Should we continue this small meeting or hold a plenary session?
Hold a plenary session to pass the political report and the party constitution. Pass it first and
don't publish it, okay?
………………..
The Beijing group briefing said that there is a tendency covering up another tendency. There
is a tendency in the cleansing of the class ranks, which is expansion. This issue has been
discussed several times in many meetings.
The cleansing of the class ranks involved traitors, spies, unrepentant capitalist-roaders,
counter-revolutionaries, and landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad
elements, and rightists who had not been reformed. Some places did it better, while others
did it worse, not quite accurately, and exaggerated. Some people were arrested, and those
who should not have been arrested were also arrested. The masses rose up, and more
people were arrested, which is understandable. Because the cleansing of the class ranks was
carried out by the Central Committee, and it was stipulated that it should be carried out, it
was exaggerated as soon as it was carried out. There have been many such cases in history.
In order to clarify the two lines at the Seventh National Congress8, I criticized those who
made mistakes at the meeting, so the Seventh National Congress was a closed and victorious
meeting. After the meeting, it was indeed closed and victorious, and it was more united than
during the civil war in the Central Soviet Area.
After the Fourth Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee9, the party became even
more leftist. Wang Ming's10 pamphlet ‘Struggle for the Central Committee to Become More
Bolshevik’ described Li Lisan11 as a ‘leftist’ opportunist, but Wang Ming went even further to

8 The 7th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party began in June 1945, before the end of the Second
Sino-Japanese War, and the resumption of the Chinese Civil War. The 8th National Congress was held in 1956.
9 The Fourth Plenary Session of the Ninth Central Committee was held in Beijing from February 6–10, 1954.
Mao Zedong did not participate, and the report by the Politburo, including criticism of Gao Gang was delivered
by Liu Shaoqi.
10 Wang Ming (1904-1974) joined the CCP in 1924. From 1925 to 1929, Wang studied in Moscow, and in 1931
became the CCP's leading representative to the Comintern, living in Moscow until 1937. On his return, he
opposed Mao’s application of Marxism to China’s conditions. The 1942 Rectification Movement in Yan’an was
directed at Wang’s dogmatism. During the period of the Second Communist-Guomindang United Front, Wang
advocated everything through the United Front and subsequently lost influence as a party leader.
Nevertheless, he was elected to the Central Committee at the 7th National Congress. Wang Ming returned to
Moscow in the early 1950s, ostensibly for health reasons, and became a supporter of the Soviet revisionists
after 1956, attacking Mao and the CCP until Wang’s death in 1974.
11 Li Lisan (1899-1967) joined the CCP in the early 1920s after a brief period of study in France. He helped
organise workers at the Anyuan Coal Mine and around 1926, in Wuhan. In 1930, Li Lisan advocated the seizure



the left, almost destroying the Red Army. At that time, he was in Moscow. The Red Army had
500,000 troops, but later only 30,000 remained, and he was satisfied.
There were three ‘leftist’ tendencies, each more severe than the last. Li Lisan was not as
severe as Qu Qiubai12, but Wang Ming was more extreme than Li Lisan. During the Anti-
Japanese War period, Wang Ming turned to right-wing opportunism. At the time, there was
a prevailing sentiment that since the Kuomintang-Communist cooperation had been
established, there was no need for independence and autonomy. Wang Ming returned from
the Soviet Union and led this capitulationist sentiment, committing errors. The democratic
trend of Kuomintang-Communist cooperation overshadowed the principles of independence
and autonomy, mobilising the masses, strengthening the people's power, and establishing
base areas.
The Yan'an Rectification Movement criticised Wang Ming's line and corrected his erroneous
line. Now some people say that ‘the rectification movement was wrong,’ and it is not
surprising that this may come up again in the future.
The first collaboration between the Communist Party and the Kuomintang took place when
Sun Yat-sen was still alive. At that time, they also called for the overthrow of imperialism and
the overthrow of warlords. The overthrow of local tyrants was also acceptable. Some were
loyal, while others were not. At that time, Li Weihan13, the secretary of the Henan Provincial
Committee, was not loyal. (Lin Biao: Li Weihan did not call for the overthrow of local
tyrants.) At that time, independence and autonomy also existed. There were mass
movements, land reform movements, peasant movements, and student movements, with
the peasant movement being the main one. This occurred in Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi, Guangxi,
and Guangdong. After a period of time, the contradictions that had been concealed came to

of power in the cities. When Wang Ming returned from Moscow, the two fell out and Li was recalled to
Moscow where he spent the next 15 years.  He was elected to the Central Committee at the 7th National
Congress held in Yan’an. In 1946, he was sent back to China. After Liberation, he served as Minister for Labour.
During the Cultural Revolution, Li was denounced as an agent of Soviet revisionism and he died, apparently
suiciding, in 1969.
12 Qu Qiubai (1899-1935) joined the CCP in 1923 and became acting Chairman of the CCP Politburo and the de
facto leader of the party in 1927, replacing Chen Duxiu. In April 1928 he went to Moscow where his “leftism”
was criticised. In 1930, he returned to Shanghai where he took part in cultural work. In 1934 he fled Shanghai,
only to be arrested in Fujian Province, He was tortured for a year and then executed.
13 Li Weihan (1896-1984) joined the CCP in 1921. He became a member of the 6th Politburo of the Chinese
Communist Party in 1927 but fell out of favour shortly afterwards in the wake of the unsuccessful Autumn
Harvest Uprising which he sought to bring to an end, and was accused of cowardice. Li was eclipsed until
reemerging in the early 1930s as a supporter of Li Lisan, and was promoted to become the first principal of the
Yan'an-based Central Party School of the Chinese Communist Party, the highest training centre for party
workers and leaders. Li served as principal from 1933 to 1935 and again from 1937 to 1938. After Liberation, Li
was involved in managing China's minorities and nationalities as Chairman of the State Ethnic Affairs
Commission. He was removed from his post as Director of the United Front Department in 1964 and was
subsequently criticised by Zhou Enlai for "capitulationism in united front work". However, he reemerged after
1978 as a supporter of the revisionist Deng Xiaoping and as a critic of Mao and the CCP, which Li referred to as
"feudal". Deng promoted Li in 1982 to the post of vice chairman of the Central Advisory Commission, which
Deng himself chaired. Li died in office in August 1984.



the fore. Chiang Kai-shek killed people, so we took up arms. At the time, we did not think of
establishing a base in the countryside. Some people followed Liu Shaoqi in surrendering
their weapons in Wuhan, while others suffered defeat. The Nanchang Uprising did not know
to go to the countryside. We went to the countryside because the enemy forced us to go.
Because we could not stay in the city, Chiang Kai-shek wanted to kill us. Once the fighting
began, everything was targeted—the bourgeoisie, industry and commerce, small capitalists,
and urban workshops were all targeted… The democratic revolution, in a nutshell, divides
the bourgeoisie into two parts: one part is the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, and the other part
is the national bourgeoisie. The democratic revolution cannot… national capitalists.
During the civil war, three errors of a ‘leftist’ nature were committed. Why were there no
errors of a rightist nature, but only errors of a ‘leftist’ nature? Because there was a war going
on at the time. The second cooperation with the Communist Party resulted in a rightist
tendency. Now that there is cooperation, everything is subject to the united front, and
everything goes through the united front. There is no independence or autonomy, no
mobilisation of the masses, no army, and no leadership of the Party.
After the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan, negotiations took place in
Chongqing. While I was in Chongqing, Liu Shaoqi gave a report at the Party School in Yan'an
saying that a ‘new stage of peace and democracy’ had arrived, and telegrams were sent to
various places.  (Dong Biwu: I didn't hear about it in Chongqing. [XXX]: It was conveyed in
Zhangjiakou in Jinzhaoji. Huang Yongsheng: I heard that a telegram was sent to the
Northeast. Lin Biao: The Northeast also received the telegram. We did not convey it; we sent
a telegram stating that it was not the ‘new stage of peace and democracy’ but the
"beginning of civil war.") The negotiations had not concluded when I returned, preparing for
war. Later, Premier Kang went and drafted an agreement, which was signed. Does this
agreement hold any weight? In theory, it should, but in practice, it does not.
The Seventh National Congress was a congress of unity and victory. After more than three
years, Chiang Kai-shek was defeated. After entering the city, many people were successfully
detained, including Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. Liu Shaoqi was later found to be a traitor,
spy, and labour saboteur, while Deng Xiaoping had no historical issues. Bo Yibo14 and An
Ziwén15 had connections with the Kuomintang.

14 Bo Yibo (1908-2007) joined the CCP in 1925. He was imprisoned by the Guomindang in 1931, but signed an
anti-Communist “confession” five years later and resumed his Party work. Bo was China's inaugural Minister of
Finance, a member of the Communist Party's Politburo, Vice-Premier, chairman of State Economic Commission,
and vice-chairman of the party's Central Advisory Commission. He was purged in 1966, but was brought back
to power by Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s, after Mao's death. He supported Deng’s restoration of capitalism
and supported his son, Bo Xilai’s career.
15 An Ziwen (1909-1980) joined the CCP in 1927. He was arrested, but released, by the Guomindang. In 1949,
he was appointed as head of the Personnel Ministry, and was elected as a CPPCC Standing Committee member.
He served as vice minister of the Central Organization Department, and was appointed as the Central
Commission for Discipline Inspection and deputy secretary. In 1956, at the Eighth CCP National Congress, he
was elected as head of the CCP Central Organization Department. In 1966, An was denounced as one of the



The establishment of the People's Republic of China marked the beginning of socialism, but
we did not announce it at the time. It was not until after the land reform that it was
announced. In some areas, the land reform was not thorough, and it was carried out
peacefully. At the time, the national bourgeoisie was utilised, restricted, and transformed.
The Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee proposed that the main
contradiction was between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, but this was not often
discussed openly with the public. As a result, the masses did not know that the socialist
revolution was to eliminate the bourgeoisie, but some people talked about utilising it
instead of restricting and transforming it.
Whether this proletarian cultural revolution is called the Cultural Revolution or not is a
matter of history. It can be called the Cultural Revolution, because from the beginning of the
Cultural Revolution, no matter what name it is called, it can always touch the superstructure,
from the central government to government agencies, schools, factories, rural areas...
Bourgeois intellectuals, they also have backers. This work has not been completed yet, and it
will take some time. We must do it seriously. We must find typical cases, conduct
investigations and studies, summarize experience, and implement policies. (Lin Biao: Our
great leader Chairman Mao personally caught several typical cases in Beijing.) I can't manage
so many, you have to catch them. In the past, the Beijing Municipal Party Committee
couldn't manage it, but now it can. I only caught the typical cases, and I can't manage
everything. Factories, schools, and government agencies must find typical cases. We must
catch them one by one in factories, communes, schools, and units. (Mao asked Huang
Yongsheng about the work of clearing the ranks) Our army must be cautious.
There was an eight-member special case team in Nankou that turned the party secretary
into a dog spy. Afterwards, the people handed him over to the public for investigation and
found that he was not a spy but a good person. The materials collected by people who
conduct special cases are not so reliable. Their view is that the more they collect, the better,
just like when we used to catch lice during marches, we would not be satisfied if we caught
less. It is not easy for people who conduct special cases to judge cases. If the verdict is
overturned, it is the fault of the leaders. I do not conduct special cases.
There is a university in Beijing with over 9,000 students, and over 900 of them were
arrested, which is one-tenth of the total. It is not easy to release people once they are locked
up. If you want to release them, you have to give a reason. Why did you arrest me? Why are
you releasing me? Some can be pushed down, and some can be pulled up. Some are locked
up in cattle sheds and forced to clean toilets. (Asking Zhang Chunqiao) What is XXX doing?
(Zhang answers...) Intellectuals cleaning toilets is acceptable.

renegades who had cooperated with the GMD to secure their release. He died two years after his rehabilitation
by Deng Xiaoping.



Wang Ming wrote an article saying that we should not have intellectuals. Qin Shi Huang
burned books and buried scholars alive, killing more than 400 people. We did not kill
anyone, but we did engage in practices such as wearing high hats16, parading people through
the streets, and cleaning toilets. These were temporary phenomena. (Kang Sheng: The
Soviet newspaper published a photo of Peng Zhen wearing a high hat.) Wearing high hats
was a way to suppress landlords and corrupt elements. I wrote about this in an article. We
haven't done this for decades. This time, the Red Guards brought it back, and they put the
high hat on again. If landlords and corrupt officials can wear the high hat, why can't Peng
Zhen wear it? We oppose the high hat, oppose the black badge, oppose the jet-style17, and
oppose arbitrarily arresting people. Once arrested, they must be released; it's simply a
matter of cause and effect, with no concrete evidence. At different times, one tendency
tends to overshadow another. It is essential for comrades to thoroughly understand the
historical experience of our Party to avoid making mistakes. Currently, there is a tendency to
only dig latrines when the situation becomes urgent. Some do prepare latrines in advance.
In the past, when we marched, we would dig latrines upon arriving at the campsite. Now
that we live in barracks, we cannot do without latrines.  If we stay with the people for too
long, they will grow tired of us. This time, the ‘Three Supports’ and ‘Two Armies’18 have once
again improved the relationship between the army and the people. You say ‘Three Supports’
and ‘Two Armies,’ but foreigners do not understand.
It's a case of ‘left’ in form but ‘right’ in substance, where the “left” is just a façade to hide the
‘right’ essence.
I suggest that several veteran comrades join in: Zhu De, Chen Yun, Deng Zihui, Zhang
Dinghan, Xu Xiangqian, Li Fuchun, Li Xiannian, Chen Yi, Ye Jianying, and Wang Ming. No one
will exclude him. Wang Jiaxiang made mistakes, but he also did some work.19

16 Also known as “dunces’ caps” in the West.
17 During mass criticism rallies, those accused of being capitalist-roaders were often forced into an excruciating
position where they were forced to bow their heads while their arms were pulled back behind them like the
wings of a jet plane.
18 The “three supports and two armies” refers to the policy followed by the PLA during the early stages of the
Cultural Revolution. The PLA was required to “support the Left, support the workers and support the peasants;
and to engage in military management (exercising military control over some regions, departments, and units),
and military training (military training of students).
19 Wang Jiaxiang (1906-1974) joined the Youth League in 1925 and was sent to study in the Soviet Union. In
1928, he joined the CCP, returning to China in 1930 as one of Wang Ming’s “28 and a half Bolsheviks”.  He
supported Mao’s line at the 1935 Zunyi Conference and in 1938 was appointed as Vice Chairman of Central
Military Committee of CCP, replacing Mao's rival Wang Ming. During that time the Second Sino-Japanese War
broke out, Chinese Red Army was reorganised into 8th Route Army, and Wang Jiaxiang was appointed as
Director of Political Department, taking charge of military command with Zhu De and Peng Dehuai. In 1943, he
is said to have been the first to promote Mao Zedong Thought. After Liberation, Wang was appointed as
Ambassador to the Soviet Union and then retuned to head the International Liaison Department of the CCP. He
was critical of elements of the Great Leap Forward and people’s communes and was dismissed from his post as
head of the International Liaison Department of the CPC Central Committee. In the summer of 1962, Mao
Zedong, Kang Sheng, and others of the Communist Party of China (CPC) critically summed up Wang Jiaxiang's