Vito Kavo (hereafter referred to as Vito): It is a source of great happiness to be received by the Chairman. This honor belongs not only to us but to all Albanian women.

Chairman: When did you arrive?

Vito: April 27th.

Chairman: When did the Ambassador arrive? His face looks familiar.

Ambassador: Ten years ago, when you were President of the People’s Republic of China, I presented my credentials to you.

Chairman: This is your second visit; welcome. What do these gentlemen (referring to the Albanian filmmakers) do?

Vito: They are filmmakers.

Chairman: Let our two countries unite. Let our two parties unite. Many Marxist–Leninist parties—not merely in name, but in reality, those that revisionists label “dogmatists”—are coming together. We are often vilified as dogmatists, and some even take pleasure in doing so.

Vito: The more our enemies curse us, the better we feel.

Chairman: If no one criticizes us, that feels wrong. There are many matters people remain unaware of, but once they are brought into the open through criticism, it sparks debate and public polemics. As a result, more and more people are beginning to read the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and even Stalin, carefully examining who is right and who is wrong—whether revisionism or “dogmatism” holds the truth. You and we have been branded as dogmatists and subjected to countless insults: fake revolutionaries, neo-Trotskyists, nationalists, separatists… the list goes on.

Vito: All they can do is hurl abuse; they have no other means.

Chairman: Yet they dare not publish our articles in their own newspapers. They claim to be in the right, yet they refuse to print either our writings or yours. We propose a contest: let us see how much of your work we publish versus how much of ours you publish. But they will not agree.

Vito: They are in the wrong.

Chairman: Precisely. They are wrong and unwilling to engage. They accuse us of being “dogmatic,” “Trotskyist,” and “petty-bourgeois socialists.” Very well—then publish our materials! Once published, you can refute them point by point. However, they simply lack the courage, proving that the label of “paper tiger” truly fits them.

Vito: Absolutely! Absolutely! Absolutely!

Chairman: Imperialism is a paper tiger, and so is revisionism.

Vito: Revisionism is their accomplice.

Chairman: The Chinese people warmly welcome you.

Vito: Everywhere we go, we are met with an outpouring of enthusiasm. Each reception turns into a demonstration of friendship and fervor, and farewells are often accompanied by tears. This makes us feel less like a small nation and party, and more like equals to the People’s Republic of China. This is the result of your Party’s tireless efforts.

Chairman: The fact that you have held firm and refused to be crushed is a tremendous victory. Albania is surrounded on all sides by enemies, yet they have failed to subdue you. These adversaries insist on ending the public debate. Do you concur?

Vito and the Ambassador: Never.

Chairman: They propose suspending it, even if only for three months.

Vito: Khrushchev is merely stalling for time.

Chairman: Through Romania, they have urged us to halt the public debate. (At this moment, a reporter from the Unity Daily enters, and the Chairman rises to greet him, saying, “Welcome! You’re all young people.”) We have informed them that as soon as they leave, we will resume publishing. Even before we had finished drafting our response, we had already released statements from other fraternal parties. We have yet to complete our rebuttal to their open letter; we have written only eight articles so far, and several more remain unfinished. Now they are advancing new proposals, again seeking more time. They wish to convene a meeting between the Soviet and Chinese parties in mid-May. I regret to say that such a gathering is unlikely until around May of next year. They intend to impose “collective measures” against us. We have countered by challenging them to present what these “collective measures” actually entail.

Vito: They will continue down this path.

Chairman: Perhaps they will attempt some kind of “collective measure.” We are prepared. Go ahead and try whatever you like!

Vito: China is a giant. We have seen so much in Northeast China!

Chairman: China remains a backward country, only just beginning to develop industry. While industry in Northeast China is relatively advanced, agricultural experience is still accumulating; things will improve after a few more Five-Year Plans. The more pressure they exert upon us, the better we may become.

(To Comrade ×××) Who are you, comrade?

Chen: ×××.

Chairman: Are you currently involved in cultural work? Have you ever been to Yan’an?

Chen: Yes, I have met with the Chairman several times. I am now working in the film industry.

Chairman: Cinema, theater, and literature should reflect the realities of contemporary workers and peasants. Otherwise, they are of little value. Much of our society’s ideology remains untransformed, and we are actively engaged in this task.

(To Chen) When did you join the Party?

Chen: In 1932, in Shanghai.

Chairman: That was during the Land Revolution period, while the Long March took place in 1934. Some of those present here are involved in ideological work.

Vito: Çibrije and Ziú are deputy ministers of culture and education.

Chen: There are also composers, directors, and cinematographers among us.

Chairman: You are all engaged in ideological work.

Vito: Mass organizations also carry out ideological work and implement the Party’s line.

Chairman: Our Party represents the workers and peasants; the state power belongs to them, and the army is likewise theirs. As part of the superstructure, ideology must reflect the interests of the working class and peasantry. Old ideologies can be remarkably stubborn—resistant to change, unwilling to yield, even unto death. We must displace them gradually, but not too harshly; excessive force breeds discontent. A delicate approach is needed to overcome the old order, which still retains its market. The key is to replace it with something new. The reforms you advocate will not happen overnight. It doesn’t work that way: you propose one course of action, while others pursue quite another. The principle of art serving workers, peasants, and soldiers has been proclaimed for decades, yet some of our comrades verbally endorse it while secretly opposing it. Has the situation improved now?

Chen: Much has improved. Chairman: This applies not only to Party members but also to non-Party individuals who are enamored with the dead—those who revere the departed—and foreigners, whose works similarly glorify the past. Such preferences coexist with an appreciation for living figures. Does your country face similar challenges?

Vito: Indeed. We still bear remnants of the past, as well as foreign influences.

Chairman: They are very persistent.

Vito: Especially among women.

Chairman: Women can be divided into young, middle-aged, and elderly groups. Older women tend to cling to superstition because they have endured much hardship throughout their lives and place their hopes in divine forces. Their younger generations, however, are more enlightened. Visit Lingyin Temple in Hangzhou—you will find large crowds offering incense every day: elderly men and women accompanied by their sons, daughters, and grandchildren. Some come to pray sincerely, while others—particularly the younger ones—are merely sightseeing in Hangzhou, paying little attention to the religious aspect. The situation depends on circumstances. In Wuhan, Shanghai, and Hangzhou, you can observe that workers on wooden boats still venerate the Dragon King, believing he protects them from storms and capsizing, whereas steamship crews have long since abandoned such beliefs. Similarly, women who give birth in hospitals, where medical care is assured, are less likely to resort to superstition than those delivering at home, without access to doctors or safety nets. (To Comrade ×××) Have you noticed this? If there are no doctors available, it is impossible to eradicate superstition.

Vito: Superstition cannot be eradicated without scientific knowledge. Therefore, we must train cadres and gradually eliminate it. The worst part is that capitalist revisionism infiltrates us through radio, music, and literature.

Chairman: We must resist this influence step by step. Both our countries could refrain from importing revisionist and capitalist cultural products. The real challenge lies in finding suitable alternatives to replace them.

Vito: This is especially important for a small country like ours with a limited population.

Chairman: Although your country is small, it has made a significant impact on the global stage, boldly upholding the banner of Marxism–Leninism. The Soviet Union, however, is under the sway of revisionism. What exactly constitutes revisionism? It is bourgeois thought, politics, economics, and culture. In the Soviet Union, the bourgeoisie has already seized power. Of course, the entire social structure has not yet fully transformed into capitalism—it would take time, and strong resistance remains. Revisionism, being inherently bourgeois, cannot represent the truth of Marxism–Leninism; it serves only a narrow elite. Class struggle continues within the Soviet Union, and it is fierce. Those who opposed Khrushchev were often confined to mental institutions. This is a fascist dictatorship, worthy of close scrutiny. As nations like ours strive to maintain our course, I cannot guarantee that China will remain free from revisionism a century hence.

Vito: Isolated instances may occur, but under your current leadership, such a development is highly unlikely.

Chairman: We will continue to fight against it.

Ziú: Are you not educating the youth in the revolutionary spirit?

Chairman: Education must be grounded in class struggle. We acknowledge the existence of classes and class conflict, and we engage in appropriate forms of class struggle—non-violent, not war—but we must also deal decisively with a small number of counterrevolutionaries, saboteurs, agents of imperialism, Kuomintang stooges, and even Khrushchev’s followers. Our social situation is complex, and it should not be oversimplified. I often advise foreign comrades not to view China through a simplistic lens. While the bright side predominates, the darker aspects, though secondary, deserve attention. Society is composed of both. There are twenty to thirty million people who seek to restore landlordism and bourgeois rule—more than your entire national population.

Vito: That could form an entire division.

Chairman: But they are scattered and vary in degree. We have ways to keep them in check, and mechanisms to suppress those who refuse to comply.

Vito: Dictatorship.

Chairman: Every dictatorship targets someone. Do not believe Khrushchev when he claims that the dictatorship has no target—that the “party of all the people” and the “state of all the people” are mere illusions. He uses such slogans to conceal his efforts to restore bourgeois rule. These notions are deceptive. You surely agree that we must expose the falsehoods behind the “party of all the people” and the “state of all the people,” don’t you?

Vito: Absolutely.

Chairman: A party exists only because of class divisions; it represents either one class or another. It is possible for two different classes to be represented by a single party. The state is an instrument of dictatorship; otherwise, it cannot rightly be called a state. How long will the dictatorship endure? At present, it is difficult to say—perhaps for centuries. Only by overthrowing imperialism can we move toward communism, where each contributes according to his ability and receives according to his needs.

Vito: And there is also revisionism.

Chairman: Yes, along with revisionism and various reactionary forces worldwide. Furthermore, production and cultural development must reach a certain level before such conditions can be realized. Today’s discussion has been lengthy and covered too much ground.

Vito: Thank you. You have given us a valuable lesson.

Chairman: Indeed, we have strayed rather far from the original topic. Please convey my greetings to Comrades Hoxha, Shehu, Kavo, and all the others.