Several Interjections
With a single order from the People’s Liberation Army, directives can be implemented all the way through and work effectively. It is said that the PLA performs well because it is under the leadership of the Communist Party. But the economy is also led by the Communist Party—so why has it become fragmented? Why do people scramble for money and materials, leading to conflicts that remain unresolved for years? Why can’t businesses be managed and operated along economic lines? Why must they follow administrative structures instead? We should break down provincial, prefectural, and county boundaries! The point is to conduct affairs according to economic channels. Enterprises should function like the military: orders go straight through to the bottom! Party committees should oversee ideology, politics, arbitration, and personnel matters, exercising oversight.
The contradiction between main machinery and auxiliary machinery represents the unity of opposites. When capitalists establish a factory, the capitalist owners who manage it are always a small minority, while the workers who perform the labor constitute the vast majority. This contradiction between the few and the many is likewise a unity of opposites.
Four
I maintain that there is no shortage of high-ranking officials enjoying generous salaries and entrenched in rigid thinking. For example, some ministry reports claim they have numerous model workers, exemplary figures, and standard-bearers, yet these have remained undiscovered for years. Isn’t this precisely because bureaucratic inertia has stifled them? There are still many such cases currently suppressed and unreported. To change this situation, we must focus on real people and real events.
Chuan
“Scrambling for money” refers to dividing profits; “scrambling for materials” means dividing up resources; and when conflicts arise, it signifies strained interpersonal relationships.
[2)
Arbitration involves managing disputes.
Five
The Wenhui Daily and Guangming Daily are relatively well-run, featuring not only opinion pieces but also articles on scientific research, philosophy, and historical studies. In contrast, the People’s Daily is rather simplistic (as it undertakes tasks that other newspapers do not). Reporting international news only a few times per week would suffice. What is needed are stories about new developments and current affairs. An additional page could be dedicated to reporting on learning from the People’s Liberation Army and the Ministry of Petroleum. We should write a “life-affirming” philosophy rather than a “death-oriented” one. Nowadays, articles often contain too many quotations, which can be irritating to read. Reducing their frequency would be beneficial. I myself rarely cite Marx, Engels, Lenin, or Stalin in my writings. What we need is a living, dynamic philosophy. Many ordinary people possess a deep understanding of philosophical principles. Recently, the People’s Liberation Army discovered an article written by a cook who explained that he used to burn 1.2 kilograms of coal per meal, but after conducting thorough investigations and grasping the objective laws governing coal consumption, he was able to reduce his usage to just 300 grams per meal.
/'
In the days of feudal emperors, it was still possible to argue one’s case based on reason. Our People’s Liberation Army has a principle: whoever holds the truth is to be obeyed—whether that person is a cook or a squad leader. Truth is not determined by the rank or status of the individual.
Seven
(1) Japanese monopoly capital is undergoing changes. The Eighth Steel Trust, Fuji Steel Trust, and Tokai Fisheries Trust are now fiercely anti-American. Previously, only the textile industry engaged in such opposition; now even monopoly capitalists are joining the movement. For the Japanese Communist Party, this represents a new issue.
Several interjections
In the past, discussions on this topic were overly rigid. Let us remember never to be dogmatic. I have mentioned the French experience: De Gaulle successfully seized the banner of national independence and anti-American sentiment, whereas the French Communist Party welcomed Eisenhower and mourned Kennedy. As a result, De Gaulle came to power and remained secure. Sukarno, though a major capitalist himself, also championed anti-Americanism and national independence, enabling him to stay in power. Meanwhile, the Indonesian Communist Party failed to adopt these same stances. After Hitler came to power, he announced the abrogation of the Treaty of Versailles, the recovery of lost territories, and the pursuit of national independence. The German Communist Party’s Thälmann remained silent, ultimately leading to its downfall.
Japan’s monopoly bourgeoisie fights with two fists—one against America and the other against communism. You should loosen the grip on one front.
Japanese monopoly capitalists are calling for the withdrawal of U.S. military bases and resisting external control. You should embrace these demands. Currently, Japan’s national contradictions outweigh its class struggles. Therefore, we should form a united front with monopoly capitalists on the issue of anti-Americanism. We have previously formed united fronts with China’s Four Great Families. While this approach may have dulled workers’ revolutionary consciousness, we must also consider their psychological state: if capitalists oppose U.S. control, it provides employment opportunities, and workers generally support this stance. We drew similar lessons from our experience with Chiang Kai-shek.
During Japan’s invasion of China, national contradictions escalated into the principal contradiction. We adopted a dual strategy toward Chiang Kai-shek: engaging in both cooperation and struggle. Even the struggle was aimed at achieving unity—seeking unity through struggle. There were only three major anti-communist campaigns, each time resulting in retreats, after which we resumed cooperation. Without such cooperation, how could we have grown so rapidly and expanded from 25,000 members to 1.2 million? If Japan had not surrendered, this policy would have continued. During this period, we seized every opportunity to advance.
(2) Why did revisionism emerge in the Soviet Union? This is a question of broad significance, lingering in the minds of many. To answer it, we must still employ class analysis—a framework established since Stalin’s era. The history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the constitution both emphasized the unified front of workers, peasants, and intellectuals, without acknowledging any divisions beyond these groups, nor recognizing the presence of capitalist elements or unreformed intellectuals. Furthermore, they failed to address the emergence of a new bourgeois stratum—the salaried elite, or worker aristocracy. The problem does not lie solely with Khrushchev; rather, it stems from this underlying foundation: the very basis upon which new capitalist forces could take root. Therefore, merely denouncing Khrushchev is insufficient; even if one is removed, others will inevitably emerge—second, third, fourth… Revisionism did not appear exclusively in the Soviet Union; it arose in over a dozen European countries as well. What does this signify? It indicates the rise of a worker aristocracy. I would argue that the broad masses of the working class, particularly the impoverished sections, continue to uphold Marxist-Leninist principles, while the privileged worker aristocracy tends to lean toward revisionism.
Eight
The Taiwan Strait presents a dual nature. It is an internal matter in which no external party should interfere. We pursue two paths: peaceful liberation or armed liberation. Regardless of which approach is chosen, it remains an internal affair, off-limits to outside intervention. Our use of force as a means of resolution is not set in stone.
Nine
Come Come to the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance; Yugoslavia participates, and so do I. However, the situation has changed. Khrushchev’s authority no longer holds sway. Whether you join Yugoslavia or I do, the ultimate goal is to transform the Council into a mechanism resisting Soviet control. NATO member states, led by France, oppose U.S. dominance, while Eastern European countries also resist Soviet control and are actively developing… Now Khrushchev’s influence is waning… We must recognize this new reality.
Ten
Ordinary soldiers can become leaders. Eighty percent of our military district commanders come from humble backgrounds, having risen through the ranks.

Several interjections
However, we cannot do without a certain number of intellectuals.
Throughout history, many capable emperors were men of simple origins. Liu Bang of the Han Dynasty stands out as one of the most remarkable among feudal rulers. When Liu Jing advised him not to establish the capital in Luoyang but in Chang’an, Liu Bang immediately relocated there. Following the Honggou Agreement, Xiang Yu withdrew, and Liu Bang, seeking respite in Chang’an, listened to Zhang Liang’s counsel to attack rather than engage in negotiations. Similarly, when Han Xin petitioned for the title of King of Qi, Liu Bang initially refused, but after being gently rebuked by Zhang Liang, he promptly reversed course, exclaiming, “Damn it! If we’re going to appoint a king, let it be the true King of Qi—why settle for a false one?” In contrast, Xiang Yu made three critical errors: he disregarded Fan Zeng’s advice at the Hongmen Banquet, despite commanding 400,000 troops compared to Liu Bang’s mere 100,000; and later, he took the Honggou Accord too seriously, choosing to establish his capital in Xuzhou. The Southern and Northern Dynasties—including the Song, Qi, Liang, and Chen—and the Five Dynasties—Liang, Tang, Jin, Han, and Zhou—all produced several outstanding leaders of modest background. Of course, there were also distinguished scholars, such as Emperor Taizong of Tang. Few of our central leadership had received formal education; historically, those who had attended university were considered part of the officialdom and unlikely to participate in revolutionary activities. Today, however, we have many new exemplary figures worthy of promotion.
“Following Our Own Path of Industrial Development” (New Year Print)
Chuan
Xuzhou, then known as Pengcheng.

Comments on the Report Regarding the Successful Trial Production of Qualified Uranium Hexafluoride Concentrate [!]
(January 1964)
Read and approved. Very good.
Chuan
These are Mao Zedong’s comments on a report submitted by the Party Leadership Group of the Second Ministry of Machine-Building Industry on January 15, 1964.
[2]
The report stated: Our ministry’s gas diffusion plant for producing uranium hexafluoride concentrate has begun yielding qualified products as of the morning of January 14, 1964, following the commissioning of the fifth batch of main equipment. The production of this material provides the most fundamental prerequisite for the development of China’s atomic weapons. The report further proposed continuing to follow Chairman Mao’s instruction to “coordinate efforts vigorously and accomplish this task” and Premier Zhou Enlai’s directive to “be realistic, proceed step by step, persevere without complacency or arrogance,” operating under the direct leadership of the Central Special Committee, maintaining humility and diligence, making steady progress, and striving to better fulfill future missions.