Cultivating Successors for the Proletarian Revolution[1]
(June 16, 1964)

Revisionism has emerged in the Soviet Union, and it is also possible for revisionism to emerge in our country. How to prevent the emergence of revisionism, how to cultivate successors for the proletarian revolution? I see five points:

The first point is to educate the cadres to understand some Marxism-Leninism; it is even better if they understand more. That is to say, one must practice Marxism-Leninism, not revisionism.

The second point is to work for the interests of the vast majority of the people, for the interests of the vast majority of the Chinese people, and for the interests of the vast majority of the world's people, not for the minority, not for the exploiting classes, not for the bourgeoisie, not for the landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists. Without this point, one cannot be a branch secretary, let alone a member of the Central Committee. Khrushchev[2] works for the interests of a minority; we work for the interests of the vast majority.

The third point is to be able to unite with the great majority. Uniting with the great majority includes those who formerly opposed you and were wrong in their opposition. Regardless of which mountain stronghold they come from, one should not hold grudges, one cannot practice “a new sovereign brings in his own courtiers.” Our experience has proven that if it were not for the correct policy of unity of the “Seventh Congress,” our revolution could not have been victorious. One must be vigilant against those who engage in conspiracies and intrigues, such as Gao, Rao, Peng, and Huang[3] who emerged in the Central Committee. All things are one dividing into two. Some people just want to engage in conspiracies. He wants to do it, what can be done? There are still people who want to do it now! The existence of conspirators is an objective reality, not a matter of whether we like it or not. All things are a unity of opposites. Of the five fingers, four point to one side, and the thumb points to the other; only then can they form a grip. There is no such thing as absolute purity; many people have not thought this principle through. It is impurity that constitutes the natural world and society. Absolute purity would not constitute the natural world, nor would it constitute society; it does not conform to the laws of dialectics. Impurity is absolute, purity is relative; this is the unity of opposites. When sweeping the floor, even if you sweep for twenty-four hours a day, there will still be dust. You see, in which year of our Party's history has it ever been pure? But it has not brought us down. Neither imperialism nor the revisionism that has emerged within our Party has brought us down. After liberation, Gao Gang, Rao Shushi, and Peng Dehuai emerged. Did they bring us down? No. It is not easy to bring us down; this is a historical experience. People can be changed. A small number of people cannot be changed; they curse people as soon as they have eaten. There are a few in every province, a very small number. It is also fine if they do not change; let them go on cursing. As for those who have made mistakes, we must persuade them to mend their ways. We must help others to correct themselves. As long as he has seriously corrected himself, we should not keep criticizing him endlessly. We must unite with the broad masses, unite with the broad cadres, unite with these two ninety-five percents.

The fourth point is that when matters arise, one must consult with comrades, allow for full deliberation, and listen to various opinions; opposing opinions should also be allowed to be voiced. One must practice democracy, not “what I say goes.” As soon as a meeting starts, one speaks for several hours oneself and does not let others speak. One should not agree at the meeting and then reverse the verdict after the meeting, saying one does not agree. Communists must practice a democratic work style, not a patriarchal work style.

The fifth point is that when one has made a mistake, one must make a self-criticism. If a commander directs three battles, winning two and losing one, he can continue in his post. When making plans, if the correct ones are many and the wrong ones are few, that will do. One should not always think that one is right, as if truth is all in one's own hands. One should not always think that only oneself is capable and others are all incapable, as if the earth would stop turning without oneself in the world. The natural world and human society both advance according to their own laws. Have not the great figures of the proletariat, like Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, all passed away? The world revolution is still advancing. However, the question of successors must still be arranged. We must prepare the successors. Successors to the proletarian revolution will always grow up in the great storms and waves.

Printed according to "Chairman Mao on the Educational Revolution," published by the People's Publishing House in December 1967.

Notes
[1] This is part of a speech delivered by Mao Zedong at a working conference of the Central Committee of the CPC held in Beijing from May 15 to June 17, 1964.
[2] Khrushchev was at that time First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union.
[3] Gao refers to Gao Gang, who was a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, Secretary of the Northeast Bureau, Vice-Chairman of the Central People's Government, Chairman of the Northeast Administrative Committee, and Chairman of the State Planning Commission. Rao refers to Rao Shushi, who was a member of the CPC Central Committee, First Secretary of the East China Bureau, a member of the Central People's Government, Chairman of the East China Administrative Committee, and Director of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. In 1953, they organized an anti-Party alliance, conspiring to split the Party and usurp the supreme power of the Party and the state. In February 1954, the Fourth Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC exposed and criticized them. In February 1955, the National Conference of the Communist Party of China passed a resolution to expel them from the Party. Peng refers to Peng Dehuai, who was a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, a member of the Central Military Commission, and Vice-Premier of the State Council and concurrently Minister of National Defense. Huang refers to Huang Kecheng, who was a secretary of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee, Secretary-General of the Central Military Commission, Chief of the General Staff of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, and Vice-Minister of National Defense. In August 1959, at the Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the CPC, they, along with Zhang Wentian and Zhou Xiaozhou, were wrongly designated as the so-called "Peng Dehuai, Huang Kecheng, Zhang Wentian, Zhou Xiaozhou anti-Party clique." On June 27, 1981, the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China," adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC, pointed out: "The resolution of the Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee concerning the so-called 'anti-Party clique of Peng Dehuai, Huang Kecheng, Zhang Wentian, and Zhou Xiaozhou' was completely wrong."