IV
This document[1] has not been reviewed by me. It is said that I still need to study and revise it.

V
Remove one sentence.[2]

VI
These four works by Chairman Mao are enough for us, the proletariat, to use for a long period of time.[3]

[1] Refers to the "Talks by Chairman Mao with Music Workers" (August 24, 1956) mentioned in the Summary. This talk, after being compiled, was published in the *People's Daily* on September 9, 1979, under the title "Talks with Music Workers." It was later included in the second volume of the *Selected Readings from the Works of Mao Zedong*, published by the People's Publishing House in 1986.
[2] The Summary mentioned that this time Jiang Qing "conversed with us, watched films and plays with us," and "everyone unanimously agreed that it was equivalent to attending a short-term training class." When Mao Zedong reviewed it, he deleted the sentence "everyone unanimously agreed that it was equivalent to attending a short-term training class" and wrote this comment.
[3] The four works refer to Mao Zedong's "On New Democracy," "Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art," "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People," and "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work," mentioned in the Summary. The sentence "enough for us, the proletariat, to use for a long period of time" was originally "enough for us, the proletariat, to use for several hundred years."

Comments on and Revisions to the "Summary of the Forum on the Work in Literature and Art in the Armed Forces with which Comrade Lin Biao Entrusted Comrade Jiang Qing"

VII
We must, in accordance with the instructions of the Party Central Committee, resolutely carry out a great socialist revolution on the cultural front and thoroughly get rid of this black line. After getting rid of this black line, there will be future black lines, and we will have to struggle again. Therefore, this is an arduous, complex, and long-term struggle, requiring decades or even hundreds of years of effort.

VIII
The lesson of the past dozen or so years is this: we got a grip on it too late. Chairman Mao said that he had only grasped some individual problems, but had not grasped it in an overall and systematic way, and as long as we do not grasp it, many positions will have to be left to be occupied by the black line. This is a serious lesson. After the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee in 1962[1] made the decision to carry out class struggle throughout the country, the struggle to foster proletarian ideology and liquidate bourgeois ideology in the cultural sphere has also been developing step by step.

IX
This is more appropriate.[2]

[1] Refers to the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the CPC, held in Beijing from September 24 to 27, 1962.
[2] The Summary mentioned that in the last three years, many "works of literature and art have appeared that praise the brilliant leadership of our great Party and great leader Chairman Mao." When Mao Zedong reviewed it, he changed the text within the quotation marks to "works of literature and art that praise the brilliant leadership of our great Party, the Party's leader and other comrades," and wrote this comment.

X
In the cultural revolution, the People's Liberation Army must play an important role.[1]

XI
There were also good things in the thirties, namely the militant left-wing literary and art movement headed by Lu Xun. In the late thirties, some leaders of the left-wing, under the influence of Wang Ming's Right-deviationist capitulationist line,[2] departed from the class viewpoint of Marxism-Leninism and put forward the slogan of "national defense literature." This slogan was a bourgeois slogan, whereas the proletarian slogan, "mass literature for the national revolutionary war," was put forward by Lu Xun. Some left-wing literary and art workers, especially Lu Xun, also put forward the slogan that literature and art should serve the workers and peasants and that workers and peasants should create their own literature and art, but they did not systematically solve the fundamental problem of integrating literature and art with the workers, peasants, and soldiers. The absolute majority were still bourgeois national-democrats, and some people did not pass the test of the democratic revolution, and some did not pass the test of socialism well.

[1] This sentence was originally "In the cultural revolution, the People's Liberation Army must take the lead."
[2] Wang Ming joined the Communist Party of China in 1925. Starting from the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC in January 1931, he served as a member of the CPC Central Committee and a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. From then until the Zunyi Conference in January 1935, he was the main representative of the "Left" adventurist error within the Party. From November 1931, he served as the CPC's representative to the Communist International in the Soviet Union. After returning to China in November 1937, he participated in the December meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, and after the meeting, he served as the secretary of the Changjiang Bureau of the CPC Central Committee. During this period, he committed Right-deviationist capitulationist errors. He trusted the Kuomintang more than the Communist Party, dared not boldly mobilize the masses for struggle, dared not boldly develop the people's army, dared not expand the liberated areas in Japanese-occupied territories, and advocated "everything through the united front" and "everything subordinate to the united front," handing over the leadership of the War of Resistance Against Japan to the Kuomintang. Because the correct line represented by Mao Zedong had already assumed a leading position in the entire Party, Wang Ming's errors only had an influence in certain local areas for a time. The enlarged Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC, held from September to November 1938, criticized Wang Ming's Right-deviationist capitulationist errors and established the principles and policies for the entire Party to independently lead the armed struggle of resistance against Japan.

Comments on and Revisions to the "Summary of the Forum on the Work in Literature and Art in the Armed Forces with which Comrade Lin Biao Entrusted Comrade Jiang Qing"

The test of democratic revolution was not passed, and some did not pass the test of socialism well.

XII
Things of the ancients and foreigners must also be studied; it is wrong to refuse to study them, but they must be studied with a critical eye, so as to make the past serve the present and foreign things serve China.

XIII
The batch of relatively outstanding Soviet revolutionary works of literature and art that appeared after the October Revolution must also be analyzed; one cannot blindly worship them, still less blindly imitate them. Blind imitation cannot become art. Literature and art can only originate from life; only life is the sole source of literature and art. The historical process of literature and art, ancient and modern, Chinese and foreign, proves this point.

XIV
The literary and artistic creation of the three great campaigns of Liaoshen, Huaihai, and Pingjin, as well as other major campaigns, must be grasped and carried out while the comrades who led and commanded these campaigns are still in good health.

XV
We must advocate revolutionary, militant, and mass-based literary and art criticism, break the monopoly on literary and art criticism held by a few so-called "literary and art critics" (that is, those critics with a wrong orientation and who are weak and powerless), and hand over the weapon of literary and art criticism to the broad masses of workers, peasants, and soldiers to master, so that professional critics and mass critics are combined.

XVI
Do not be afraid of people calling us cudgels. We must analyze what people say about us being simple and crude. Some of our criticisms are basically correct, but the analysis is insufficient, the arguments are not ample, and the persuasiveness is poor; this should be improved. Some are a matter of understanding; at first they say we are simple and crude, but later they stop saying it. But when the enemy curses our correct criticisms as simple and crude, we must resolutely stand up to them.

XVII
The principle of Party spirit is our most significant mark distinguishing us from other classes. It should be known that the representatives of other classes also have their principles of party spirit, and they are very stubborn. Whether in terms of creative thought, organizational line, or work style, we must adhere to the proletarian principle of Party spirit.

XVIII
The entire content of the above discussion record is for the reference of leading comrades only.

(March, April 1966)

I
Talks from March 17 to 20, 1966[1]

After liberation, we implemented a policy of taking in all the intellectuals, which had both advantages and disadvantages. Now, in academic and educational circles, the bourgeois intellectuals hold real power. The deeper the socialist revolution goes, the more they resist, and the more they expose their anti-Party and anti-socialist faces. Wu Han, Jian Bozan, and others are Communist Party members, but they are also anti-communist; in reality, they are Kuomintang. Now, in many places, the understanding of this issue is still very poor, and academic criticism has not yet been launched. All localities must pay attention to who holds power in schools, newspapers, periodicals, and publishing houses, and must carry out earnest criticism of the bourgeois academic authorities. We must cultivate our own young academic authorities. Do not be afraid of young people violating the "law of the king," and do not suppress their manuscripts. The Central Propaganda Department should not become the Rural Work Department.[2]
*Qianxian* is also Wu Han's, Liao Mosha's, and Deng Tuo's;[3] it is anti-Party and anti-socialist.

[1] This was a talk by Mao Zedong in Hangzhou with some members of the Political Bureau.
[2] On November 9, 1962, the CPC Central Committee issued the "Decision on the Abolition of the Rural Work Department of the CPC Central Committee," and the Rural Work Department of the CPC Central Committee was abolished.
[3] Deng Tuo once served as a secretary of the Secretariat of the CPC Beijing Municipal Committee and concurrently as an alternate secretary of the Secretariat of the North China Bureau of the CPC, in charge of work on the ideological and cultural front. He was the chief editor of the Beijing Municipal Committee's theoretical journal *Qianxian* and refused to reprint "On the New Historical Drama 'Hai Rui Dismissed from Office'" in Beijing.

In literature, history, philosophy, law, and economics, we must carry out a great cultural revolution, we must resolutely criticize. How much Marxism is there, really?

II
Talks from March 28 to 30, 1966

The Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee made a decision to carry out class struggle.[1] Wu Han published so many articles without ever needing to give notice, without ever needing approval. Why on earth did Yao Wenyuan's article have to have notice given?[2] Does the Central Committee's decision not count?

[1] The decision on class struggle refers to the communiqué issued by the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the CPC, held in Beijing from September 24 to 27, 1962: "The Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee points out that throughout the entire historical period of proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, throughout the entire historical period of transition from capitalism to communism (this period requires several decades, or even longer), there exists class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, and there exists the struggle between the two roads of socialism and capitalism. The overthrown reactionary ruling classes are not reconciled to their demise; they always attempt a restoration. At the same time, there still exist in society the influence of the bourgeoisie and the force of habit of the old society, and there exists the spontaneous capitalist tendency of a part of the small producers. Therefore, among the people, there are still some who have not undergone socialist transformation. They are few in number, only a few percent of the population, but whenever there is an opportunity, they will attempt to leave the socialist road and take the capitalist road. Under these circumstances, class struggle is inevitable. This is a historical law that has long been expounded by Marxism-Leninism, and we must never forget it. This class struggle is intricate, complex, tortuous, and at times rises and falls, and is sometimes even very fierce. This class struggle will inevitably be reflected within the Party. The pressure of foreign imperialism and the existence of domestic bourgeois influence are the social sources of revisionist ideas within the Party. While struggling against class enemies at home and abroad, we must be vigilant in a timely manner and resolutely oppose all kinds of opportunist ideological tendencies within the Party."
[2] On March 11, 1966, Xu Liqun, Executive Deputy Minister of the Central Propaganda Department, acting on Peng Zhen's opinion, questioned Yang Yongzhi, a responsible person of the Propaganda Department of the Shanghai Municipal Committee, by telephone as to why the Central Propaganda Department was not notified of the publication of Yao Wenyuan's article. Peng Zhen said: "In the past, when Shanghai published Yao Wenyuan's articles, they didn't even give a notice. Where has the Party spirit of the Shanghai Municipal Committee gone?"

What is an academic tyrant? Those who shelter anti-communist intellectuals are academic tyrants. Those who shelter these "middle-level academic tyrants" like Wu Han and Jian Bozan are "great academic tyrants." The great academic tyrants who suppress the manuscripts of the leftists and shelter the rightists, the Central Propaganda Department is the "Palace of the King of Hell." We must overthrow the King of Hell and liberate the little ghosts.
If Peng Zhen, the Beijing Municipal Committee, and the Central Propaganda Department continue to shelter bad people, the Central Propaganda Department must be disbanded, the Beijing Municipal Committee must be disbanded, and the Group of Five[1] must be disbanded.
I have always advocated that whenever the central organs do bad things, I will call on the localities to rebel and attack the center. Every locality should produce more "Sun Wukongs" to wreak havoc in the Heavenly Palace.
Last September,[2] I asked some comrades, what should be done if revisionism emerges in the Central Committee? This is very possible, and it is the most dangerous. We must protect the leftists and cultivate leftist ranks in the great cultural revolution.
We are all old. Whether the next generation can withstand the tide of revisionist thought is hard to say. The cultural revolution is a long-term and arduous task. I cannot complete it in my lifetime; it must be carried through to the end.

[1] In July 1964, the CPC Central Committee established a "Group of Five" to carry out work in the cultural revolution under the leadership of the Political Bureau and the Secretariat of the Central Committee. The group leader was Peng Zhen (First Secretary of the CPC Beijing Municipal Committee), the deputy group leader was Lu Dingyi (Vice Premier of the State Council, Minister of the Central Propaganda Department and concurrently Minister of Culture), and the members were Kang Sheng (Secretary of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee), Zhou Yang (Deputy Minister of the Central Propaganda Department), and Wu Lengxi (Director of Xinhua News Agency and concurrently Director of the *People's Daily*). This "Group of Five" was not initially called the "Cultural Revolution Group of Five" and was always just called the "Group of Five." On February 12, 1966, when the "Outline Report on the Current Academic Discussion by the Cultural Revolution Group of Five" (later known as the "February Outline") was circulated to the entire Party, the name "Cultural Revolution Group of Five" appeared.
[2] The CPC Central Committee held a working conference in Beijing from September 18 to October 12, 1965. During the conference, on October 10, Mao Zedong spoke with the first secretaries of the greater administrative regions, proposing war preparations. Each province should build up its "small third line." Do not be afraid that the enemy will not come, do not be afraid of mutinies, do not be afraid of rebellion. He also said, if revisionism emerges in the Central Committee, what will you do? It is very possible that it will emerge, and this is the most dangerous. If revisionism emerges in the Central Committee, you should rebel. With the "small third line" in each province, you can rebel. In the past, some people were just superstitious about the international, superstitious about the Central Committee. Now you must pay attention, no matter who says it, whether it's the Central Committee, the Central Bureau, or the Provincial Committee, if it is incorrect, you can refuse to carry it out.

III
Speech of April 22, 1966

I do not believe that the problem in the cultural revolution is only the Wu Han problem; behind him there is a whole string of "Three-Family Villages."[1] The cultural revolution is a revolution that touches people's souls, it is an ideological struggle, it touches upon a very wide range, and involves a very broad scope. There are people in the court, for example, the Central Propaganda Department and the Central Ministry of Culture have both had problems in this respect; there are people in the court. All the greater administrative regions, all provinces and municipalities have them.
In the various departments of the Party Central Committee, including the greater administrative regions, and various provinces and municipalities, is it so clean in the court? I do not believe it.
Whether revisionism will emerge in China, there are two possibilities: it will not emerge, or it will; it will emerge early, or it will emerge late. If things are handled well, it may not emerge early. It is also good if it emerges early; it will move to its opposite.

IV
Speech of April 29, 1966

Not a single needle can be stuck into Beijing, not a single drop of water can drip in. Peng Zhen wants to transform the Party according to his own worldview. Things develop into their opposites. He himself has prepared the conditions for his own downfall. His errors must be thoroughly attacked. This is an inevitable matter, exposed through chance, and deepening step by step. Not everyone takes historical lessons as a warning. This is the law of class struggle; it is not subject to people's will. Whenever someone in the Central Committee is up to mischief, I will call on the localities to rise up and attack them, call on Sun Wukong to wreak havoc in the Heavenly Palace, and also go after those who protect the Jade Emperor. Peng Zhen is an insignificant person who has wormed his way into the Party, nothing remarkable.

[1] The Beijing Municipal Committee's journal *Qianxian* started a column of essays called "Notes from the Three-Family Village" on September 20, 1961, with Wu Han, Deng Tuo, and Liao Mosha taking turns writing. Wu Han contributed the character "Wu," Deng Tuo contributed "Nan" (from his pen name "Ma Nancun"), and Liao Mosha contributed "Xing" (from his pen name "Fan Xing"), and they were uniformly signed "Wu Nanxing." Here, "Three-Family Village" refers to an anti-Party, anti-socialist revisionist clique.

He can be toppled with one finger. "West wind scatters leaves over Chang'an,"[1] tell the comrades not to worry endlessly. Dust will not be gone unless it is swept; class enemies will not fall unless they are struggled against.
Phenomena are visible, the essence is hidden. The essence will also manifest itself through phenomena. Peng Zhen's essence was hidden for thirty years.
Revisionism will not only emerge in cultural circles; it will also emerge in the Party, government, and army. It will be a big problem especially if revisionism emerges in the Party and the army.

[1] The Tang dynasty poet Jia Dao has a famous line in "Remembering Scholar Wu on the River": "Autumn wind rises from the Wei River, fallen leaves fill Chang'an." Mao Zedong wrote a poem "Man Jiang Hong: Reply to Comrade Guo Moruo" on January 9, 1963, which contains the line "Just as the west wind scatters leaves over Chang'an, the bugles sound." Here it means that the revisionists are in a desolate and bleak situation, and our bugle call to attack is about to sound.

Comment on the Article "Trial Implementation of Part-Work (Farming) and Part-Study in Art Academies in Beijing"[1]
(April 14, 1966)

All schools and disciplines (primary schools, middle schools, universities, military academies, medical schools, art academies, and other schools such as Party schools, journalism schools, foreign language schools, diplomacy schools, etc.; disciplines including social sciences, natural sciences, and general knowledge of both) should be run this way. In a phased and prepared manner, all should go downstairs and out of the courtyards, go to the factories, go to the countryside, to eat, live, and labor together with the workers and peasants, to learn industry and agriculture, and to study. The ratio of work to study is best half and half, at most four to six. Therefore, the study portion must be greatly reduced. Books must be read, but reading too many is harmful to people. Teachers and students are all equal, put down airs, teaching and learning benefit each other. Sum up experience at any time, correct mistakes. Many useless books should just be shelved. Just as in the past when the reading of the Five Classics,[2] the Twenty-Four Histories, the various philosophical schools, and the endless literary collections and anthologies was abolished, the revolution was victorious instead. For example, among Communist Party members and our military cadres, those who were illiterate or knew a few characters accounted for over ninety percent, while those who knew a few more characters, for example, had studied in middle school for three or so years, or had entered the Whampoa Military Academy, the Yunnan Military Academy, or Soviet military academies, were only a very small minority.

[1] This comment was written on issue No. 168 of the *Summary of Documents and Telegrams*, compiled and printed by the Confidential Office of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee on April 12, 1966. The article "Trial Implementation of Part-Work (Farming) and Part-Study in Art Academies in Beijing" published in this issue introduced the situation of the China Conservatory of Music, which had selected first-year students and some teachers to go to the Beijing branch of the China National Automotive Industry Corporation to trial-run schooling in a factory, and to the Wenquan Commune in Haidian District, Beijing, to trial-run part-farming and part-study. Mao Zedong's comment was not printed and distributed at the time.