Two Intermediate Zones [1]
(September 1963 to July 1964)
The main concern was the situation, especially the international one. Some comrades feared that Soviet–U.S. cooperation would be detrimental to us. I have always trusted the words of Wang Xifeng in “Dream of the Red Chamber”: “Even the greatest have their own difficulties.”121 Nowadays, both the United States and the Soviet Union are facing great difficulties. Rosst, chairman of the U.S. Policy Committee, once published an article arguing that both the U.S. and the USSR were encountering numerous insurmountable problems. I do not know this person, yet his views largely coincide with some of my own. The United States is running into obstacles at every turn, both domestically and internationally, and so is Khrushchev.131 We must not forget this fact. As Leng Zixing put it in “Dream of the Red Chamber,” “A centipede may die, yet its body remains stiff”—meaning that even when a powerful entity weakens, it can still maintain a formidable presence. The American magazine “Hammer and Steel” also remarked that the United States resembles an empty tree trunk hollowed out by insects inside, while its branches and leaves still appear lush on the outside.
In my view, there are two intermediate zones: one comprising Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and the other Europe.
Day
[I]
This section consists of excerpts from Mao Zedong’s speech at a working conference of the CPC Central Committee; Section II contains excerpts from Mao Zedong’s conversation with Tōdō Katsumi, a member of the Japanese Communist Party’s Central Political Bureau; and Section III comprises excerpts from Mao Zedong’s talks with Sasaki Kōzō, Kuroda Toshio, Hosako Kanemitsu, and others of the Japanese Socialist Party.
[2]
See Chapter 6 of “Dream of the Red Chamber.”
[3]
Khrushchev, who at the time served as First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union.
[4]
See Chapter 2 of “Dream of the Red Chamber.”
Japan and Canada are dissatisfied with the United States. Countries like France under de Gaulle, along with the Six-Nation Common Market,2 are all strong capitalist nations. Japan in the East is also a powerful capitalist country, yet it is neither satisfied with the U.S. nor with the Soviet Union. As for the Eastern European countries, could they really be so content with Khrushchev? I find that hard to believe. The situation continues to evolve, and contradictions are increasingly coming to light. In recent years, the French have been asserting their independence, but not to the extent seen today. Similarly, tensions between the Soviet Union and the Eastern European states have markedly intensified. Do not place any faith in talk of easing international tensions. Reaching an agreement between the Soviet Union and the United States will not be easy. Many nations across the Atlantic would hardly approve of such a deal. De Gaulle has repeatedly stated that France will not become a satellite state; rather, it is engaged in a struggle for control and counter-control. Although Khrushchev claims that we stand on the same side as de Gaulle, we have never even met him. Whether at home or abroad, our primary reliance should be on the people, not on the leaders of major powers. The people are trustworthy.
(September 28, 1963)
We maintain diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, and both China and the USSR belong to the socialist camp. However, the relationship between China and the Soviet Union is not as good as that between China and Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party, nor as good as China’s ties with the Ikeda faction. This is something worthy of our collective reflection: why is this the case? The reason lies in the fact that both the United States and the Soviet Union possess nuclear weapons and seek global domination, whereas the Liberal Democratic Party is under U.S. control. In terms of international standing,
Japan ranks second only to the United States and the Soviet Union. Other countries occupying this secondary position include Britain, France, West Germany, and Italy. I
[1]
Charles de Gaulle, who at the time served as President of France.
[2]
The Six-Nation Common Market, later known as the European Economic Community, was an international monopoly alliance established in January 1958 by France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg.
[3]
Ikeda refers to Nobusuke Ikeda, who at the time was president of Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party and prime minister.

we still have work to do.
Japanese monopoly capital is not so closely aligned with the United States. Britain has better relations with the U.S., but even those are far from close-knit. France, meanwhile, constantly frustrates the Americans. West Germany’s status has been rising, inevitably leading to confrontations with the United States.
Therefore, we can speak of two intermediate zones: one consisting of the vast, economically underdeveloped nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and the other encompassing imperialist and advanced capitalist countries represented by Europe. Both of these groups oppose U.S. hegemony. In Eastern Europe, resistance to Soviet control is also emerging—this trend is becoming quite apparent.
(January 5, 1964)
The United States has extended its reach throughout the Western Pacific and Southeast Asia; its grasp is simply too long. The Seventh Fleet stationed here is the largest in the U.S. Navy. The U.S. possesses twelve aircraft carriers, six of which—the entire Sixth Fleet—are deployed in the Mediterranean. When we fired artillery at Kinmen in 1958, the Americans panicked and shifted part of the Sixth Fleet eastward. The U.S. controls Europe, Canada, and virtually all of Latin America except Cuba. Now it has even reached Africa, where it is engaged in warfare in the Congo.
People across Asia, Africa, and Latin America are all opposed to U.S. imperialism. In Europe, North America, and Oceania, too, many share this sentiment. Even some within the imperialist camp itself resist U.S. hegemony—as evidenced by de Gaulle’s opposition to the United States. Based on these observations, we propose the concept of two intermediate zones: Asia, Africa, and Latin America constitute the first intermediate zone, while Europe, North America including Canada, and Oceania form the second.
Japan also falls within the second intermediate zone. Its monopoly capital is dissatisfied with the United States, and a segment of society has already openly voiced opposition to U.S. influence. Another group remains reliant on the U.S., but I believe that over time, more and more members of this latter group will likewise cast off the yoke imposed upon them by Washington.
(July 10, 1964)

Archival Photos
October 1, 1963: Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai celebrate National Day atop Tiananmen Gate Tower.

October 1, 1963: Mao Zedong on Tiananmen Gate Tower.

Archival Photos
October 1, 1963: Mao Zedong on Tiananmen Gate Tower.
October 1, 1963: Mao Zedong with friends from Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

October 1, 1963: Mao Zedong meets with African American leader Robert William and his wife.

Archival Photos
October 5, 1963: Mao Zedong hosts King Mahendra and Queen of the Kingdom of Nepal at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse.
October 1963: Mao Zedong converses with Ishibashi Tanzan, a visiting member of Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party.

Mao Zedong in Beijing in 1963.

Archival Photos
1963: Mao Zedong in Beijing.