I. The Situation

The situation in production improves year by year. However, the class struggle remains serious and acute. (A list of instances of class struggle in the countryside is provided.) Why has such a grave situation arisen in rural areas? There are three main reasons: one is class-based, another historical, and the third relates to understanding.

Class-based reason: Fundamentally, socialist society is still a class society, characterized by the existence of classes and class struggle. Correctly comprehending and handling class contradictions and class struggle, as well as properly managing the distinction between antagonistic and non-antagonistic contradictions, constitutes the guarantee for leading and uniting the entire Party and all the people, thereby ensuring the smooth progress of the socialist revolution and socialist construction.

Historical reason: On the one hand, in some regions the tasks of the democratic revolution have yet to be completed, while in others the socialist revolution remains unfinished. Where feudal landlords have not been overthrown, there is a need for renewed revolutionary action. On the other hand, there are historical factors related to our work. After land reform, we largely ceased engaging in systematic class struggle. The “Three-Anti” and “Five-Anti” campaigns, as well as the anti-rightist campaign of 1957, did involve elements of class struggle, but they were not sustained efforts of this kind. In the Soviet Union, following 1932, two more rounds of purges were conducted in 1937 and 1938. For the subsequent sixteen years, no further class struggle took place. Under such circumstances, on whom could collectivization rely? Without class struggle, the dictatorship of the proletariat would lack a reliable social foundation.

The Five-Anti Campaign carried out within the organs of the North China Bureau was highly effective. Although it was described as operating in “clean offices,” once thorough investigations were launched, numerous specific cases came to light.

Reasons related to understanding: Class struggle is an objective reality. If this fact is not recognized, how can we possibly lead the class struggle?

II. Questions of Understanding

After the Tenth Plenary Session, I traveled through eleven provinces. Only in ×× and ×× did leaders speak at length about socialist education; elsewhere, the topic was scarcely mentioned. Following the February Conference, the situation began to change. Henan had neglected class struggle for five months, but after the February Conference, it was vigorously pursued. While progress was evident, not everyone immediately grasped the significance. One regional party secretary remained resistant even after the conference; only after being dispatched to conduct pilot work did he come around.

Having reviewed the second document from Hunan, I now begin to appreciate that, even within planning and production activities, a struggle between two lines is continually underway.

I have asked many people where ideas originate. None could provide a satisfactory answer. The transformation of matter into spirit and of spirit back into matter is a commonplace phenomenon in everyday life—something even illiterate peasants understand. For example, if you ask a farmer who Zhang San is, he will tell you that Zhang San is a landlord who oppresses them. With these concepts—the idea of “Zhang San” and that of “landlord”—he can reason that landlords are exploiters. Peasants’ understanding arises from their lived experience; one does not need to be literate to grasp philosophical principles. Genghis Khan himself was illiterate.

A single word may build up a nation; another may bring it down. This is precisely the transformation of spirit into matter. Marx’s call for proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat—a single utterance—did it not serve to uplift the nation? Similarly, Khrushchev’s advocacy against class struggle and revolution—another single pronouncement—did it not prove ruinous?

Philosophy should be taught in practical work and during meetings. We must make clear to those around us that philosophy is not difficult. Military theory is likewise accessible. Among the marshals and generals of our People’s Liberation Army, only a handful—such as Lin Biao and Liu Bocheng—had received formal military training. Many found that military manuals and accounts of European wars did not align with China’s actual conditions. It was not foreign-trained officers who defeated native cadres; rather, it was the latter who triumphed over the former. Comrade Lin Biao was merely a six-month recruit at the Whampoa Military Academy… He was assigned as a company commander but was utterly incapable of leading troops, deferring entirely to his squad leader. The squad leader dictated how battles should be fought. Military skills are acquired through practice. Therefore, we should not regard Marxism or philosophy as somehow mysterious. I have read portions of Xue Feng’s diary and observed that even he possessed a basic philosophical insight.

Can university students truly master philosophy after just five years of study? I find this unlikely. Many philosophers never attended university. Among Chinese thinkers, Wang Chong, Fan Zhen, Fu Xuan, Liu Zongyuan, Wang Fuzhi, Li Zhi, Dai Dongyuan, and Wei Yuan—all made significant contributions without having specialized in philosophy. Hegel too did not confine himself to philosophical pursuits; his scholarship spanned a broad range of fields. Kant was primarily an astronomer, and his cosmological theories remain valuable today. Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin likewise did not devote themselves exclusively to philosophy.

Philosophy emerges from remote valleys. A report as insightful as that from Liling could not have originated in Xiangtan or Changde; it came from Liling itself. Philosophy is born in times of hardship and struggle. Can it arise under favorable circumstances? Huang Gai, a figure from the Three Kingdoms period, hailed from Liling. Likewise, Zhou Lianxi, the teacher of Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao—both eminent Neo-Confucian scholars of the Song dynasty, part of the same intellectual tradition as Zhu Xi—was also from Liling, specifically from Dao County within the Liling administrative region. Zhang Zai, by contrast, was from Shaanxi and represented a different school of thought. The great Tang dynasty calligrapher Huai Su likewise came from this area. Liu Zongyuan spent a full decade, from age thirty to forty, residing in Liling, then known as Yongzhou. It was there that he composed his landscape essays and his polemics against Han Yu.

Thus, we must dispel superstition, but with caution—not repeating the mistake of earlier years when even what should have been preserved was discarded.

Things possess both appearance and essence; we must discern the essence through the appearance. Appearance and essence constitute a dialectical unity. The essence remains hidden, and it is only by penetrating the surface that we can grasp it. For instance, if cadres fail to participate in labor, revisionism is bound to emerge. Similarly, when walking, we often fail to notice ants; take larger strides, and they become even more invisible. Only by crouching down can we see them—and much more besides. Otherwise, not only nascent developments go unnoticed, but even widespread phenomena escape our attention. Take class struggle and the failure of cadres to engage in labor: though ubiquitous, they remain invisible to many. To address this, we must employ scientific methods of investigation and research. Some adopt a subjective approach, boldly hypothesizing and then cautiously seeking confirmation. Among the various prefectural committees in Hebei, only the Baoding Committee conducted its inquiry scientifically; the rest relied on subjective judgment. Initially, the Baoding Committee had not set out to launch the “Four Cleansings” campaign. Instead, it aimed to oversee distribution, but faced opposition from the masses, who insisted on carrying out the Four Cleansings. Heeding public opinion, the committee adjusted its plans and proceeded with the Four Cleansings—an authentic exercise in investigative research.

When lecturing on philosophy, keep the session under an hour; preferably within half an hour. Prolonged discourse only leads to confusion.

I delivered a philosophical address at the Moscow Conference, and its content was incorporated into the Moscow Declaration. Yet, back home, few dared to speak on the subject.

III. Key Points

What are the essential components of this movement? Ten key issues stand out, some pertaining to questions of understanding and requiring resolution by senior and intermediate-level cadres, while others concern routine work. The following five points represent the core priorities of general operations:

1. Classes and class struggle. How should class struggle be waged? It must be approached from a class perspective. Cao Xueqin was among the first to identify the four major families. In “Dream of the Red Chamber,” the Jia, Shi, Wang, and Xue clans are depicted as slave owners, comprising a total of thirty-two individuals. The portrayal of enslaved women—such as Yuanyang, Qingwen, and Xiaohong—is particularly poignant, highlighting the suffering endured by these individuals. Lin Daiyu, however, does not belong to any of these families.

2. Socialist education. Two primary approaches are recommended:

The first involves conveying the central leadership’s directives to cadres and the masses, explaining them clearly, and tailoring the message to local conditions, specific tasks, and concrete realities, thereby encouraging the populace to expose wrongdoing.

The second entails prompting older generations to reflect upon their history of oppression and exploitation, stirring class consciousness, and enabling younger generations to appreciate the hard-won fruits of revolutionary struggle, thus continuing the proletarian lineage.

3. Relying on poor and lower-middle peasants. The question of whom to rely on has persisted for millennia and will likely endure indefinitely, manifesting as tensions between idealism and materialism, between advanced and backward forces, and along left–center–right lines. Today, whom should we depend upon? Ultimately, it comes down to class. Should we claim to represent “all the people”? Such a claim effectively privileges a select few. Some argue, “Landlords and rich peasants obey orders, middle peasants are unruly, and poor peasants are confused.” But why would landlords fail to comply? They offer gifts and even women, all in exchange for obedience.

What does it mean to feel at ease? Poor and lower-middle peasants have long been oppressed and kept down; how could they ever feel liberated? If they remain burdened, how can cadres truly find peace of mind?

The bourgeoisie claims it lacks successors. What does this assertion imply? Hegel’s successor was Marx, whereas the bourgeoisie’s true heirs are the proletariat. By promoting the “three autonomies and one contract” policy, the bourgeoisie seeks to regain power. Our response must strike at its foundations, depriving it of the means to cultivate new adherents.

4. The Four Cleansings

What constitutes corruption? Fifty yuan? One hundred yuan? Two hundred yuan? As long as the individual confesses and returns the illicit gains, it does not qualify as corruption.

Restitution must be fair and reasonable, restoring both integrity and the ability to sustain oneself. The extent of restitution should be determined through self-reporting combined with public deliberation.

Punishments should be limited to no more than one percent of offenders.

This year, refrain from capital punishment; let us revisit the matter next year. Even those guilty of the most heinous crimes should receive a reprieve. Current counter-revolutionaries should be dealt with according to established procedures. If the masses insist on immediate execution, there may indeed be justification—but as leaders, we can afford to wait.

5. Cadres participating in collective production labor. Only through active engagement in labor can issues of embezzlement and excessive appropriation be resolved, and only then can cadres gain a genuine understanding of production realities, rather than remaining aloof. When cadres abstain from labor, they become estranged from the working masses, inevitably succumbing to revisionism.

The labor practices in Xiyang were exemplary. Situated high in the mountains, Xiyang was a very impoverished region. And it was precisely in poverty that revolution took root.

Rural Party grassroots organizations should be placed firmly in the hands of advanced workers and labor activists.

(Some have pointed out that certain model workers do not actually work.)

If model workers do not engage in labor, what sense does it make to call them models? Such designations should be revoked. Others may claim to be too busy attending meetings and receiving visitors. This issue requires resolution: why not visit the fields instead?

County-level cadres must also participate in labor. If grassroots cadres fail to do so, are they not akin to Nationalist-era baojia chiefs? We hold positions of varying rank, yet even low-ranking officials wield considerable influence. In the past, a regimental commander might have enjoyed substantial administrative allowances. Today, our grassroots cadres face a stark choice: either engage in labor and the Four Cleansings, or simply return to civilian life if they refuse to comply.

Once cadres resume labor, incidents of embezzlement, theft, and speculative profiteering naturally diminish. Such activities have always existed—indeed, they have persisted for millennia. Without them, the dialectic of contradiction and unity would lose its force.

The more corruption is exposed, the happier I become. Have you ever tried to rid yourself of lice? The more you remove, the greater your satisfaction.

IV. Methods

Adopt a proactive stance.

1. Prioritize training and education for cadres.

2. Avoid rushing the process. If it cannot be completed this year, so be it; if not next year, then the year after. Wasn’t land reform also spread out over several years? Those who doubt the necessity of such measures should not be rebuked. An aggressive push only breeds anxiety and disorder. Let us patiently persuade them: why the haste? After all, our revolution was victorious more than thirty years later than that of the Soviet Union.

3. Conduct pilot projects—thorough, in-depth trials that avoid superficiality. Rigorous piloting is essential.

4. Differentiate between regions. Do not implement uniform measures across ethnic minority areas or border regions. (The story of Chen Ping from the Western Han Dynasty is recounted.) (Addressing Li ××) Given Sichuan’s vast size, can such a large province really undertake this task all at once?

5. Streamline. Reduce the number of cadres dispatched to engage in labor and class struggle training. My own entourage once numbered twenty to thirty individuals; now it consists of little more than a dozen. I suggested to Jiang ×× that Jiangsu, with a population exceeding forty million and a provincial government workforce of five thousand, could reduce its staff by fifteen hundred or two thousand. This longstanding issue has long remained unresolved.

6. Focus on key objectives. “Neither heaven nor earth shall be sung of—only ‘The Story of Mount Xiangshan.’” This opera recounts the tale of the king’s daughter—identified with the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara—consisting of seven short phrases, with the opening couplet serving as its central theme. By isolating heaven and earth, excluding them from the narrative, and concentrating solely on “The Story of Mount Xiangshan,” one can effectively highlight the underlying class struggle.