Annotations on “Marching Forward Along the Path Paved by the October Socialist Revolution”
(October and November 1967)


I have not read the enclosed document.
Question


The enclosed document has been reviewed; it has been well revised and is suitable for use. (3(
Mao Zedong
5:00 p.m., November 3
[I]

--- Notes



This article, authored by the editorial departments of People’s Daily, Red Flag magazine, and PLA Daily, was written to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the October Socialist Revolution in the Soviet Union. It was published in People’s Daily and PLA Daily on January 6, 1967, as well as in the sixteenth issue of Red Flag magazine on January 23. The first annotation was written on the envelope containing the third draft submitted for review by Chen Boda, head of the Cultural Revolution Group of the CPC Central Committee, and Yao Wenyuan, a member of the group, on October 27; the second annotation appeared on the envelope of the sixth draft, submitted for review by Chen Boda and Yao Wenyuan on November 3.
[2]


On October 27, 1967, when Chen Boda and Yao Wenyuan sent the editorial department’s third draft to Mao Zedong for review, they wrote: “We previously submitted the editorial draft in regular typeface. Now we are sending a copy in larger print. Please review it.” Mao made no revisions to this version.
[3]


On November 3, 1967, Chen Boda and Yao Wenyuan again submitted the editorial department’s sixth draft to Mao Zedong for review, noting: “This editorial has been further revised. The six points concerning Chairman Mao’s thought have been newly organized. Lenin’s quotations have already been sufficiently cited. The article delivers a certain blow against Soviet revisionism. Everyone earnestly hopes that the Chairman will take a look and make some amendments.” The “six points concerning Chairman Mao’s thought” referred to in this note were the summarized “Key Points of Comrade Mao Zedong’s Theory on Continuing the Revolution Under Proletarian Dictatorship,” which consisted of the following six items: “First, socialist society must be viewed through the Marxist-Leninist law of the unity of opposites. Comrade Mao pointed out: ‘The law of the unity of opposites is the fundamental law of the universe.’ ‘Contradictions are ubiquitous,’ and ‘the inherent contradictions within things are the root cause of their development.’ In socialist society, ‘there are two types of social contradictions: those between the enemy and ourselves, and those among the people.’ ‘The contradiction between the enemy and ourselves is antagonistic, whereas the contradiction among the people, among the working masses, is non-antagonistic.’ Comrade Mao taught us that only by ‘clearly distinguishing between the two types of contradictions—those between the enemy and ourselves and those among the people—and properly handling the latter’ can proletarian dictatorship be continuously consolidated and strengthened, and the socialist system further developed. Second, ‘socialist society is a rather long historical stage. Even during this stage, classes, class contradictions, and class struggle still exist; there continues to be a struggle between the socialist and capitalist paths, and the danger of capitalist restoration remains.’ After the basic completion of the socialist transformation of the means of production, ‘class struggle has not ended. The class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the class struggle among various political forces, and the ideological class struggle between the two—all will remain prolonged, tortuous, and at times quite intense.’ To prevent capitalist restoration and ‘peaceful evolution,’ we must carry the socialist revolution on both the political and ideological fronts through to the end. Third, the essence of class struggle under proletarian dictatorship remains a question of power: the bourgeoisie seeks to overthrow proletarian dictatorship, while the proletariat strives to firmly consolidate it. The proletariat must exercise comprehensive dictatorship over the superstructure, including all cultural spheres. ‘Our relationship with them is by no means one of equality; it is a relationship of one class oppressing another—the proletariat exercising dictatorship or absolute rule over the bourgeoisie—and cannot be any other kind of relationship, such as so-called equal relations, peaceful coexistence between the exploited and the exploiters, or mere ethical and moral considerations.’ Fourth, the struggle between the two classes and the two paths in society will inevitably be reflected within the Party. A small clique of opportunists within the Party who follow the capitalist road are the representatives of the bourgeoisie inside the Party. ‘They are a group of counterrevolutionary revisionists; once the opportune moment arrives, they will seize power, transforming proletarian dictatorship into bourgeois dictatorship.’ If we are to consolidate proletarian dictatorship, we must pay close attention to identifying those ‘Khrushchev-like figures’ who lie dormant among us, expose them fully, criticize them, bring them down, and prevent them from regaining influence. We must resolutely reclaim from them whatever power they have usurped and restore it to the proletariat. Fifth, the most important aspect of continuing the revolution under proletarian dictatorship is to launch the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. ‘The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution can only be a movement in which the masses liberate themselves.’ ‘It should enable the masses to educate themselves in the course of this great revolutionary movement.’ In other words, this Cultural Revolution, employing the method of broad democracy under proletarian dictatorship, should mobilize the masses from the bottom up, while simultaneously establishing a united front of revolutionary elements and forming a revolutionary tripartite alliance among the revolutionary masses, the People’s Liberation Army, and revolutionary cadres. Sixth, the fundamental program of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the ideological sphere is ‘to combat selfishness and criticize revisionism.’ ‘The proletariat seeks to transform the world according to its own worldview, just as the bourgeoisie seeks to transform the world according to its own.’ Therefore, the Cultural Revolution is a profound upheaval that touches people’s very souls, aiming to resolve questions of worldview. We must criticize revisionism politically, ideologically, and theoretically, using proletarian thought to overcome bourgeois egoism and all non-proletarian ideologies, reform education, reform literature and art, and overhaul every aspect of the superstructure that is incompatible with the socialist economic base, thereby eradicating the roots of revisionism.” The passages printed in Song typeface were originally set in boldface—that is, they represented Mao Zedong’s remarks that had been “newly organized.” In this draft, there were also extensive quotations from Lenin concerning the continued existence of acute and complex class struggles under proletarian dictatorship, as well as the possibility of capitalist restoration, necessitating the consolidation and strengthening of proletarian dictatorship. Regarding the statement in this draft that “Mao Zedong Thought represents the highest level of Marxism-Leninism today—a Marxism-Leninism capable of transforming people’s souls”—during his review, Mao deleted the phrase “a Marxism-Leninism capable of transforming people’s souls,” but otherwise made no further textual changes.