(When discussing the issue of Lin Biao and his gang)
Mao Zedong (hereinafter referred to as Mao): Let's not draw conclusions now; that should
be done by the Central Committee. You all attended the meeting of 99 people. The Premier
delivered a summary speech. Self-criticisms by five generals, as well as those by Li Xuefeng
and Zheng Weishan, were published. Everyone believed the issue was resolved and a
summary had been made. In fact, the Lushan incident is not over, not resolved. Everyone
also believes Chen Boda was wrong to create a collection of quotations calling him a
"genius." What theory? The Second Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee reached
a considerable conclusion. "My Opinion" specifically criticizes the "genius" theory. I'm not
saying we shouldn't talk about genius. Genius is simply a bit smarter. Isn't genius dependent
on one person or a few people? Genius relies on one person, isn't it? Genius relies on the
Party, and the Party is the vanguard of the proletariat.
(On the Party's situation)
Mao: Our Party has over 20 million members, and only 1 percent are bad. This one percent,
called "getting rid of the old and welcoming in the new," will need to be suspended a little,
but not by much. Those purged and suspended will account for three percent. There are still
backward elements within the Party, or relatively speaking. These issues can only be
resolved in years, or even decades. Because there's no war now, there's no Chen Duxiu. Back
then, there were daily battles, a whirlwind of revolutionary activity, and the situation quickly
became apparent. Chen Duxiu and his 81 companions escaped and issued a statement.
Before the August 7th Conference, the policy of the Nanchang Uprising was correct. The
Nanchang Uprising was fundamentally correct. Later, there were mistakes in the policy, but
the experience gained was also good. The cities are no longer that developed. Relying on
external aid is unreliable; we have to rely on ourselves. What can we do without soldiers?
We rely on mobilizing the masses. We also have captured soldiers. They're also members of
the masses, having been conscripted by the Kuomintang. By capturing them, we're splitting
them from the enemy.
Mao: I heard that the education on the Three Disciplines and the Eight Points of Attention
has been neglected. Article 1 of the Three Disciplines, and Articles 1 and 5 of the Eight Points
of Attention are all very important. They are the key points. Without a key point, there is no
policy. Without a policy, how can we do our work? We must grasp the key points, study, and
discuss them. How can we do this without drawing on history and policy?



Of course, you can't talk to the soldiers about the Lushan Conference yet. We don't
understand why they held this meeting, and why it ended so quickly. Comrade Liu Jianxun
said it took a day and a half, I say three days. They were already working on it from the very
beginning.
If you have a point, you can insist. Why did that evil wind die down after three days? Why
did it retreat so quickly? The heads of all the major groups participated in the discussion at
the Politburo Standing Committee and announced the withdrawal of the briefing.
In short, we will distribute the briefing to everyone. Let everyone comment: Is it
revolutionary, semi-revolutionary, or counter-revolutionary? Don't be influenced by the
backward opinions of the masses. You are among those who are backward. Otherwise, why
would you be swept up in the sudden typhoon?
Mao: The military has always emphasized a resolute and decisive style, and I agree with that.
However, when resolving ideological issues, resoluteness isn't enough. We must present
facts and reason, and we'll listen to whoever has the right opinion. I've never had any
opinions. My opinions all come from the lower levels, from the supply stations. Chen Boda
gave me a few quotations, the 38th Army gave me a report, Wang Dongxing's selfexamination, the Jinan Military Region's report on combating arrogance and complacency,
and Liu Zihou also gave me some materials. What do I have? I learned from them, and then I
just throw stones.
I think you should do the same in the future. What kind of knowledge do you have? I don't
know. It's nothing more than holding a couple of meetings with workers and peasants and
then summarizing things. Some people, once summarizing things, start talking about how
wise and great they are! A wise leader! Actually, how can I be considered a wise leader? The
mere mention of a wise leader fills me with dread. I'm not a wise leader. I simply write a few
words or a few sentences on the reports from below, and they provide material for my brain
to process.
You all talk about wise leadership, right? Of course, without it, we can't do anything.
Without wise leadership, how could you possibly manage Guangdong Province? The
Guangzhou Military Region encompasses three provinces with a population of over 100
million. Can you manage them? But you should keep an eye on the numbers; don't just
publish them in the newspapers. I'll go around and talk to you guys, but don't bring too
many people. At the Lushan Conference, we talked about reading. I hope you'll read more in
the future.
You are all secretaries, and you still have to be students. I'm a student every day now,
reading two copies of Reference Materials: one in the morning and one in the afternoon, so I
have some international knowledge. Some people are too busy and only read one copy of
Reference News, which is too little. If you don't have time, you can give it to the secretaries
or secretarial section chiefs. After they read it, they can whisper it in your ears. I think we



should print more copies of Reference Materials so that more people can read it. If some
people don't read it, let them be.
(On the Second Plenary Session of the Ninth Central Committee)
Mao: This Lushan fight is different from the previous nine. All the previous nine resulted in
conclusions, but this time, to protect Vice Chairman Lin, no personal conclusion was
reached. He certainly bears some responsibility. I think those people did him a disservice.
They didn't even keep me informed. It would be good if you could keep me informed more
often.
I'm just trying to give you some peace of mind this time! Speak out what's on your mind,
both right and wrong. That'll make you feel better. Like Wang Dongxing, he was involved, but
he made several self-criticisms at meetings of 1,300 people, and he didn't fall. You can't fall if
you speak your mind. Of course, there are a few who gloat over your misfortune.
What I've said goes beyond the Premier's summary of the meeting of ninety-nine people. It's
my personal opinion. For example, was the North China Group's briefing revolutionary or
counter-revolutionary? That's still up for debate. In short, it's not very good. Otherwise, why
would they have to retract it? It wasn't entirely appropriate for a few generals to leak
information to the various groups. Then, when they were told it wasn't working, they
panicked. Initially, they were so bold, ready to blow up Mount Lushan and stop the Earth.
But after a few days, they quickly retracted the records. Look, it's only been a few days, and
they've been going back and forth. If they have a point, why retract it?
Our senior cadres are immature. That Lushan Conference only had about two hundred
people, and I was one of them, along with some other senior cadres. This time, I'm trying to
get some fresh air out to our senior cadres. I've spoken to Central Committee members,
including Bu Zhanya, who isn't a member. I've also spoken to him. Is it okay to try to get
some fresh air out to the political commissar of a military region? Comrade Hua Guofeng,
you're obsessed with agriculture. Of course, you've also discussed the agricultural policy, but
agriculture alone isn't enough. We also need to consider the Party, government, military,
civilians, and academics in all directions. Go back and get some fresh air out there. Those
who can, do so. Those who can't, just abide by the rules. Let's give it a try. I can't make the
decision alone. Don't do this universally; you should try to get some fresh air out there
individually.
(Speaking of the conferences of representatives of activists studying Chairman Mao's works
held in various regions)
Mao: Mao: How effective were these past collective meetings? It warrants investigation. The
one held in Beijing had shortcomings.
Firstly, at that collective meeting convened by the General Staff Department, he insisted on
singling out one person for special praise while forbidding anyone else to speak. I heard that



a nurse there voiced a dissenting opinion and they didn't let her off. ‘The “Great Tree Special
Tree” campaign is ill-conceived. While ostensibly promoting me, it's unclear whom it truly
elevates—in reality, it elevates only him. Do I need him to elevate me? I've already achieved
remarkable prominence.’
Later, the National Defense Science and Technology Commission's congresses weren't good
either. Some people even sent telegrams of congratulations when the commission held its
congresses. In reality, this was just a publicity stunt, a way to gather support. Mao: (To Liu
Xingyuan and Ding Sheng) You have such a close relationship with Huang Yongsheng. What
would happen if Huang Yongsheng fell? He was the only son of the Jinggangshan clan in the
working group.
Huang Yongsheng, a native of Xianning, Hubei, joined the army at the age of seventeen. He
was originally a soldier in the guard regiment of Ye Ting's army. This regiment did not
participate in the Nanchang Uprising, but participated in the Autumn Harvest Uprising in
Xiushui, Jiangxi, and then went to Jinggangshan.
Cadres in the south are relatively rare now. They are too high up in the hierarchy and sparse.
I'm happy that cadres are increasing in the north, but don't get cocky. Overall, we are
Bolsheviks with our flaws, and that's okay.
Mao: Don't talk about the Lushan Conference publicly, because the Central Committee
hasn't reached a conclusion yet. You can just talk about the nine struggles between the two
lines. Just say that there are still some problems with the current struggle between the two
lines. Don't tell me what I'm saying. However, our army should be educated. All senior
cadres should understand what I've been bragging about. There are so many commanders
and political commissars, I'm afraid it's too late. Actually, everyone knows about it. What
about the "ordinary people"? Who are these "ordinary people"? Everyone in Hebei knows.
In short, it's a question of line, factionalism, and unity. I'm Cheng Yaojin's three axes. I talk
about it everywhere. No matter who makes a mistake, if they don't uphold unity and the
line, it's not good. After returning to Beijing, I'll talk to them one by one, or three or four at a
time. If they don't talk to me, I'll go to them.
The method is threefold: throwing rocks, undermining the foundations, and adding sand.
Chen Boda, this "little common man," is trying to sow discord, and he never finishes his
words. We are now at the grassroots level, and we don't criticize him openly. We still call the
criticism of Chen and the rectification movement "criticism of revisionism and rectification
movement." Our Party has discipline. During the Lushan struggle, we didn't hear what the
foreigners said. Meetings were held in North China for over a month, and later generations
held meetings for another three months, but we didn't hear anything from the foreigners. In
short, there are over 20 million Party members nationwide, both cadres and soldiers. Isn't
3% a bit too much? Now I hope you will try to use the Three Disciplines and Eight Points of



Attention to educate the soldiers, cadres, the masses, the Party members, and the people.
This issue is very simple; there's no need for such lengthy reports.
(Mao Zedong checked his watch)
Mao: I'm leaving today, and I'll continue my conversations along the way.
Wei: The Chairman's speech was very instructive for us.
Mao: That's brilliant again, isn't it? I've never heard of it before. A meeting of ninety-nine
people... I just spoke about it. Marx often said, don't judge people by their statements, judge
them by their actions. Statements are merely spoken or written; that's easier. Truly
implementing them is harder. This issue hasn't been resolved; it may take several years, ten
years, or even twenty years. People say, "The final judgment will be made after the final
coffin." I say that some people can't be judged after the final coffin. Wasn't Stalin judged
after the final coffin? No, he wasn't.
Stalin's Yalta Agreement aimed to carve up the world. Mongolia was removed from China,
Xinjiang and Northeast China were assigned to the Soviet Union's sphere of influence, with
no other countries allowed in. Japan was assigned to the United States' sphere of influence.
Did you know this?
(Discussing Sino-Soviet relations)
Mao: During the Korean War, relations between the two countries were relatively good. The
Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance and the Yalta Agreement
are two different issues. During the internal debate surrounding the signing of the Sino-
Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance, they said that third-country
nationals were not allowed to enter Northeast China and Xinjiang. We said there were still
200,000 Koreans in Northeast China, some of whom had not yet obtained Chinese
citizenship. How could this be? They couldn't answer. Furthermore, they wouldn't allow us
to seize power. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union was always opposed to this. The
telegrams still exist.
After the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan, Stalin sent our Party a telegram
saying that civil war was unacceptable. If a civil war were to break out, the Chinese nation
would be in danger of extinction.
If the country was in danger of extinction, that was fine, but how could a nation perish? The
word "nation" refers to its people. How could a nation with hundreds of millions of people
perish? I disagreed with them. At the time, there were also quite a few within our party who
did not want to seize power, nor did they talk about seizing power.
Mao: I've discussed the Party's ten struggles between different lines. Not once did the Party
split. This question is worth studying. With such a large country and so many people, the
only reason for not splitting is the people's hearts and the Party's will. The Party members



themselves did not support a split. The Bolsheviks and Mensheviks formed in the Soviet
Union. There was a basis for a split in our Party, especially during Wang Ming's time.
(Someone in the audience asked Chairman Mao: Did the Soviet Union give Gao Gang and
Rao Shushi a hand?)
Mao: We did pull them back a bit. From a historical perspective, our party has hope. In the
past, Zhang Guotao attempted to split the party and pitted the Communist Party's armed
forces against each other, but that didn't work.
Mao: There's great hope. We must continue to implement the policy of "learning from past
mistakes to avoid future ones, and curing the illness and saving the patient" and unite.