Chairman: Welcome, comrades.

Boumaza (Head of Delegation): Comrade Chairman, on behalf of all members of our delegation, I would like to say that today is a great day, for we have the privilege of meeting with you. We are deeply grateful for your precious time and for this opportunity to be here. Allow me to convey to you the fraternal greetings and friendship of Ben Bella, General Secretary of the National Liberation Front, as well as those of the Algerian Government and the Algerian people, directed especially to the Chinese leadership—particularly to Chairman Mao—and to the Chinese people. We are particularly thankful for the sympathy and support you extended to us during our War of Liberation, and for the assistance you have provided in our post-independence nation-building efforts. Prior to my departure, President Ben Bella entrusted me with a letter for you (Boumaza hands the letter to Chairman Mao), and asked me to convey verbally: The Algerian people admire the courage and wisdom displayed by the Chinese people and their leaders, especially Chairman Mao, in building their own country. Your policies hold guiding significance for the peoples of the entire world, for all revolutionary nations. We draw great inspiration from the Chinese people. President Ben Bella also requested that I inform you personally that Algeria takes immense pride in having friends such as Chairman Mao and the great Chinese people, and that we are profoundly grateful for the sympathy and aid you have given us both during our struggle for liberation and after our independence. Furthermore, on behalf of the entire delegation, I wish to express our appreciation to the Chinese leadership for the warm reception accorded to us. The mission of our economic delegation was to strengthen the bonds of friendship and cooperation between China and Algeria. Through your generous assistance, we have successfully fulfilled this task; we have seen much and gained a deeper understanding of your country. We leave China most satisfied, feeling that this visit has been highly instructive. As the French proverb goes: “All’s well that ends well.” Our meeting with you today at the conclusion of our visit to China serves precisely to underscore that very point.

Chairman: Thank you, comrades. My thanks go out to every member of your delegation. We stand in solidarity with you; indeed, your support for us has been even greater. The peoples of Africa as a whole support you, as do all anti-imperialist forces worldwide—including the Chinese people. You waged an eight-year war, enduring tremendous sacrifices, and thus fully deserve the backing of all progressive peoples. In doing so, you have set an inspiring example not only for Africa but for Asia and Latin America as well. That example has had a profound impact across the globe. Moreover, you continue to extend support to nations still striving for independence—offering aid to others even as your own country has just emerged from colonial rule. For instance, your support for the Congo embodies a true spirit of internationalism. It is precisely because of these shared principles that we speak the same language. We have long followed closely your activities, including those of your government under President Ben Bella—for example, the suppression of counterrevolutionaries. Such suppression is absolutely essential. Without it, the revolutionary regime cannot be consolidated. Counterrevolutionary elements will inevitably reappear, seeking to overthrow your government from within, to sabotage your economy, and even to assassinate your leaders. These individuals act on behalf of foreign imperialist interests, while domestically they represent the feudal landlord class and the comprador bourgeoisie. They do not represent the broad masses of workers, peasants, and revolutionary intellectuals. Therefore, it is imperative that you wage relentless struggle against them. In fact, what we are engaged in today might better be described as a social revolution rather than mere construction. Our own country is likewise undergoing both development and social transformation. Like yours, we too have among us remnants of the landlord class, bourgeois elements, right-wing opportunists within the bourgeoisie, and reactionary intellectuals who seek to undermine our progress. Do you suppose that once we drove Chiang Kai-shek from power, peace would immediately descend upon our land? Far from it. What you perceive is merely the surface; without delving deeply into society through thorough investigation and study, one can hardly grasp the true nature of the situation. This is precisely the task of our ambassadors. I have repeatedly urged them to conduct in-depth studies of China—the Chinese social fabric—and to carry out sociological surveys, rather than confining themselves to superficial observations. Take, for example, the rapid expansion of our factories and the accompanying influx of workers. Among them have slipped in former Kuomintang generals, colonels, and majors, as well as landlords, rich peasants, police officers, and gendarmes.

Similarly, infiltrators lurk in the countryside, moving from one province to another under the guise of refugees or poor tenant farmers, when in reality they are fleeing landlords in disguise. We estimate that roughly five percent of the population opposes socialism and the Communist Party. Five percent translates into over thirty million people—more than the entire population of your country! Why haven’t they risen up in revolt? Because they are dispersed throughout the country. Were they to coalesce, a force of thirty million would indeed pose a grave threat. Likewise, your own counterrevolutionary elements are scattered far and wide, which is precisely why you have been able to neutralize them. The future remains bright; all that is required is vigilance and constant awareness of this danger. Let us keep this in mind.

We support your efforts to establish a party that truly represents the vast majority. I understand that you are currently embarking on party-building work. I have discussed with our ambassador the fundamental question: Should the party be founded on the basis of the small minority of exploiters, or on that of the ninety percent of the exploited? Or perhaps on a platform that transcends exploitation altogether? I have heard that you have placed Abbas under house arrest. Is this part of the process of building a party along the lines advocated by Abbas himself, or in accordance with the vision championed by President Ben Bella? If the majority of party members were to consist of individuals like Abbas—people who do not represent workers or peasants—then further revolution would be inevitable. Sooner or later, someone would rise up to overthrow such figures. Even Abbas, in his own way, has shown a measure of restraint by refraining from taking up arms. Were he to resort to violence, the consequences would be far more severe.

Turning now to our experience in economic development: we have learned painful lessons the hard way. At one point, we naively sought to replicate foreign models wholesale, believing that larger was always better. Nothing could be further from the truth. Today, we are actively downsizing our enterprises, breaking down large plants into smaller, more manageable units. Have you visited any factories in Shenyang? Boumaza: I myself traveled to North Korea, and in Shenyang we toured an exhibition, examining various models. Some members of the delegation also visited a steel mill, a machine-tool factory, and a bicycle plant. Chairman: The Anshan Steel Plant is excessively large, employing over 100,000 workers, yet it attempts to handle every stage of production in-house—from mining and coking to ironmaking and rolling. This approach is fundamentally flawed. I would strongly advise you not to emulate it. In the past, when we neglected agriculture and light industry, serious shortages ensued: insufficient food, inadequate consumer goods, and severe hardships in terms of food, clothing, and daily necessities—items that are indispensable to the lives of the broad masses. At the same time, these two sectors constitute the primary sources of capital accumulation. Self-reliance demands that we build up our financial reserves; there can be no reliance on imperialism. When certain fraternal countries withdrew their experts, we were left with no choice but to proceed on our own. Where were we to obtain technology and funding? No foreign power was willing to extend credit to us, nor did we wish to borrow externally. As for technology, we had no alternative but to rely on domestic ingenuity, supplemented by limited imports from Britain, France, West Germany, Italy, and Japan. However, these purchases came at a price; if we failed to pay promptly, the suppliers withheld delivery. Consequently, our development plans were prolonged. Achieving rapid advancement in industry, agriculture, national defense, and scientific research proved exceedingly difficult. Only by stretching out the timeline did we manage to make some headway. In earlier years, we issued domestic government bonds, but we have since ceased doing so and are now focused on repayment. We still owe substantial debts to the Soviet Union, which we expect to settle entirely next year. By then, our remaining foreign debt of seventeen million will also be cleared. As for our domestic obligations, the last of our outstanding bonds will be redeemed by 1968. At present, our liabilities are relatively modest, yet the burden of debt is nonetheless burdensome. Have you given due consideration to this issue?

Boumaza: Indeed, we have reflected upon it. We too have come to realize that indebtedness severely restricts one’s freedom.

Chairman: It also dampens one’s voice. The best course of action remains to enlist the support of workers and peasants. They are the very forces that helped you vanquish imperialism. The victories of the past eight years were not achieved through foreign assistance; at most, external support accounted for a single finger among ten. The collective strength of workers and peasants was immense—they enabled you to overcome such a formidable imperialist adversary. It was they who assisted in suppressing counterrevolutionary elements and consolidating the revolutionary regime. Tell me, could you possibly have quelled counterrevolution without the broad participation of workers and peasants? You possess an excellent army, composed largely of worker-peasant cadres. I, too, command an army, though ninety-nine percent of my officers are illiterate or barely literate, whereas the Kuomintang’s officers were all educated elites, trained in military academies. Yet which side ultimately prevailed? We fought three major enemies: first, Chiang Kai-shek; second, Japan; and third, U.S. imperialism in Korea. Against the first two, we battled for a total of twenty-two years, while the conflict with the United States lasted three years. Even then, the combined firepower of our three armies fell far short of that possessed by a single enemy division. Their air force conducted round-the-clock bombing raids, severely hampering our logistical operations. Nevertheless, it was we, together with the Korean People’s Army, who ultimately defeated the American forces. No wonder the United States harbors animosity toward us; they have long portrayed us in a negative light. France once held similar views, vilifying us primarily because we supported Ho Chi Minh in the Battle of Dien Bien Phu. Had we not stood in solidarity with you, had you not emerged victorious, France would never have established diplomatic relations with us. Nor were we the first to recognize your provisional government; that honor belongs to the Arab League. Who, pray tell, urged us to hasten recognition of your interim administration? As I have mentioned, it was your Arab brothers—in particular, Egypt—who played that pivotal role. Without their intervention, even the weapons we had could not have reached you. Today, the Arab League continues to support the armed struggle in the Congo, joining you in opposing Israeli aggression. How significant is Israel, really? With a population of little more than one million, its true menace lies not in itself, but in the imperialist powers that back it. It was the workers and peasants of Cuba who, despite lacking any external assistance, succeeded in seizing power. Relying on the working masses, you have not only secured victory in war but can and must also transform your nation into a prosperous and powerful state. These matters fall squarely within your sovereign domain; the opinions of foreign observers serve merely as references. The ultimate decisions regarding how best to proceed rest with you alone, and no outside force should presume to interfere. Tell me, was the Revolution of 1954 determined by external influences, or was it a decision made entirely by yourselves? At that juncture, the central question before you was whether to embrace revolution or to shun it. I have heard that upon witnessing Ho Chi Minh’s defeat of the French, you began to contemplate the possibility of achieving a similar outcome. You adopted the lessons of Ho Chi Minh’s experience. Isn’t Ambassador A scheduled to return to Vietnam soon? Ambassador A: We plan to return home first and then prepare to depart again after October 1st. Chairman: In summary, success is attainable only through close ties with the masses; severance from them is fraught with peril. The most reliable allies are none other than our own people. So, whom should we fear—the French, or are they the ones who ought to fear us? The facts clearly demonstrate that it is the French who harbor apprehension. Are you stronger, or is France stronger? On paper, France appears vastly superior, boasting a population of over forty million, compared to Algeria’s mere one million. During the colonial era, the French controlled virtually every critical sector of Algeria’s economy and agriculture. Moreover, they commanded not only a powerful army but also a formidable navy and air force. By contrast, you lack a navy altogether and possess not a single aircraft. Even your ground forces number less than one-tenth of theirs.

And yet, you emerged triumphant—a fact worthy of deep reflection. I frequently cite your example to illustrate that, in practice, the strength derived from the masses surpasses that of even the most formidable imperialist adversaries. As you are aware, Asia is currently engulfed in another war—in South Vietnam—where the enemy you face is an imperialist power even more formidable than France. Today, the United States finds itself at an impasse in South Vietnam, unsure of how to proceed.

Shall we continue the fight, or withdraw? Engage in negotiations, or persist in combat? Expand the war, or scale it back? The population of South Vietnam numbers just over ten million, yet the puppet regime backed by the United States enjoys scant popular support. Regardless of the path chosen, I remain convinced that the Americans will ultimately suffer defeat.

I am deeply grateful to President Ben Bella for his second letter. Though I have yet to respond to the first, please convey my regards to him upon your return. I was delighted to receive this latest communication and intend to reply in due course.

Boumaza: Thank you very much for your remarks. We listened attentively to everything you said just now, particularly to the points you raised concerning both domestic and international affairs. The congruence of views between the Chinese and Algerian peoples on these matters fills me with great satisfaction. The insights you shared, coming as they do from a leader of your stature and experience, further validate the correctness of our position. Our nation is small and relatively young from a revolutionary standpoint. Compared with the Chinese Revolution, ours remains in its nascent stages. As you noted, Chairman Mao’s victory has had a profound impact on Algeria’s revolutionary movement, serving as a tremendous source of inspiration and confirming a principle long espoused by our farmers and workers: that it is possible to defeat imperialism without relying on overwhelming military might. Back then, two factions existed within our ranks—one advocating peaceful means, the other embracing violent revolution. The triumph of North Vietnam provided favorable conditions for Algeria to advance its own revolutionary cause.

Among those who favored the latter approach were figures like Abbas and other counterrevolutionaries. We staked our hopes on this strategy and ultimately prevailed. From the very outset, we extended our support to Vietnam’s struggle. Workers at Algerian ports such as Algiers and Oran refused to load or unload arms destined for Vietnam, leading to intense tensions with leftist organizations in France, whose stance on Vietnam remained ambivalent. Chairman: Did such resistance movements occur regularly in Oran, Algiers, and other locations? Boumaza: Yes, whenever shipments involving arms were involved, similar actions would take place. Should my colleagues and I ever travel to Vietnam, I am confident we would encounter numerous Vietnamese acquaintances—individuals who, in the past, had joined forces with us in our common struggle against French colonialism.

Chairman: They would undoubtedly welcome you warmly.

Boumaza: The Vietnam War yielded invaluable benefits. Their struggle reinforced the very principles we uphold. We have also drawn upon the experiences of other revolutions, such as the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the Long March of the Chinese Revolution. I imagine you have read in French bourgeois newspapers how they deride Algeria for employing Mao Zedong’s writings as a strategic guide in its guerrilla warfare.

Regarding the establishment of a revolutionary party, we recently convened a national congress and adopted a programmatic document aimed at clarifying our objectives and charting a course forward. The document stipulates that the Algerian Revolution must be led primarily by peasant laborers and revolutionary intellectuals. Furthermore, in terms of membership composition, priority will be given to recruits from among the peasantry and the revolutionary intelligentsia. We have chosen the path of socialism, though this does not mean that socialism has already been fully realized. We harbor no illusions about this; we understand that it will require a transitional phase.

Chairman: Indeed, a considerable period will be necessary.

Boumaza: The pressing challenge we face today is economic emancipation. Within our country, vestiges of foreign privilege persist, particularly in high-technology industries and the oil sector. The fact that foreign powers continue to dominate these key areas poses a serious threat to our sovereignty. Their covert efforts to subvert our internal stability are equally dangerous.

Chairman: Without indigenous technical expertise to replace them, it will be impossible to resolve this issue smoothly. Your economy remains closely intertwined with France—an aspect that warrants careful attention. I understand that approximately seventy-five percent of your foreign trade is conducted with France. Unless you embark on a sustained process of decoupling from France, you risk being subjected to unfair pricing pressures. For the time being, you may need to accommodate such practices while simultaneously exploring alternative avenues for establishing equitable trade relations. For instance, since you are currently unable to extract oil independently, you must rely on foreign companies to do so. Can you realistically cultivate your own cadre of petroleum engineers and technical specialists?

Boumaza: Together with the Soviet Union, we have jointly established a petroleum institute capable of training two hundred engineers. Upon my return, I also intend to collaborate with the Romanian Ministry of Petroleum to explore further opportunities for developing local technical talent. Thus, France has offered to assist in training our personnel as well.

Chairman: Historically, France has rarely engaged in such endeavors. For example, during the Vietnam War, they provided very few technical experts—no different from Japan’s approach in Northeast China, where they likewise refrained from cultivating local technical capacity. Imperialism thrives on exploiting such vulnerabilities. Only with the support of the Soviet Union and Romania, which already possess robust training programs, can France effectively contribute to building your technical workforce.

Boumaza: Currently, Algeria has only three petroleum engineers.

Chairman: Three is already a good start!

Boumaza: Those three were trained during the war.

Chairman: Three individuals represent a solid foundation from which you can expand to thirty, or even three hundred. I have heard that you have half a million nationals residing in France, a circumstance that presents a valuable opportunity. Among them, there may well be skilled technicians or engineers.

Boumaza: Many of them are skilled workers, especially in the textile sector. When we are preparing to launch new industrial projects, we could potentially bring back Algerians from France to assist.

Chairman: Hence, there is reason for optimism. Admittedly, challenges exist, but they are surmountable. No matter how daunting the obstacles may seem, they can always be overcome. Imperialism often disparages Africans, dismissing us as incapable; similarly, it looks down upon Asians, claiming that we lack the capacity to succeed. I refuse to accept such stereotypes, just as you do. Whether you hail from North, East, or West Africa, you are intelligent, industrious, and courageous people. Likewise, imperialism tends to underestimate Asians, elevating the Japanese while belittling the Chinese. Even today, when Chinese and Japanese individuals interact abroad, the former are frequently mistaken for the latter. This unfortunate tendency persists.

Boumaza: Fortunately, we now recognize the extraordinary achievements of the Chinese people.

Chairman: Not quite yet. China’s economy has not yet fully recovered. Perhaps another century will pass before people can readily distinguish between Chinese and Japanese. For the time being, both groups share a yellow complexion and belong to distinct ethnicities. How do you plan to spend the remainder of your day?

×××: This afternoon, we will undertake sightseeing tours, followed by an evening gala. Tomorrow, we will proceed to Hangzhou, then to Guangzhou, before returning home.

Chairman: Any further comments?

Boumaza: I am deeply honored to have had this opportunity to discuss matters with you. It has been a long-awaited moment for all of us.

Chairman: It gives me great pleasure to meet with you. I sense that you possess a unique quality—you are younger than we are. You are like a rising sun.

Boumaza: Yet we feel that Chairman Mao remains eternally youthful, his thinking consistently clear and enlightened, his perspective on issues remarkably lucid. We have meticulously recorded every word you spoke, and we shall report back to our party leadership, disseminating your insights widely. This conversation has been profoundly educational. Who knows? Perhaps one day we shall have the privilege of welcoming you to Algeria or to Africa.

Chairman: I, too, cherish that hope.

Boumaza: Twenty years ago, Asians and Africans alike were subjected to scorn and discrimination. For instance, China and Japan were treated differently, and the same held true for African nations. Efforts were made to divide us, labeling some as “good” and others as “bad.” But today, we enjoy freedom.

Chairman: You have attained liberation. Meanwhile, the situation in Asia remains grave. U.S. military bases dot Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, South Vietnam, and Thailand, encircling us along the western coast of the Pacific and posing a direct threat to our security—as well as to that of the local populations and to neighboring countries such as Indonesia and Ceylon. Imperialism has suffered a grievous wound, yet it is far from dead. It may take another century—perhaps even longer—before it finally succumbs. That, however, pertains to a distant future. For now, I remain convinced that imperialism will inevitably perish.