Two meetings were held: one was a central work meeting attended by regional secretaries,
and the other was a meeting to draft documents for the Cultural Revolution. Some work
related to the Cultural Revolution was discussed, primarily the need to withdraw the work
teams and change the policy of sending them. A few days ago, I said the work teams were no
longer effective. The former municipal Party Committee was rotten, the Central Propaganda
Department was rotten, the Ministry of Culture was rotten, the Ministry of Higher Education
was rotten, and so too was the People's Daily. Who should we rely on? Primarily the vast
number of revolutionary teachers and students. The publication of the big-character poster
on June 1st [2] was based on the realization that this was the only way. The Cultural
Revolution must be carried out by them. Who else can we rely on? If you go, you won't
understand the situation. You won't understand it in two months, six months, or even a year.
Jian Bozan [3] has written so many books. Have any of you read them? Has Xiaoping read
them?
Deng Xiaoping: No.
Oh, no. I know you don't either. So how can you defeat him? Only they understand the
situation. Even if I go, it won't work. We can only rely on the revolutionary teachers and
students.
Chen Boda: Those currently running the movement have a few theories and policies. They set
free mass mobilization and Party leadership in stark contrast, believing that emphasizing free
mass mobilization means rejecting Party leadership.
What nonsense! You don't understand the basics of Marxism-Leninism! Shaoqi and Xiaoping
constantly talk about fearing chaos. You're just putting yourselves first. What's so great



about chaos? Now classes are suspended, but you're still providing food. If you eat, you'll get
hot and cause trouble. What else can you do but cause trouble? To cause trouble is
revolution. We can only rely on them. If we continue with the current approach, it'll be quiet
for two months. When will it end?
Yesterday, you said you needed to change the policy of sending work teams. What effect do
the work teams have now? They're obstructive. They're incapable of two things: first, they
can't fight, and second, they can't reform. I can't do that either. Now it's all about revolution:
first, fighting bad people, and second, reforming ideology. The Cultural Revolution criticized
the bourgeois ideological establishment. How much of a fighter was Lu Ping [4]? How much
of a fighter was Li Da [5]. The work groups were changed to liaison officers or consultants.
You say consultants have great power, but they're still called liaison officers. For over a
month, the work teams have only hindered the revolution and, in fact, aided the counterrevolution. Some work teams sat on the mountain and watched tigers fight tigers, watching
students fight students. Xi'an Jiaotong University restricted people from making phone calls,
sending telegrams, and traveling to Beijing. They should have written in the document that
they can make phone calls, send telegrams, and send people to the central government. The
Party Constitution has long been there! Jian Bozan published so many books, can you really
fight him? The masses wrote couplets about him: "The temple is small, the gods are mighty;
the pond is shallow, the turtles are numerous." Which of you can deal with him? I can't, and
neither can the provinces. I don't understand what educational reform is. The only way is to
rely on the masses and then centralize it. That's why the work teams must be withdrawn. If
we continue as we are, we won't achieve anything!
Kang Sheng: The work team openly conveyed the instructions of Shaoqi and Xiaoping,
demanding absolute trust in the work team and claiming that anyone who opposed the work
team was counter-revolutionary. Their campaign to eliminate interference was, in fact,
inciting the masses to fight against one another.
Many central government departments haven't done much good, while the Cultural
Revolution Group, on the other hand, has done a lot of good and has a great reputation. It's
said that when the Nanjing Xinhua Daily was surrounded by students, it was a major event,
as if it had caused a huge disaster. I think it can be covered up. If the newspaper doesn't
appear for three days, what's the big deal? If you don't make revolution, you'll be the target.
Why aren't provincial and municipal Party committees, newspapers, or the State Council
allowed to be covered up? Good people have come, but you won't see them. If you don't
leave, I'll go. You've sent small cadres, but if you don't leave, I'll go. In short, you're afraid of
the revolution, and you won't go down to the places where there's chaos. Li Xuefeng and Wu
De [6] are here, right?
Li Xuefeng: I'm here.



Li Xuefeng, Wu De, you don't read the big-character posters, you're busy with practical
matters every day, and you lack perceptual knowledge. How can you guide the movement? I
think the three great debates at Nanjing University were good. All attendees should go to
the places where the unrest is happening. Some people are talking for nothing. What's the
big deal about speaking? Students, come up and say a few words when asked to speak: We
are here to learn, to support your revolution, and we will come when called upon. We will
come at your request and will come later.
Liu Shaoqi: Chairman, there are no work teams now. What should we do if there are
beatings and fights in schools?
Are you calling them revolutionary teachers and students? You've been doing this for a
month or two, but you still don't have any real understanding. You're just being deceitful.
Regarding the beatings at the Broadcasting Institute and Beijing Normal University, some
people were afraid of being beaten and asked the work team to protect them. What were
they afraid of? No one died! Leftists are tempered by being beaten, and rightists only get a
few hits. But this doesn't excuse not withdrawing the work team. Can your work team
produce textbooks? No, it still depends on the people in your unit to make the changes.
Most people understand this point, but you don't?
In short, the work teams cannot struggle, and they cannot reform. Not in half a year, not in a
year. Only those within the unit can struggle and reform. Struggle is destruction, reform is
construction. Textbooks are constantly being compiled. I think we can simplify them,
removing the errors. It might be too late to add to them. If we need to add to them, we can
add the Central Editorials and circulars.
Zhou Enlai: We will listen to Chairman Mao on this matter. The work teams should be
withdrawn immediately. The sooner the better. The faster and more proactive we can be.
Furthermore, I propose that the textbooks include Chairman Mao's works.
That's a direction, a guide, not a dogma. For example, regarding the handling of the assault
at the Broadcasting Academy, which book contains this information? Which general would
even consult a book during a war? At this stage, we need to shift the direction.
The Cultural Revolution Committee should include leftists, centrists, and rightists, including
several rightists. For example, Bozan can be used by both rightists and leftists, serving as a
walking dictionary, but it can't be centralized. Like Zhonghua Book Company, [6] they can
organize a training class and serve as a walking dictionary (as long as it doesn't cause
extreme public outrage). Both the representative conference and the revolutionary
committee must have an opposing side; the Standing Committee can't play tricks.
Li Xuefeng: Our municipal party committee has also established a revolutionary committee,
with quite a few members.



Apart from you, the Municipal Party Committee shouldn't have too many staff. If there are
too many, they'll just be "revolutionary," making phone calls, and producing reports. I only
have one person here, which is fine. Many ministers now have secretaries; get rid of them
all. There weren't any before I arrived in Yan'an. The Municipal Party Committee can have a
mail and mail department. Comrade Shaoqi, your wife doesn't need to be a secretary
anymore; she can go down to the labour camp. Some of the ministries under the State
Council can be reorganized into sections; these massive organizations have never been
useful.
Deng Xiaoping: Without the work teams, what if the black gangs return? What if the rightists
cause unrest?
Some are seeking restoration, but restoration doesn't matter. Are some of our ministers
really that reliable? Who controls some ministries and newspapers? I think they're worse off
than some schools! Have you ever thought about it? Students in schools don't attend
classes, they're fed, and they cause chaos. And chaos is revolution. The work teams are
hindering the revolution, as happened at Tsinghua and Peking University. Aren't we currently
drafting a document on the Cultural Revolution? I think it should specify that only those who
commit assault, murder, arson, or poisoning are considered counter-revolutionaries, and
those who write big-character posters or reactionary slogans shouldn't be arrested.
Someone wrote, "Support the Party Central Committee, Overthrow Mao Zedong,"—why
would you arrest him? He still supports the Party Central Committee. He's a historical
counter-revolutionary, and those who behave poorly are to be struggled against. Don't beat
people up, just tell them to go! Putting up a few big-character posters and reactionary
slogans is pointless.
In short, the work teams must be withdrawn; there's nothing to fear from unrest.

[1] This is Mao Zedong's speech at the joint meeting of the Politburo and the Central Cultural
Revolution Group.
[2] Around 2:00 PM on May 25, 1966, seven members of the Peking University Philosophy
Department—Nie Yuanzi, Song Yixiu, Xia Jianwan, Yang Keming, Zhao Zhengyi, Gao Yunpeng,
and Li Xingchen—posted a large-character poster titled "What on Earth Did Song Shuo, Lu
Ping, and Peng Zheyun Do in the Cultural Revolution?" on the east wall of the main dining
hall. On June 1, 1966, Mao Zedong instructed, "This article should be broadcast in full by
Xinhua News Agency and published in newspapers and periodicals nationwide. It is
absolutely necessary. From now on, the crackdown on Peking University, this reactionary
bastion, can begin."
[3] Jian Bozan, a historian, was then the vice president of Peking University.
[4] Lu Ping, former president and party secretary of Peking University.



[5] Li Da, formerly the president of Wuhan University, attended the First National Congress
of the Communist Party of China but later left the Party for various reasons. However, he
persisted in studying Marxism. At the end of 1948, Li Da received a letter from Mao Zedong,
which read, "Brother Qi is one of the founders of our company. Business is booming, and we
hope you will come and join us soon." In 1949, he rejoined the Party, with Mao Zedong as
his historical witness.
[6] Li Xuefeng was then the First Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Committee. Wu De was
then the Second Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Committee.
[7] Zhonghua Book Company is China's leading authority on the compilation, editing,
proofreading, and publication of ancient Chinese books. It enjoys a high reputation both
domestically and internationally, and has a profound influence.