We must never lose touch with the masses. Not losing touch with the masses is one principle; the other is not to deviate from Marxism-Leninism.

During the three years from 1949 to 1951, the people supported and respected our Party, because at that time we led a life of frugality and simplicity—eating millet and living in tents. The war had just ended, revolutionary enthusiasm was still high, and we maintained very close ties with the masses.

After 1952, however, the situation began to change. Cadres gradually lost favor among the people. It was then that a salary system was introduced for cadres, the military moved into barracks, and government offices were housed in grand new buildings. Whereas previously we ate, dressed, and lived alongside the masses, we now found ourselves somewhat estranged from them. Why did this happen? Because we failed to heed my instructions. Liu Shaoqi, Gao Gang, and Peng Dehuai adopted the Soviet model. I opposed the introduction of a salary system, and I also opposed imitating the Soviet approach. This Cultural Revolution is meant to reverse that trend.

We now need to implement the “three-in-one” combination, bringing young people into leadership positions across all sectors. We should not look down on youth; those in their twenties or thirties can certainly be entrusted with responsibilities. How else are the new generation going to gain experience if we do not promote them? The “three-in-one” consists of old, middle-aged, and young cadres—anyone over twenty years old is eligible.

We encourage young people to take the stage. Some argue that they lack experience, but it is precisely by taking up leadership roles that they will acquire it. In the past, we spoke about cultivating successors to the proletarian revolutionary cause only in a formal sense; now we must put this into practice through concrete organizational measures.

In the “three-in-one” arrangement, old, middle-aged, and young cadres must work together. We do not advocate simply ousting all veteran cadres; many of them are already passing away.

The most fundamental aspect of reforming state organs is maintaining close ties with the people. Institutional reforms must facilitate such connections and avoid creating bureaucratic structures.

In the past, Party and Youth League members, influenced by the “self-cultivation” movement, became detached from the masses, lacking independent thought and reducing themselves to docile tools. Consequently, there was widespread opposition to prematurely restoring Party and Youth League organizations; it was suggested that they be re-established after six months or a year. The Cultural Revolution was not merely a review of cadres but also of Party and Youth League members. The vast majority were undoubtedly good. While some cadres faced significant public criticism, their cases could be reconsidered in two or three years; others might be reinstated immediately. Those who had made mistakes should be given an opportunity to correct themselves. Social movements must be set in motion: without rightists, there can be no leftists. As for introducing a salary system and military ranks, I have always opposed both.