I. On Class Struggle in Socialist Society

Are there classes in a socialist society? Is there class struggle? Some abroad claim that their countries have already transcended class divisions; that their parties are now parties of the entire people; and that the dictatorship of the proletariat no longer has any specific targets, since their states are supposedly “of the people, by the people, for the people.” Similar notions circulate domestically as well. The bourgeoisie daily wages war against the proletariat precisely by denying the very existence of classes and class struggle, insisting that such concepts were fabricated by Marx. Yet it is not only foreign revisionists and domestic bourgeois elements who reject the reality of classes and class conflict; many cadres and Party members also fail to grasp the gravity of the enemy situation, often turning a blind eye to it.

Are these views correct? Absolutely not. The overthrown reactionary ruling classes will never accept their demise; they constantly seek to restore their former power. At the same time, new bourgeois elements emerge, as do fresh contingents of counterrevolutionaries. Behind these class enemies stand imperialism, modern revisionism, and reactionary nationalism. Accordingly, the Communiqué of the Eighth Central Committee’s Tenth Plenary Session declares: “Throughout the entire historical period of the proletarian revolution and the proletarian dictatorship— a period that will require several decades, perhaps even longer—there will be a struggle between the socialist and capitalist paths.”

[Note from the reprinter: The original text in the Communiqué reads: “Throughout the entire historical period of the proletarian revolution and the proletarian dictatorship, throughout the entire historical period of transition from capitalism to communism— a period that will require several decades, perhaps even longer—there will be class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, and a struggle between the socialist and capitalist paths.”]

Class struggle in society inevitably finds expression within our Party. In a country of our size, where class distinctions persist, it would be extraordinary if bourgeois, feudal, and rich-peasant ideologies did not infiltrate our ranks. Another crucial reason for this phenomenon lies in the composition of the Party itself. While the Party is predominantly made up of workers, poor and hired peasants, and lower-middle peasants—groups whose outlook is fundamentally sound—it also includes a substantial contingent of petty-bourgeois elements, some of whom belong to the urban and rural upper strata, along with a sizable number of intellectuals and children of landlords and rich peasants. Among these individuals, some have been thoroughly imbued with Marxist–Leninist principles, others only partially so, while a significant minority remain untouched by them. Though formally admitted to the Party organizationally, they have yet to internalize its ideological tenets. Consequently, they lack the necessary ideological preparation for the socialist revolution. Moreover, in recent years, certain undesirable elements have managed to slip into the Party—corrupt officials engaged in embezzlement and serious violations of discipline. Such infiltration, stemming from the incomplete nature of the democratic revolution, warrants vigilance but remains relatively manageable. The more pressing challenge, however, consists of those petty-bourgeois elements, intellectuals, and offspring of landlords and rich peasants who have not undergone thorough ideological transformation. Intensified educational efforts directed at Party members and cadres are therefore essential.

II. On the Socialist Education Campaign

This socialist education campaign constitutes a momentous revolutionary undertaking. As Sun Yat-sen once remarked, “The revolution has not yet succeeded.” Today, we might say: the socialist revolution is ongoing, while in certain areas the democratic revolution has yet to reach fruition. Where the socialist revolution remains unfinished, it must continue; where the democratic revolution has fallen short, remedial measures are required. In regions where the landlord class has not yet been decisively defeated, the task calls for a renewed revolutionary offensive.

The right-wing bourgeoisie and middle-peasant factions pin their hopes on the so-called “three autonomies and one contracting system”—namely, self-retained plots, free markets, independent profit-and-loss accounting, and household-based production contracts. In response, our socialist revolution has launched the Five-Anti Campaign in the cities and the Four Cleansings in the countryside, aiming to undermine the social foundations of the bourgeoisie, eradicate the roots of capitalism, and uproot revisionist tendencies.

Following the Eighth Central Committee’s Tenth Plenary Session, several localities diligently implemented the Central Committee’s directives on socialist education, achieving commendable results. Not only did they quell the “individualist wind,” but they also exposed latent class conflicts, laid bare various contradictions, and unmasked those forces undermining socialism. This demonstrates that targeted efforts to address class struggle can yield immediate and tangible outcomes. Conversely, other areas, despite engaging in socialist education, failed to grasp the core issues or adopt appropriate methods. Moving forward, it remains imperative to focus on the key points, employ sound approaches and systematic steps, and further advance the socialist education campaign.

What, then, are the central tenets of this socialist education drive? They revolve around class and class struggle: cleansing and reforming cadres; relying on poor and lower-middle peasants; implementing the Four Cleansings; and involving cadres in collective labor. Any generalization of socialist education that bypasses these fundamental aspects—particularly the cleansing process and the eradication of corruption and theft—will inevitably miss the mark.

As for methodology, persuasion and education form the cornerstone, complemented by a spirit of openness and unity against the enemy. It is vital to rally over 95 percent of the masses and cadres to confront class adversaries, exercising forbearance toward the vast majority—avoiding public shaming, physical punishment, or labeling—and refraining from relentless pressure or coercion. Those who acknowledge their errors and make a sincere confession shall be considered part of this broad consensus. While misconduct must be criticized and rectified through cleansing and re-education, excessive harm should be avoided; nevertheless, a small number of individuals will inevitably bear the consequences. Valuable contributions deserve recognition, while a select few wrongdoers must face disciplinary action, subject to proper authorization procedures. Some locales have found success in educating youth about class relations through narratives of community, village, and family history—a practice worthy of wider adoption. Stories of peasant exploitation and oppression can be shared alongside accounts of upward mobility, while the histories of landlords and rich peasants may serve as negative examples, illustrating how they exploited and oppressed others, told to poor and lower-middle peasants.

The sequence of implementation involves pilot projects followed by phased, batch-wise, and region-specific deployment. Even within a single county, progress should proceed in stages and groups. Local conditions vary, so staggered timelines and uneven paces are permissible. Training should begin with county-level cadres, then extend to commune and brigade leaders, and finally to production team officials and active members among the poor and lower-middle peasants. Pilots are indispensable; every locality must conduct them to clarify the situation. Some comrades initially harbored doubts about class struggle and socialist education, only to become convinced after participating in pilot initiatives and subsequently embracing the cause wholeheartedly.

Concerns regarding socialist education generally center on two perceived risks: disruption of production and excessive social friction. However, class struggle and socialist education ultimately contribute to boosting productivity. While undue harm should be avoided, a certain degree of tension is inevitable when addressing intra-class contradictions. The overall atmosphere should remain relaxed and cheerful, reflecting the positive outcomes achieved. That said, the educational process itself cannot be entirely devoid of tension. Only through campaigns like the Five-Antis and Four Cleansings, and by organizing the ranks of the poor and lower-middle peasants, can genuine peace of mind be attained. Could such tranquility prevail if these forces remained unorganized, if malignant influences persisted, or if cadres failed to undergo cleansing and self-criticism? When the grassroots feel unsettled—(a segment is missing here)—it becomes all the more urgent to establish a genuinely harmonious environment.

At the same time, haste and reckless action must be eschewed. Areas where previous socialist education efforts fell short should proceed cautiously, building upon existing conditions rather than launching haphazard, large-scale campaigns. Engage in battle only when fully prepared; avoid rash decisions without prior piloting or clear understanding of the situation, or before cadres and the masses have received adequate training. Cadres should be persuaded primarily through education; when words prove insufficient, factual evidence should be marshaled to effect change. Assign capable leaders to spearhead the movement; those lacking military acumen should not assume command. Do not force the issue where ants are absent. For instance, certain communes and production teams that previously prioritized class struggle and socialist education may not necessarily need to adopt today’s prescribed approach. Nevertheless, intraclass contradictions are ubiquitous, and addressing them remains essential even in such units.

In sum, this campaign represents a critical test of both the competence and resolve of our cadres. By proceeding in phases, batches, and regions, conducting pilots, and ensuring robust protection for over 95 percent of cadres and the masses, we can effectively mitigate major pitfalls.

III. On the Four Cleansings

In rural areas, the focus is on the Four Cleansings rather than the Five-Antis. The Four Cleansings entail auditing accounts, settling work-point records, inspecting warehouses, and inventorying property. Of these, account auditing and work-point reconciliation constitute the primary tasks. First and foremost, the masses must be mobilized to conduct a comprehensive and thorough review of all accounts, warehouses, assets, and work points dating back to 1962, as well as an inventory of all capital additions resulting from state investment, bank loans, and credit purchases from commercial outlets.

This constitutes a large-scale mass movement integrated with the socialist education campaign, primarily aimed at resolving intra-class contradictions. Simultaneously, however, it serves as a grave class struggle against corruption, theft, speculation, and degenerate elements. Like the ongoing Five-Anti Campaign in urban centers, the Four Cleansings in the countryside represent a decisive blow in our socialist revolution to repel and crush the rampant offensive of capitalist forces.

For a decade, no organized class struggle had taken place in the countryside. The Three-Anti and Five-Anti Campaigns of 1952 were conducted exclusively in cities. In rural areas, a nationwide rectification campaign was held in 1957, though employing a different methodology than that currently advocated. Since the cooperative movement began, cash, work points, property, and warehouse records have never been systematically cleared, nor have accounts been fully disclosed to commune members. The Four Cleansings have the potential to uncover extensive instances of corruption and illicit activities—matters beyond the reach of ordinary law enforcement agencies.

To carry out the Four Cleansings effectively, it is essential to adopt a grassroots-oriented approach, relying heavily on poor and lower-middle peasants. By empowering the masses and allowing them to take the lead—often overriding the instructions of recalcitrant cadres—the desired results can be achieved. The goal is to educate and unite over 95 percent of the population while targeting a small minority of egregious offenders. Those who confess and make restitution may avoid being branded as corrupt, provided the majority embrace a spirit of open dialogue, light engagement, and united front against wrongdoing. All matters arising during the Four Cleansings should be subjected to extensive deliberation by the masses. Illicit gains and stolen property must be returned, but such restitution should be fair and reasonable; otherwise, the populace will resist, and even some cadres may eventually sympathize with the offenders. As for prosecuting corrupt elements, the traditional method of mass denunciation is generally avoided. Instead, a confidential, back-to-back approach may be employed—where necessary, within smaller group settings—to encourage candid exposure and criticism. Concurrently, specialized teams should be formed to audit accounts, conduct investigations, and, based on solid evidence, render formal judgments. It is imperative to guard against perfunctory or superficial actions, as well as against coercion, forced confessions, and any form of corporal punishment. Cases already addressed must be revisited. Any efforts that prove inadequate or incomplete must be redone, and any institutional mechanisms still lacking should be promptly established.

IV. On Organizing the Revolutionary Ranks of Poor and Lower-Middle Peasants

Whether in revolution or in socialist construction, the question of “whose support do we rely on?” must always be resolved. (Note from the reprinter: Given the context, a passage appears to be missing between the preceding and following sections; readers are advised to take note.) Even amidst debates over materialism versus idealism, or between advanced and backward perspectives, the distinction between left, center, and right persists, just as class differences endure.

So, whom should we rely on in the countryside?

Not on the population as a whole, but specifically on poor and lower-middle peasants. These groups comprise roughly 50 to 70 percent of the rural population, constituting the overwhelming majority. They are the proletariat and semi-proletariat of the countryside. To combat landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries, and other hostile elements, we must unite the broadest possible base—starting with the poor and lower-middle peasants. Should we prioritize the majority or the minority? Should we uphold the dictatorship of the proletariat, or allow forces akin to “demonic spirits” to dominate? True Marxist–Leninists align themselves with the majority, whereas revisionists, while professing to represent the entire people, in reality cater to a narrow elite. Some rural cadres espouse the misleading notion that “landlords are compliant, middle peasants are easy to manage, while poor peasants are stubborn.” In truth, landlords seek to impose their will, and county-level cadres often disregard the voices of the poor; under such circumstances, the latter will never achieve emancipation.

Relying on poor and lower-middle peasants and thereby affirming their central role in the countryside is not only a crucial issue for advancing the socialist revolution and construction but also a vital step in consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat. Throughout the entire socialist stage, right up until the advent of communism, we must continue to depend on these segments of the peasantry.

To secure this reliance, it is imperative to establish class organizations among the poor and lower-middle peasants. Such organizations provide a focal point and enable better coordination with middle peasants. In some locales, once the poor are organized, middle peasants begin to express interest in pursuing a socialist path, although full mobilization has yet to be achieved.

The establishment of these class organizations should be driven by mass mobilization in the course of struggle, rather than pursued as a mere formal exercise. What good is a facade? A socialist appearance without substance is meaningless. Yugoslavia, after all, merely bore the label of socialism without truly embodying its principles.

Initiation need not involve large numbers at once. For example, in a production team of twenty households, one might first organize two or three families, then four or five, gradually expanding until eleven or twelve households are involved. The process should unfold incrementally, like rolling a snowball, rather than through a sudden, all-at-once surge. Proceed steadily and with firm resolve.

Some locales propose that the chairmanship of the poor and lower-middle peasant committee be concurrently held by the deputy secretary of the Party branch. This arrangement is unsuitable; leadership positions should be democratically elected. While the branch secretary may assume the role, such appointment should not be mandated, nor should any particular individual be guaranteed election.

In rural areas, both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie vie for the allegiance of the affluent peasant stratum—an echelon inherently prone to adopting bourgeois outlooks and susceptible to bourgeois influence. However, this group requires careful analysis. Factors such as improvements in living standards and political conduct must be considered. Provided they are not exploiters, hold pro-socialist convictions, and engage in diligent labor, they should be united and encouraged to participate actively in socialist construction.

V. On Cadres’ Participation in Collective Production Labor

Cadres’ participation in collective production labor holds fundamental significance for the socialist system. Without such engagement, cadres risk becoming estranged from the broad working masses, potentially succumbing to revisionism.

Our Party is the party of the proletariat and the vanguard of the working people. Its grassroots organizations must be firmly in the hands of dedicated, progressive activists. In the countryside, the secretary of a Party branch should not only be politically advanced but also strive to become a skilled producer and model worker. Cadres at the county level and above likewise ought to participate earnestly in collective labor. When cadres cease to labor, they gradually degenerate, sometimes even aligning themselves with reactionary forces. As Comrade Si Guan of a brigade-level Party secretary in Zhejiang Province aptly observed: “Without labor, one’s work floats aimlessly on the surface, like duckweed, lacking any solid foundation.” Engaging in labor, by contrast, resolves this problem, at least mitigating tendencies toward corruption and abuse of power. It also fosters a deeper understanding of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, sideline industries, and fisheries. Once the branch secretary participates, the brigade chief, team leader, and accountant follow suit, facilitating more effective Party and Youth League rectification. In this way, the seeds of revisionism are sown less readily.

Currently, many members of the public harbor grievances against cadres. Some complain: “Brigade-level cadres are arrogant—they eat well, enjoy privileges, and receive gifts.” Are such criticisms justified? Let us subject them to a “Four Cleansing” and a day of manual labor. If they refuse, they should revert to being ordinary citizens. This constitutes a significant struggle, one that cannot succeed without the active involvement of a large contingent of dedicated supporters.

The experience of Xiyang County in Shanxi Province offers a commendable example. Given that its cadres have maintained consistent participation in labor over an extended period, other counties should likewise endeavor to emulate this practice. We aim to ensure that rural Party secretaries engage in regular labor within three years, deploying a phased approach. For instance, among one hundred branches, one-third might begin in the first year, another third in the second, bringing the total to sixty percent. This momentum will inspire the remaining cadres to join in.

Regrettably, some model workers have recently ceased labor altogether. If they no longer labor, what distinguishes them as models? The most common excuse offered is concern over work commitments and an excessive workload of meetings. Leadership bodies at the commune level and above must reduce the frequency of meetings. A county need only convene senior cadre meetings once or twice annually. Those sessions that are deemed essential should be meticulously prepared in advance, and opportunities should be explored to hold them at lower administrative levels.

VI. On Employing the Marxist Scientific Method in Research

There are two approaches to research: one is bold, subjective hypothesis followed by cautious, subjective verification—a highly flawed method; the other is the Marxist scientific method, exemplified by the investigation conducted by the Baoding Prefectural Committee of Hebei Province concerning the Four Cleansings. Initially, the committee did not set out to undertake the Four Cleansings but rather to address issues of distribution. Faced with widespread dissent, they heeded the masses’ call and adjusted their plans accordingly. This, indeed, constitutes genuine research.

Research encompasses three domains: productive struggles, class conflicts, and scientific experimentation. Without engaging in such inquiry, there can be no true Marxism. Qingtian County in Zhejiang Province has established experimental fields with a distinctly scientific character, extending trials into mountainous regions. Initially, local residents opposed the cultivation of winter rice paddies; however, after successful trials demonstrating superior yields the following season, poor farmers came to embrace the practice. Thus, investigation and experimentation are indispensable. Why do some individuals remain skeptical about socialist education? Because they have neither participated in pilot programs nor engaged in rigorous research. Walking as usual reveals little, but bending down to examine the ground closely uncovers numerous ants and a wealth of details otherwise obscured. Otherwise, not only novel developments go unnoticed, but even pervasive phenomena—such as class struggle and cadres’ disengagement from labor—remain invisible to many.

Naturally, these matters demand gradual comprehension, moving from surface appearances to underlying principles. For instance, cadres’ abstention from labor inevitably breeds revisionism, yet many comrades fail to recognize this connection. Similarly, when cadres do not engage in labor, their understanding and reflection of reality become distorted. How can one truly comprehend warfare without personally taking part in combat? Merely attending military academy does not suffice. Likewise, without direct engagement in practical work, one’s grasp of agricultural processes remains superficial.

To foster a culture of research and enhance our work, Party committees at all levels incorporate philosophical discussions into their routine operations, providing Marxist epistemology training for cadres. Concepts such as materialism and idealism, worldviews, and dialectics are all part of this educational framework. The transformation of matter into spirit and vice versa underscores the interconnectedness of these ideas. Such insights should be internalized by both cadres and the general public, transforming philosophy from an abstract academic discipline confined to classrooms and texts into a sharp, practical tool wielded by the masses.

Many of our comrades remain unclear about the origins of human thought. Some are particularly bewildered by the notion of spirit giving rise to matter, while illiterate farmers nonetheless demonstrate remarkable reasoning abilities. For example, farmers perceive landlords as human beings who exploit and oppress them. Recognizing that “human” and “landlord” are distinct categories, they synthesize these concepts, draw logical inferences, and conclude that landlords are indeed exploiters. This understanding arises from lived experience and does not necessarily require literacy. Therefore, we must dispel superstitious notions (while safeguarding sound science) and refrain from treating philosophy as an arcane, inscrutable subject. Philosophy is accessible; even young individuals like Lei Feng can gain valuable insights from it.

In summary, this socialist education campaign represents a great revolutionary movement, encompassing not only class struggle and cadres’ participation in labor but also a rigorous scientific approach. Through experimentation, we have learned to resolve a range of issues in enterprises and agriculture. Although it may appear daunting, with due diligence it proves quite manageable. This struggle aims to re-educate the people, reorganize the revolutionary ranks of the proletariat, and launch a sharp, head-on offensive against the rampaging capitalist and feudal forces arrayed against us, suppressing their counterrevolutionary ardor and transforming the majority of those caught in their midst into new socialist citizens. It also entails joint participation by cadres and the masses in productive labor and scientific experimentation, cultivating cadres who are both politically astute and technically proficient—“red and expert”—rather than aloof bureaucrats detached from the people. Instead, they should integrate with the masses, earn their trust and support, and emerge as truly exemplary leaders. Upon completion of this campaign, a vibrant, flourishing atmosphere will pervade the nation. Nearly one quarter of humanity will witness such a transformation, thereby significantly enhancing our internationalist contribution.