First, the historical issue.
There is always a tendency in a period. After the first great revolution, only cooperation was
allowed, and independence was not mentioned. Cooperation with the Communist Party was
not mentioned, and struggle with the Kuomintang was not mentioned. There is a tendency.
Sometimes we talk about tendency, sometimes we talk about trend. Sometimes we talk
about ideological trend, sometimes we talk about wave. Under a tendency, many people are
deceived. We only think of cooperation, but not split. After the split, another tendency came
in 1927: only workers and peasants are needed, not the national bourgeoisie; only the
Communist Party is revolutionary, and other parties are not good enough.
Dogmatism advocates that no land should be distributed to landlords, but that bad land
should be distributed to rich peasants. Small parties are worse than the unscrupulous party.
This is because they are still deceptive and do not recognize the existence of a third force.
Under this force, "leftism" emerged, and there was also rightism among them. This was the
ten-year land revolution.
During the Anti-Japanese War, there was another climax. The second time we cooperated
with the Communist Party, the Red Army was changed to the Eighth Route Army, and wore
the hat of the Kuomintang. Many people did not understand and could not figure it out. In
fact, we were independent. Later, Wang Ming came back and brought a national defense
line, which was "left" in form but right in essence. (The Chairman proposed at that time:
adhere to unity and oppose division; adhere to progress and oppose regression. At that
time, Peng Dehuai was very bad. He was very interested in bourgeois things and advocated
freedom, equality, and fraternity. Land reform was implemented in Taihang, and there were
three ups and downs. Later, Marshall came and formed a three-person group, saying that
they were peaceful, but in fact they were helping the Kuomintang and Chiang Kai-shek. We
were ready to fight, and we prepared for a period of time.) Among them, we were ready to
fight. Some people thought that the Southern Anhui Incident was the mainstream, but it was
not the mainstream. The mainstream was anti-Japanese. We were not fooled in the eight-year war of resistance. There were difficulties and struggles. After the victory of Quanwang, I
Qingcheng secretly went to Beijing for negotiations, and they defeated him. I went to pick
him up, which was beyond his expectation. I only picked up such a person in Beijing.
In a period of time, there is always a tendency to cover up another tendency. In the division,
there is a union, and in the union, there is a division.
In socialist transformation, we adopt a policy of redemption towards the bourgeoisie.
Confiscating the bourgeoisie will not be done with a gong or a drum. Lenin proposed the



policy of redemption a long time ago, but Lenin died early, and it was not implemented in
the Soviet Union.
Second, implement policies.
Now in the proletarian cultural revolution, everything is taken to a high level. There is a
factory in Beijing with an eight-person special task force, saying that their factory director is
a dog spy. After the masses’ investigation, the factory director is a good person. I don’t
believe some special task forces. There are more than 10,000 people in Peking University,
and they arrested hundreds of people. Before the propaganda team moved in, they did not
explain the tasks. After moving in, they did not summarize the experience and did not report
to them. They went in and out of Peking University three times. This is not good for the
army! The 63rd Army is no longer needed. This is mainly because the leadership is not good,
and reports are received at all levels. Liu Xing is the deputy director of the political
department of the 63rd Army. He has not received reports from them once in seven months.
I thought it was difficult to catch people far away, and it was not easy to do work in nearby
places. But it is not necessarily the case. After being transferred to the countryside, Shu Dafu
performed well!
Aren't we talking about targeting a small group of people like Liu and Deng now? Should
Peking University arrest a small group? Arresting 1/1000, 2/1000, or 3/1000 will be enough,
and let the rest go. Professors, lecturers, and associate professors are unarmed and cannot
rebel. If they rebel, we will arrest them.
I only added one sentence to the seventh question of Article 6: During the movement,
except for the current counter-revolutionaries who have evidence of murder, arson,
poisoning, and stealing family secrets, who should be dealt with according to the law, no one
should be arrested, no one should be killed, and no one should be imprisoned. Some special
case teams do not distinguish right from wrong. It is easy to imprison people but difficult to
release them, because they are afraid of being accused of rightist tendencies. During the
Yan'an Rectification Movement in 1942, most of them were not arrested, and no one was
killed! Tongxing arrested many people, but didn't they all release them? But it was very
passive. In major spy cases, most of them were not arrested, and only one or two were
arrested. Don't label rightists casually. The labels are in our hands. If he wants to rebel, he
can label him! The labels are not the problem of one rightist, but the problem of the whole
family. Why do we snatch them to the enemy? There are too many people who have been
trained abroad, and the gains are not great. You have too many people in prison. Release
them all. The unrepentant capitalist-roaders will change in a year or two! Nie Yuanzi has
changed, that's good enough!
I can't hate the key players in the "February Countercurrent". They are not these few! There
are also some in other places. Some of them are excerpted, they did it openly, it was not a
conspiracy. They opposed the Central Committee, but actually opposed me and Comrade Lin



Biao. Don't write it about the Ninth National Congress, unlike Yang Chengwu who was a
double-dealer. They are still angry.
In every period, there is always a tendency that covers up another tendency. Now we have
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Will the bourgeoisie do it again in the future? We
should do it one factory at a time, one school at a time, one commune at a time, one unit at
a time. When doing it, we should make small demonstrations, be focused, be specific, and
focus on typical cases. Of course, there is a process. It is not a good idea to lock up talents.
We have always disapproved of it. The army had confinement. Is it still there now? (Answer:
No.) Not necessarily. The Beijing troops still have it. Punish the past and respond to the
future, cure the disease and save the patient! Is it true or false? Let's talk about ourselves,
such as assigning appropriate tasks to those who made mistakes. In the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution, a few people reversed their verdicts on the Yan'an Rectification
Movement. Will anyone reverse their verdicts on the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in
the future? The bourgeoisie, as a class, will always oppose us. Although the bourgeoisie is
small in number, they have great energy, especially their intellectuals.
Third, prepare for war. To prepare for war, Northeast, Northwest, and North China must be
prepared. If we are prepared, there is no harm in not fighting. We must be prepared for
enemy planes to bomb our atomic reactors. When Japan surrendered, they had no bases
and were small. Second, the government surrendered. Our leaders were all beaten by them,
but our subordinates still have to fight.
The Soviet revisionists were very poor and had poor discipline. When the Soviet army
entered the Northeast, the discipline was terrible. The Soviet revisionists only issued one set
of clothes a year and asked people to pay for them. First, they wanted things, second, they
wanted women, and third, they wanted face. On Zhenbao Island, their artillery hit seven
kilometers into our rear, and we did not fight back to give them face. It would be good if
they hit seventy, seven hundred, or seven thousand kilometers and reached Zhengzhou. We
would have a way. Cut the leeks, but not pull them out. When fighting, we start, and they
start too, but they will not start. The Red Guards were very brave and obedient. All the Red
Guards in the schools who fought hard in the past were obedient. This time, the army did
not want to play, the factories did not want them, and the local governments did not want
them. When they arrived in the army, they did not know how to do morning exercises
because they could not sleep! Later, they got up earlier than anyone else. At first, they were
unwilling to carry backpacks, but after two periods of training, they had physical strength.
Strengthen local armed forces, one battalion in a small county, two battalions in a medium
county, and one regiment in a large county. They should be engaged in production and
training in peacetime, and be organized into field armies when fighting breaks out.
Conscripts will be too late to fight when the war breaks out.




Speech at the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (2)
April 11, 1969