Zhou: We just finished our meeting and all agreed that this UN General Assembly issue was resolved cleanly and thoroughly, leaving no lingering problems. The only thing is we were completely unprepared, and matters related to the Security Council are especially tricky. Joining right away wouldn’t be in line with the Chairman’s teaching of “never fight a battle unprepared.” I’ve come up with a tentative idea: send Xiong Xianghui [1] with a few people to the UN first as an advance team, to understand the situation on the ground and make preparations.

Mao: That’s not necessary. Didn’t the UN Secretary-General send a telegram? We’ll just dispatch a delegation. Let “Qiao Laoye” [2] be the head, and Xiong Xianghui a representative. They can come back once the session ends—we still need to receive Nixon [3] after all. As for who to send to the Security Council, you all can study it further.

Zhou: Let Huang Hua [4] serve as deputy head and stay at the UN as the permanent representative to the Security Council.

Mao: Huang Hua’s been ambassador to Canada for less than four months. Pulling him out now—the other side might not be too happy about it.

Zhou: We’ll do some diplomatic work. The Canadian government will understand.

Mao: All right, let’s do it that way then.

Mao: This year we’ve had two major victories: one is Lin Biao, the other is the UN. I didn’t expect either of these big wins. I had sensed Lin Biao was up to something, but I never imagined he’d flee abroad, much less that the “Trident” plane he was on would crash in Outer Mongolia— “broken halberd sunk in the sand.” As for the UN, my head nurse [1] is the expert. She’s studied the proposals from those countries like Albania. Lately she kept telling me: the UN will pass it; I said: it won’t; she said: it will; I said: it won’t. You see, she was right after all. I still had so much superstition about that American baton.

Britain, France, the Netherlands, Belgium, Canada, Italy—all became “Red Guards,” rebelling against the US and casting their votes for us at the UN. Portugal became a “Red Guard” too. Among the European countries, only Malta voted against us, while Greece, Luxembourg, and Franco’s [2] Spain abstained. Apart from those four, every single one voted in favor. Nineteen Asian countries voted yes, twenty-six African countries did; Latin America is the US’s “backyard,” and only Cuba and Chile have established diplomatic ties with us, yet this time seven countries from there voted for us. The US’s “backyard” catching fire—that’s a major event. Out of 131 member states, there were 76 votes in favor, 17 abstentions, and only 35 against. The moment the result was announced, people sang, cheered, and some even banged on the tables. What does banging on the table mean? (Zhou Enlai explained: Banging on the table in the chamber expresses extreme joy.) With so many countries welcoming us, it would be unreasonable not to send a delegation. Of course, there were some unhappy people—“Generalissimo Jiang” being the first. The US State Department said it would issue a statement, but we haven’t seen it yet; it’s bound to be nothing more than a “funeral eulogy.”

What to do about being completely unprepared? I’ve said before: never fight a battle unprepared. I’ve also said: learn warfare through warfare. Now I’m asking the Premier to take command and press forward with preparations. The most important thing is to prepare the first speech at the UN General Assembly. [1]

In 1950, we were still in the “Flower-Fruit Mountain era.” [2] Back then you [3] accompanied Wu Xiuquan [4] on a trip to the UN. Wu Xiuquan spoke at the Security Council under the title “Accusing the United States of Armed Aggression Against Chinese Territory, Taiwan.” Accusation means filing a lawsuit—taking the “Jade Emperor” to court. Back then, the “Jade Emperor” was swaggering with arrogance and didn’t take us seriously. Now things are different: the “Jade Emperor” is also going to have to visit Flower-Fruit Mountain. This time when you go, it’s not to file a lawsuit, but to uphold justice, boost the morale of the world’s people, and deflate the pretensions of the superpowers. Voice your support for countries resisting external interference, aggression, and control.

That first speech must convey this spirit.

First, settle accounts. For so many years we were barred from the UN, and there’s a lot of pent-up frustration among the Chinese people and people around the world. The primary culprit was the United States, followed by Japan—name them; you have to. List the proposal countries one by one.

Second, recount the changes in the world situation since the founding of the UN. Just use what was discussed this time with Kissinger for the communiqué [5]: “Countries want independence, nations want liberation, and people want revolution—this has become an irresistible historical trend.” Bring in a bit of history: the American War of Independence in 1776, the French Revolution in 1789, the Russian October Revolution in 1917—all were great. But none reached the scale of what’s happened since 1945. Talk about China, self-reliance, hard struggle, overthrowing the three great mountains, achieving national independence, national liberation, and victory in the New Democratic revolution. This is not boasting, it’s facts. The aim is to encourage the world’s people. The United States must withdraw its armed forces from Taiwan. Whoever they are, any attempt to split Taiwan away from China is sheer wishful thinking.

Third, articulate our basic stance on international issues. Much of what we said during this round of communiqué talks with Kissinger can be used. We oppose the imperialist policies of war and aggression, oppose superpower hegemonism, and support all just struggles of oppressed peoples and oppressed nations. The struggles of all countries’ people support each other. Promote the Five Principles, equal status among all states large and small, that China belongs to the Third World, will never be a superpower, opposes big nations bullying small ones, strong nations bullying weak ones, and will not allow any country to manipulate the UN.

What else to include, I’ll ask the Premier to consider. In summary, take a clear-cut stand, “soar high and see far,” “with irresistible force.” “With irresistible force” comes from Du Yu, the “commander-in-chief of the three armies” under Emperor Sima Yan of the Jin Dynasty—this man was known as the “Zuo Zhuan fanatic.” He led troops to capture Wuchang and prepared to attack Jianye, the capital of Eastern Wu. A foolhardy staff officer advised him to wait because the Yangtze was flooding and they should fight next year. Du Yu said: “Now our military might resounds greatly, like the momentum of splitting bamboo; after several sections, all will split apart at the blade’s touch, leaving no place for hands to grip.” And sure enough, success came in one stroke: “The three-divided realm returned to one unity.” Composing an essay must be like “splitting bamboo with irresistible force” to truly persuade people.

Cao Cao was a great military strategist. Zhuge Liang praised him in the “Later Memorial on Sending Out the Troops”: “Cao Cao’s wisdom and stratagems were uniquely superior among men; in using troops, he resembled Sun Wu.” But he also criticized him for suffering defeats. How was that criticism phrased? Let our “Chief Counselor” [Ye Jianying] explain.

(Ye Jianying: Trapped at Chongyang, imperiled at Wuchao, pressed at Liyang, nearly defeated at Beishan, almost died at Tong Pass.)

“Nearly defeated at Beishan” refers to the events after Xiahou Yuan died in battle, concerning Cao Cao’s struggle for Hanzhong. The “Later Memorial on Sending Out the Troops” mentions Xiahou Yuan in three places; the other two are “Xiahou defeated and perished” and “Xiahou lost his head.” Xiahou Yuan was a leading general under Cao Cao; Cao Cao appointed him General who Conquers the West and made him the “garrison commander” of Hanzhong. When Liu Bei attacked Hanzhong, Xiahou Yuan deployed his main force on Mount Dingjun and ordered Zhang He to defend the Eastern Enclosure. Liu Bei “drew the snake out of its hole,” attacking Zhang He first. Xiahou Yuan split his forces, took half, and personally went to aid Zhang He, but was beheaded by Huang Zhong. There’s actually a Beijing Opera called “Mount Dingjun”—it’s the signature play of Tan Xinpei and Tan Fuying [1]. Take a look at Xiahou Yuan’s biography in the Book of Wei. Back when Xiahou Yuan had won a few victories, Cao Cao wrote to warn him: “As a commander, there must be times of caution and awareness of weakness; do not rely solely on bravery. A commander should take courage as the foundation, but act with wisdom and strategy; knowing only to trust in valor makes one a mere warrior fit for a single foe.” “There must be times of caution and awareness of weakness” means you must think of your own shortcomings and vulnerabilities, that there is the possibility of suffering defeat. Xiahou Yuan paid no heed to Cao Cao’s warning, and as a result, his entire army was annihilated. When you go to the UN, there will be many difficulties. You must “take courage as the foundation,” but even more, pay attention to how “as a commander, there must be times of caution and awareness of weakness.” The head of the delegation is the “commander,” so don’t let victory go to your head. Let me give you two phrases: one, “No investigation, no right to speak”; the other, “Modesty helps one progress, while conceit makes one lag behind.”

Our policy at the UN is “unite with the majority, isolate the tiny minority.” The 23 proposal countries are our friends in adversity—we must unite with them. We must also unite with the other 54 countries that voted in favor of us. Treat the 17 countries that abstained correctly. Under such heavy pressure from the United States, they did not support the US; by abstaining they showed sympathy for us. We should be grateful to them. The 35 countries that voted against us are not a monolithic bloc; we must also work on them. Unity is principled unity, and the principle is our basic stance on international issues. Our current slogan is: Safeguard the independence and sovereignty of all nations, maintain international peace, and promote human progress. Use this slogan to unite with the majority.

Mao: "Without investigation there is no right to speak." This was directed at the dogmatists, and I still believe it holds true today. Don't misunderstand this statement. Objective things are constantly developing and changing, and human understanding always lags behind these changes—knowledge always falls short of reality. If we demand that everything be thoroughly investigated before speaking or acting, then we will never be able to speak or act. Once the main facts and the essential circumstances are understood, a judgment can be made, and a resolution should be reached. I have always opposed those who, the moment they dismount from their carriage, start blabbering away. Such people accomplish little but spoil much. They think themselves extraordinary, always wanting to play the teacher and never willing to be the student. Some have fought in battles and earned a bit of merit, or think they have earned some merit, and whether eating, defecating, sleeping, or dreaming, they can never stop brooding over that bit of merit. Tell them they have no particular merit, and they'll say, if not merit, then at least toil; if not toil, then at least fatigue. This is low taste. In recent years, the thinking of some in the military has been muddled by Lin Biao. The Jinan Military Region proposed "Opposing Arrogance and Shattering Complacency"—well put—and I had the entire army study it. Lately I have often said that the military must be prudent, and this is a targeted remark. This year we won a great victory at the United Nations, a victory achieved mainly with the help of our foreign friends. We have no reason to be cocky. Now we are in a situation where "the reality is hard to match the great reputation." That is why I say, "A general must also know when to be cautious and weak." It is still the case that "three cobblers with their wits combined surpass Zhuge Liang." Consult when matters arise; be resourceful and decisive, not like Yuan Shao, who was "resourceful but indecisive," and still less "scheming not at all and acting arbitrarily." Prudence does not mean being excessively cautious and timid. When you are sure of something, say what needs to be said and do what needs to be done.

In the United Nations, we must build a united front. This is an international united front, which shares similarities with and differs from the domestic united front. The fundamental difference is that the domestic united front is a united front of different classes, in which the proletariat must hold the leadership; the international united front is a united front of different countries, in which there is no question of one leading another. All countries, big and small, are equal; no one should lead others, and no one should be subordinated to others. In the past we spoke of taking the Soviet Union as the head, because it was the elder brother, and to deal with imperialism, it was necessary at times to let it take the lead and chair meetings. But when it sought to hold leadership and created father-son parties and father-son countries, that was completely wrong. The United States always wants other countries to obey it—that is practicing hegemonism. Hegemonism should be overthrown. Therefore, in building an international united front, we must engage in consultation on an equal footing, absolutely cannot act as big powers and issue orders, absolutely cannot interfere in the internal affairs of others, and absolutely cannot harbor the idea of leading others.

You can set off for the UN this time with peace of mind—that "close comrade-in-arms" of mine is no longer around. Do the comrades present know about this?

Zhou: We haven't informed them yet. After the Chairman finishes speaking, we will go to the Great Hall and read the document[1] to them, and brief them on the relevant circumstances. "571" is a homophone for "armed uprising." This was the program by which Lin Biao's counterrevolutionary clique plotted to assassinate the Chairman and launch a counterrevolutionary coup.

Mao: Read this item aloud to them later. It should be printed and distributed in full to every Party branch nationwide as soon as possible.

Zhou: This is full of language viciously slandering the Chairman—how can we distribute it?

Mao: Why can't we? Not a single word should be altered. Distribute it exactly as it is, so that all Party members and all the masses know about it.

Mao: Security is very important. When you go, from top to bottom you must all stay together.

Mao: (To Zhou Enlai) Immediately send a cable to Huang Zhen's[1] assistant and have him relay to Kissinger that during our delegation's stay in the United States, the U.S. government must guarantee security. If any problems arise, the U.S. government will be held solely accountable.

[1] Huang Zhen, successively served as Ambassador to Indonesia, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the first Ambassador to France. From 1970, Huang Zhen was secretly ordered to carry out diplomatic communications with the United States, responsible for liaison work during U.S. representative Kissinger's secret visit to China.

Complete Works of Mao Zedong, Volume 51
On October 25, 1971, the 26th Session of the UN General Assembly adopted the proposal of 23 countries including Albania and Algeria, expelling the representatives of the Taiwan authorities and restoring all lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. Pictured is the Chinese delegation at the UN General Assembly.