New-York Daily Tribune.
Nr. 4349, 28. Marz 1855

The death of the Emperor Nicholas, with its immediate and prospective consequences, overtops all other news brought by the Atlantic. As The Tribune
informed its readers would be the case, contrary to the opinion of nearly all the
journals of this City, when the news arrived last week, Alexander II. quietly
assumed the inheritance of his father. European writers speculate upon the course
which the new Emperor will pursue in the ominous conflict now pending. Until
yet, however, and in conformity with what we stated last week, the few public
acts of Alexander show that he intends to pursue the same course with his predecessor. The manifesto to the nation, of which only the most interesting part is
published in the European journals, declares that the new Czar will do all in his
power to maintain Russia in the high position which she holds, and that he shall
continue the policy of Peter, Catherine, Alexander, and of his deceased father.
Such a declaration is very natural in the mouth of a new Sovereign, but it would

be preposterous to draw conclusions therefrom as to his future acts. Such words
are neither for war nor peace, and other indications are required in order to judge

of his intentions. One of these is that he has no liking for the English; and
another is the nomination of Count Rüdiger as War-Minister, instead of Prince
Dolgoroucki, who filled this post under the deceased Czar, and was his favorite.
These are the only changes yet known to be made, among the higher dignitaries
of the Empire, and they followed almost immediately on the death of Nicholas.
We perceive in them a demonstration that the new Emperor is preparing for
extremities, and for an energetic prosecution of the war, should the Conference of
Vienna prove a failure.

As we long ago stated, it was the practice of Nicholas to direct personally, all
the movements of his armies and the destination and location of his troops. In a
word, he was his own War-Minister. Prince Dolgoroucki, a man of secondary
capacity, without any military experience, was a good Secretary—laborious and
exact in the execution of orders but unable alone to conceive any plans, or combine or energetically organize new resources. The present Emperor himself, inexperienced in military matters, and having never really devoted to them much of

his time, has, in appointing Count Rüdiger Minister of War, compensated for his
own deficiencies. This Minister is one of the oldest Generals of Russia, having
served with distinction in inferior grades during the French campaigns, as General against the Turks in 1828-29, as the commander of a corps in the Polish
campaign of 1831, and having finally contributed chiefly to bring to an end the
Hungarian invasion, Görgey surrendering to him. He is beyond seventy years,
but active, very energetic, and a military man to the marrow, enjoying great
consideration in the army as well as at St. Petersburg. He was highly esteemed by
Nicholas, and was always a favorite with the present Emperor. Personally he is

rather on unfriendly terms with Prince Pashkiewitch and Prince Gorchakoff, the

late commander on the Danube, and now in the Crimea. Count Rüdiger has
represented the German party, but that must not be confounded with a peaceparty. The Germans in the military service of Russia are more warlike than the
Russians themselves. War is for them the only way of acquiring distinction and
rising to elevated positions. Rüdiger is descended from an ancient family in the
Baltic provinces, as are nearly all the Germans in the Russian service. These
noble descendants of the ancient Teutonic Knights have preserved all the warlike
traditions and the aristocratic character of their ancestors, and all of them prefer
to enter the army, war being for them an object of ambition as well as an attraction. The elevation, therefore, of Rüdiger, though a German, would give a
new and powerful impulse to the preparations for war.

On the rest of the Continent all is in suspense, or the diplomatic entanglements
are as great as ever. The separate negotiation between Prussia and the two Western Allies have not progressed. Up to the present moment Prussia does not
proffer any concessions to the Allies, and still perseveres in maintaining the independence of her separate movements; and, on the other side, it appears that the
originally peremptory tone used by the French Minister toward the Cabinet of
Berlin, is now lowered.

It seems that France and England would have no objection to Prussia remaining neutral, if she would not prevent the other German powers from siding with
Austria. In Frankfort, the seat of the German Diet, the antagonism of Prussia
and Austria is as active as ever. The one opposes every project presented by the
other for mobilizing the army. Bavaria interferes continually as a mediator; and
in the great question of naming a Commander-in-Chief for the German Federal
Army—a dignity which Austria wishes to be conferred on Francis Joseph, and to
which Prussia never will submit—Bavaria suggests that the respective forces of
the two Powers remain under the command of their own Generals, and only the
remaining federal contingents be put under a federal commander. So much for
German unity.

It is evident that the Atlantic could not bring any news concerning the Conferences at Vienna, which did not even begin, notwithstanding the new Czar had
confirmed the powers of Prince Gorchakoff and Mr. Titoff. The daily expected
arrival of the Cunard steamer will, very likely, throw more light on these obscure
matters.