Saffi, while some say it is 
a Hungarian officer of the name of Tiurr. 

The Milan Gazette* of the 31st August takes pleasure in 
announcing that the municipal council of Pavia have resolved in 
their sitting of the 28th August, to participate in the national loan 
by subscribing for 200,000 florins. In contrast to this statement a 
non-official paper publishes the following as the real resolution of 
the Council in question: 

“The Municipality of Pavia subscribes for the quota imposed on and fixed for the 
town of Pavia; but it does so neither as Representative of the Commune, nor in 
their quality as contributors, but only as an organ of Government, and as 
dependent on the executive power to which it is bound by the circular of 1830 to 

absolute obedience, as well as in execution of the orders transmitted to it by the 
Lieutenant-General” on Aug. 7.” 

At Treviso also the voluntary loan has only been subscribed to 
in consequence of direct menace. From the statement of the 

Trieste Council, it appears that even in that arch-Austrian loyal 
city the loan is neither voluntary nor so very generally taken as 
represented by the Austrian journals: 

“Our commune has subscribed for another million of the national loan. The 
Magistrates hereby announce that this sum will be distributed among the 
contributors who have taken no part hitherto in the loan or not in proportion to 
their fortune. The 6th of September is, at the same time, fixed as the last term for 
voluntary subscriptions. The Council hope that everybody will hasten to profit by 
the advantages held out by the loan, the more so as, after the above term, the 
Council will be under the grievous necessity of proceeding by force.” 

The reactionary press is not yet satisfied with the late measures 
of the Spanish Government; they grumble at the fact that a new 
compromise had been entered into with the revolution. Thus we 
read in the Journal des Débats: 

“It was only on the 7th August when Espartero declared ‘that in conformity 
with the wishes of the people of Madrid, the Duchess of Ridnsares* should not 
leave the capital, either by day or night, or in any furtive manner.’ It is only on the 
28th August that Queen Cristina, after a detention of twenty-one days, is allowed 

to depart in broad day, with a sort of ostentation. But the Government has been 
weak enough to order, simultaneously, the confiscation of her estates.” 

The Débats now hopes that this order will be cancelled. But the 
hopes of the Débats are, perhaps, in this instance, even more 
doomed to disappointment than when it uttered faint hopes that 
confiscation of the Orleans estates **? would not be carried out by 
Bonaparte. The Jefe Politico of Oviedo has already proceeded to 
sequestrate the coal mines possessed by Cristina in the Province of 
Asturias. The directors of the mines of Siero, Langreo, and Piero 
Corril have received orders to make a statement and to place their 
administration under the Government. 

With regard to the “broad day” in which the Débats effects the 
departure of Cristina, they are very wrongly informed. Queen 
Cristina on leaving her apartments, crossed the corridors in dead 
silence—everybody being studiously kept out of the way. The 
National Guard occupying the barracks in the court of the Palace 
were not aware of her departure. So secretly was the whole plan 
arranged that even Garrigé, who was to have charge of her escort, 
only received his orders on the moment of starting. The escort 
only learned the mission with which they were intrusted at a 
distance of twelve miles from Madrid, when Garrigé had all sorts 
of difficulties in preventing his men from either insulting Cristina 

Journal des Débats, September 12, 1854.— Ed. 

or returning direct to Madrid. The chiefs of the National Guard 
did not learn anything of the affair until two hours after the 
departure of Mme. Mufoz. According: to the statement of the 
Espana she reached the Portuguese frontier on the morning of the 
3d September. She is said to have been in very good spirits on the 
journey, but her Duke was somewhat triste.* The relations of 
Cristina and this same Munoz can only be understood from the 
answer given by Don Quixote to Sancho Panza’s question why he 
was in love with such a low country wench as his Dulcinea, when 
he could have princesses at his feet: 

“A lady,” answered the worthy knight, “surrounded by a host of high-bred, 
rich, and witty followers, was asked why she took for her lover a simple peasant. 
‘You must know,’ said the lady, ‘that for the office I use him he possesses more 
philosophy than Aristotle himself.” 

The view taken by the reactionary press in general on Spanish 
affairs may be judged of by some extracts from the Kélnische 
Zeitung and the Indépendance belge: . 

“According to a well-informed and trustworthy correspondent, himself an 
adherent of O’Donnell and the Moderado party,—says the former,—the position 
of affairs is grievous, a deep conflict continuing to exist among parties. The 
working classes are in a state of permanent excitement, being worked upon by the 
agitators.” 

“The future of the Spanish monarchy,” says the Indépendance,‘‘is exposed to 
great dangers. All true Spanish patriots are unanimous on the necessity of putting 
down the revolutionary orgies. The rage of the libelers and of the constructors of 
barricades is let loose against Espartero and his Government with the same 
vehemence as against San Luis and the banker Salamanca. But, in truth, this 
chivalrous nation cannot be held responsible for such excesses. The people of 
Madrid must not be confounded with the mob that vociferated ‘Death to Cristina,’ 
nor for the infamous libels launched among the population, under the title of 
‘Robberies of San Luis, Cristina and the Acolytes.’ The 1,800 barricades of Madrid 
and the ultra Communist manifestations of Barcelona bespeak the intermeddling of 
foreign Democracy with the Spanish Saturnalia. So much is certain, that a great 
number of the refugees of France, Germany and Italy have participated in the 
deplorable events now agitating the Peninsula. So much is certain, that Spain is on 
the brink of a social conflagration; the more immediate consequences will be the 
loss of the Pearl of the Antilles, the rich Island of Cuba, because it places Spain in 
the impossibility to combat American ambition, or the patriotism of a Soulé or 
Saunders. It is time that Spain should open her eyes, and that all honest men of 
civilized Europe should combine in giving the alarm.” “ 

It certainly requires no intervention of foreign democracy to stir 
up the population of Madrid when they see their Government 

No. 247, September 4, 1854.— Ed. 

break on the 28th the word given on the 7th; suspend the right of 
freely assembling, and restore the press-law of 1837, requiring a 
cautionnement? of 40,000 reals and 300 reals of direct taxes on the 
part of every editor.’ If the provinces remain agitated by 
uncertain and undecided movements, what other reason are we to 
find for this fact, but the absence of a center for revolutionary 
action? Not a single decree beneficent to the provinces has 
appeared since the so-called revolutionary government fell into the 
hands of Espartero. The provinces behold it surrounded by the 
same sycophancy, intrigues, and place hunting that had subsisted 
under San Luis. The same swarm hangs about the Government— 
the plague which has infested Spain since the age of the 
Philips.*” 

Let us just cast a glance at the last number of the Madrid Gaceta 
of the 6th September.” There is a report of O’Donnell announcing 
a superabundance of military places and honors to such a degree 
that out of every three generals only one can be employed on 
active service. It is the very evil which has cursed Spain since 
1823—this superincumbrance of generals. One would fancy that a 
decree was to follow abating the nuisance. Nothing of the sort. 
The decree following the report convokes a consultative junta of 
war, composed of a certain number of generals, appointed by the 
Government from generals holding at present no commission in 
the army. Besides their ordinary pay these men are to receive: 
each Lieutenant-General 5,000 reals, and each Maréchal-de-Camp 
6,000 reals. General Manuel de la Concha has been named 
President of this military sinecurist junta. The same number of the 
Gaceta presents another harvest of decorations, appointments, etc., 
as if the first great distribution had failed to do its work. San 
Miguel and Dulce have received the grand-cross of the order of 
Charles III; all the recompenses and provisional honors decreed 
by the junta of Saragossa are confirmed and enlarged. But the 
most remarkable portion of this number of the Gaceta is the 
announcement that the payment of the public creditors will be 
resumed on the 11th inst. Incredible folly of the Spanish people 
not to be satisfied with these achievements of their revolutionary 
government! 

Travellers who have recently arrived from Wallachia give a very 
distressing account of the state of that Principality. It is known 

reprint in Le Moniteur wniversel, No. 255, September 12, 1854.— Ed. 

that Russia saddled the Principalities with a debt of 14,000,000 
francs, on account of the occupation in 1848-49. This sum has 
been raised by the Russian generals during the late occupation. 
The Russians retreat after having emptied all the chests—the 
vestry chests, the central chests of the monasteries, the municipal 
chests—and it is with the contents of these that they have paid the 
supplies contracted for with the Wallachian proprietors and 
peasants. But the transports, which make a very important item in 
an agricultural country, wood, coals, straw, etc., were not paid at 
all, but simply foraged. The treasury of the Principalities 
accordingly is so much exhausted that the vestries are expected to 
become bankrupt. All this without taking into account the use of 
the houses transformed into hospitals, and the thousands of 
property intrusted to Russian hands from the fear of the boyards 
of Turkish robbery. 

We read in a letter from Athens, dated 29th August 

“The King continues to refuse any indemnity to Turkey. The hatred against the 
Occidental troops increases, and already several French _ soldiers have been 
ill-treated by the people.” 

It would be a curious history to expose to your readers how the 
Greek communities have been dissolved by British influence—how 
Capo d’Istria was imposed upon them, and how the whole of this 
people has been demoralized by the agency of Lord Palmerston. 
The honest intentions of the British Government even at this 
moment of their intervention in Greece, are sufficiently betrayed 
by the support it gives to General Kalergis, a man, like Capo 
d’Istria, born, bred and domiciliated in Russia. 

Lord Stratford de Redcliffe and the British Government have at 
length obtained what they have labored to bring about—a 
revolution in Turkey, if not in Europe, at least in Anatolia. We 
knew already by reports from Rhodes, that on the coast opposite 
this island, the Zeybeks, a warlike Ottoman mountain-tribe, had 
revolted. The Journal de Constantinople of 20th Aug. now an- 
nounces that anarchy in those parts is daily increasing. The rebels, 
in the absence of the regular army, constantly descend from the 
mountains, invade the villages, raise the tithes, plunder the 
inhabitants and caravans, violate the women, and murder every 
one that resists. Their excesses are gravest in the province of 
Mestescak. From Aiden the Governor has been obliged to flee to 
Thira. Denissli is in their hands, and the mufti Sahib Effendi, 
who went to inform the Governor-General, has been seized and 
beheaded with his followers. Their strength amounts to thousands. 
The source of these disturbances are the Bashi-Bazouks return- 

ing from Kars and Bayazid, who denounce the Porte for its 
oppression toward the Turks and its submission toward Russia. 

If we cast a look at Europe, we meet with symptoms of 
revolution in Spain, Italy, Denmark, the Danubian Principalities, 
Greece, Asiatic Turkey; and even in the ranks of the French army 
at Varna, the cry has resounded, “A bas les singes!” °° 

Written on September 12, 1854 Reproduced from the New-York