Comrade Yu. Tsedenbal, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Mongolian People's Republic,
Comrade J. Sambuu, Chairman of the Presidium of the Great People's Khural of the Mongolian People's Republic:

On the occasion of the 44th anniversary of the Mongolian People's Revolution, we extend warm congratulations, on behalf of the Chinese people, the Communist Party of China, and the Chinese Government, to the Mongolian people, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, and the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic.

There exists a profound friendship between the peoples of China and Mongolia. The Chinese people will continue, on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, to work together with the Mongolian people to strengthen the friendship and unity between the peoples of China and Mongolia, to oppose imperialist aggression and war policies, and to strive together for the safeguarding of world peace.

We wish the fraternal Mongolian people new successes in their cause of building socialism.

Mao Zedong, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China
Liu Shaoqi, Chairman of the People's Republic of China
Zhu De, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China
Zhou Enlai, Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China

July 10, 1965

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Comments on the Draft Reply of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union
(July 11, 1965)

Comrades Kang Sheng and Lengxi:
I have read this document. It is very well written.

Mao Zedong
July 11

The draft reply of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council, dated July 10, 1965, refutes with sound reasoning the attacks and slanders contained in the letter of April 17, 1965, from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, which criticized China for not agreeing to hold a high-level meeting of Vietnam, China, and the Soviet Union. It points out: We have carefully observed the various activities you have undertaken over the past few months on the Vietnam issue. We believe that on the Vietnam issue, you are practicing appeasement toward the United States, attempting to engage in political deals with U.S. imperialism, and betraying the interests of the Vietnamese people's liberation cause. Toward fraternal countries, you are practicing great-power chauvinism, attempting to impose military control, and trying to harness us to your chariot of U.S.-Soviet cooperation to dominate the world. Your proposal of April 3 to hold a high-level meeting of Vietnam, China, and the Soviet Union is an important step in implementing this line of yours. The draft reply also refutes the Soviet side's suggestion to set aside differences and take joint action. It points out: The "joint action" you speak of means demanding that fraternal parties obey the orders of your "father party," and that fraternal parties and fraternal countries become tools for your policy of U.S.-Soviet cooperation to dominate the world.

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Comments and Revisions on the Report Concerning the Issue of Li Zongren's Return to China
(July 12 and 15, 1965)

It seems that the second option is better. There is no harm in agreeing on the draft statement beforehand. Please reconsider.

Premier:
Mao Zedong
July 12

When you go to Shanghai, perhaps you could stay a few more days to discuss the draft statement with Li face to face, and then return to Beijing on the same plane.
When Li returns to China, it seems you should go to the airport to welcome him.

Mao Zedong
Morning of July 15

You may stay in Shanghai for a few days, and after finalizing the brief statement, then come to Beijing.

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Directive on Military Art Troupes Going to the Countryside and Factories for Training
(July 15, 1965)

It is not enough for military art troupes to know only about military affairs; they should also know about the affairs of workers and peasants. Therefore, like local art troupes, they should also go to factories and the countryside, especially to the countryside, for training and to participate in the "Four Clean-ups."