A passage added to Xu Bing’s “Inspection Summary on Several Policy and Theoretical Issues of the Central United Front Work Department over the Past Few Years [12]” (January 1964): If we and our future generations fail to remain constantly vigilant, if we do not steadily raise the political awareness of the masses, if socialist education is not carried out thoroughly and effectively, and if leadership at all levels falls into the hands of revisionists rather than genuine Marxists, then our country may yet have to undergo a period of capitalist restoration.

Printed from Mao Zedong’s manuscript. Notes [1]: This inspection summary, delivered by Xu Bing, Deputy Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, on May 27, 1963, primarily criticizes—without naming names—the views on policy and theory put forward since 1956 by Li Weihan, Minister of the Central United Front Work Department.

The summary is divided into seven sections: (1) On the question of abolishing the bourgeoisie. The principal theoretical error we made in this regard was an insufficient understanding of the long-term, tortuous, and complex nature of class struggle, leading us to attempt too early to eliminate the bourgeoisie. Such a subjective desire to abolish the bourgeoisie relatively quickly and prematurely actually served to preserve it; if allowed to continue, it would inevitably give rise to the doctrine that class struggle has come to an end and to the weakening of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

(2) On the reformation of individuals. We should acknowledge the achievements made over the past several years in reforming bourgeois elements and bourgeois intellectuals; at the same time, we must recognize the long-term character of this process. Even among those who have been transformed into workers or working-class intellectuals, the class struggle between us and them—sometimes ideological, sometimes political—will continue for a considerable period. Moreover, because the influence of bourgeois ideology persists and the spontaneous capitalist forces of the small producers have not yet been eradicated, new bourgeois elements will inevitably emerge and grow. We must resolutely strike down these newly arising bourgeois elements.

(3) On the so-called “left wing” of the bourgeoisie. It was previously asserted that the bourgeois left constituted part of the working class, having分化ed from the bourgeoisie; this view was erroneous.

(4) On the nature of the democratic parties. We once proposed that within five years, or perhaps a little longer, the democratic parties could be transformed from bourgeois parties into socialist parties, with solid socialist leadership cores established at all levels from the central to the grassroots. This proposition was wrong. The various democratic parties can never become parties adhering to scientific communism. During the 1962 National United Front Work Conference, it was suggested that in the future the democratic parties should no longer be referred to as bourgeois parties, thereby blurring their class character; this should be corrected.

(5) On the nature of the united front. Our people’s democratic united front is led by the working class, based on the worker–peasant alliance, and comprises a broad coalition embracing all democratic classes, the democratic parties, ethnic minorities, religious circles, overseas Chinese, and other patriotic personages. While it contains socialist elements, it remains fundamentally a class alliance. It is incorrect to claim that the united front has already become a socialist united front.

(6) On the work of reforming rightist elements. In July 1962, we proposed that if the leadership deemed it necessary, or if the rightist himself or his family requested it, a review should be conducted. This approach was mistaken. Objectively, it would inevitably lead to a general rehabilitation of rightists, which would in turn negate the great achievements of the 1957 Anti-Rightist Campaign, with grave consequences.

(7) On an assessment of the Central United Front Work Department’s work over the past few years. Over these years, under the direct leadership of the Central Committee, the Department has implemented the policies, guidelines, and instructions issued by the Central Committee and the Chairman, proceeding in the correct direction and achieving mainly positive results. On the other hand, we have long harbored certain fundamental errors in our understanding of several policy and theoretical issues, chiefly a lack of clarity in our class perspective, an insufficient grasp of the long-term and overall dimensions of class struggle, and an unduly facile and simplistic view of the socialist transformation of bourgeois elements and the democratic parties.

After being reviewed and revised by Mao Zedong, this summary was transmitted by the CPC Central Committee on January 13, 1964, in Document Zhongfa No. 4-2, to all Central Bureaus, provincial and municipal Party committees, and to all central ministries and Party groups.

On August 18, 1980, in its report reviewing the case for the complete rehabilitation and restoration of Comrade Li Weihan’s political reputation, the Central United Front Work Department recommended rescinding this central document. On November 20 of the same year, the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee discussed and approved this recommendation.

[2]: The following passage was added by Mao Zedong beneath the section of Xu Bing’s inspection summary dealing with the abolition of the bourgeoisie: “The course of history teaches us that as long as imperialism, capitalism, reactionary forces in various countries, and modern revisionism continue to exist in the world, their sinister winds will from time to time blow into our country, affecting not only the original bourgeois elements but even causing some Communist Party members to degenerate. Therefore, it is impossible to completely and utterly eradicate the bourgeoisie and its ideology. Class society has existed in our country for thousands of years, and the bourgeoisie has been present for more than a century. To eliminate class distinctions, the gap between urban and rural areas, and the differences between manual and mental laborers, thereby completing the transition from capitalism to communism, is a momentous achievement that will have a profound impact on the entire world. This is by no means an unattainable goal; indeed, it is better to take one’s time. As the saying goes, haste makes waste.” In this passage, “capitalism, reactionary forces in various countries” were added by Mao Zedong, while “even centuries” was a revision he made; the original text read “even over a hundred years.”