We must arm ourselves with Mao Zedong Thought to overcome in our own minds and within our own groups such erroneous tendencies as localism, factionalism, atomization, non-organizational viewpoints, ultra-democracy, liberalism, subjectivism, individualism, and so forth. All these ideas and actions that run counter to Chairman Mao’s teachings and obstruct the great united front of the proletarian revolutionary forces are manifestations of a bourgeois worldview; they are reflections within the revolutionary ranks of the acute class struggle now underway. These problems fall under the category of contradictions among the people and should be resolved in accordance with Chairman Mao’s long-standing policy of “curing the sickness to save the patient” and the formula of “unity—criticism—unity.” We should engage more in self-criticism and less in mutual attacks.
To assume that anyone holding a position of power is automatically untrustworthy is incorrect. To oppose, exclude, and overthrow everything indiscriminately, without distinguishing right from wrong, violates the Marxist-Leninist and Mao Zedong Thought–based class perspective.
Four
Cadres who have made mistakes must be treated correctly; they should not simply be overthrown across the board. As long as they are not anti-Party or anti-socialist elements and persist in their errors despite repeated admonishments, they should be allowed to reform
Comments and revisions on the “Red Flag” magazine editorial draft, “On the Proletarian Revolutionary Faction’s Struggle for Power”
and encouraged to atone for their faults.
“Learning from past mistakes to prevent future ones, and curing the sickness to save the patient”—this has always been the Party’s traditional policy. Only in this way can those who have erred be genuinely convinced, and only then can the proletarian revolutionary faction win the heartfelt support of the majority, securing an invincible position. Otherwise, the situation would be very dangerous.
Five
Cadres at all levels must stand the test of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution and strive to make new contributions to it. They should not rest on their past achievements, considering themselves superior while belittling the newly rising young revolutionaries. Some focus solely on their past merits, failing to recognize today’s overarching revolutionary direction, while others see only the shortcomings and mistakes of the younger generation, ignoring the correctness of their revolutionary orientation. Such views are entirely wrong and must be corrected.
/'
At the present stage, when the proletariat is locked in a decisive battle with the bourgeoisie and its small clique of agents inside the Party, reactionary landlords, rich peasants, and bourgeois rightists, bad elements, counter-revolutionary revisionists, and US-Kuomintang spies have all emerged. This horde of demons and monsters spreads rumors, deceives and coaxes some uninformed individuals into joining counter-revolutionary organizations, and engages in frenzied counter-revolutionary activities. For example, there are so-called “Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army,” the “Veterans’ Army,” [ I]
Comments on the Publication of the “Notice of the Guizhou Proletarian Revolutionary Uprising General Command” and Other Documents
(January 31, 1967)
Comrade Enlai:
This notice is quite good. What do you think—should we publish it? As for the recent documentl坷, after they return to discuss and revise it, we can publish it later as a second piece. Please consider how best to proceed.
Mao Zedong
January 31st
川

--- Notes

“The words ‘As long as they are not anti-Party or anti-socialist elements and persist in their errors despite repeated admonishments, they should be allowed to reform and encouraged to atone for their faults’ were printed in bold type as Chairman Mao’s remarks in the fourth issue of ‘Red Flag’ magazine, published on March 1, 1967, in the editorial titled ‘We Must Treat Cadres Correctly.’
‘Joint Action Committees’ and other organizations ostensibly labeled as ‘revolutionary’ but actually serving the conservative camp—orchestrated by revisionists—are precisely such counter-revolutionary entities. The majority of participants in these organizations are misled and should be won over through education. However, a tiny handful of ringleaders deliberately attack the proletarian revolutionary command headquarters, seek to seize power from the proletarian revolutionary forces, assault revolutionary mass organizations, assassinate revolutionary activists, bribe workers, halt production, disrupt transportation, and sabotage or loot state property. Taking advantage of the chaos, they harbor ambitions to seize control. Often, these counter-revolutionary groups operate under the direction of stubborn elements clinging to the capitalist road who hold power. Built upon shifting sands, once exposed by the masses, they will quickly collapse, and their leaders will be dragged out by the crowd.
Seven
Chairman Mao called on the People’s Liberation Army to actively support and assist the genuine proletarian revolutionary forces while resolutely opposing the rightists.
The great People’s Liberation Army, personally founded by Chairman Mao, has enthusiastically responded to his call. The PLA is currently making new and tremendous contributions to the socialist cause in the course of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution. This is the glorious mission entrusted to the PLA.
[!) This sentence was printed in bold type when it appeared in the “Red Flag” magazine editorial.


Enlai refers to Zhou Enlai.
[2]
Refers to the “Notice of the Guizhou Proletarian Revolutionary Uprising General Command,” published in the January 26, 1967, edition of the New Guizhou Daily. The notice announced that forty uprising organizations, including the “Guizhou Provincial Red Worker Combat Group Guided by Mao Zedong Thought,” acting under the name of the “Guizhou Proletarian Revolutionary Uprising General Command,” had taken over all leadership authority from the CPC Guizhou Provincial Committee, the Provincial People’s Committee, the CPC Guiyang Municipal Committee, and the Municipal People’s Committee on January 24. The People’s Daily reprinted this notice on February 1 of the same year.
[3]
Refers to the “Ten Orders of the Guizhou Proletarian Revolutionary Uprising General Command,” which were later published in the February 5, 1967, issue of the People’s Daily.