Chairman: You are a delegation from a friendly country and a friendly government. Welcome to China. All our African friends are warmly welcomed by the Chinese people. Our relations with the peoples of all African nations are good—whether they have already attained independence or are still struggling for it. A great revolutionary movement is now unfolding across Africa, one that seeks national independence and opposes imperialism and colonialism. How many people live in Africa? About two hundred million, isn’t it? Two hundred million people are rising up, whether they have already stood tall or are about to do so. Latin America also has roughly two hundred million inhabitants, while Asia boasts over a billion. And then there are the revolutionary peoples of the entire world. We are not isolated; we have friends everywhere. Nor are you isolated. When you come to China, you can feel that the Chinese people extend a very warm welcome to you. How long have you been here now?

Keita (head of the Guinean government’s economic delegation): We arrived in late April, on the nineteenth.

Chairman: And what about them? (pointing to the women’s delegation)

Keita: They came on the twenty-fifth of April.

Chairman: I understand you are leaving tomorrow.

Keita: They are not going.

Chairman: Welcome. He (referring to Comrade Ke Qingshi) is the host here in Shanghai. Ke Qingshi is a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee—just as you are members of your party’s Political Bureau, correct?

Ke Qingshi: Why don’t you stay a few more days?

Keita: Our schedule is very tight. There is much work back home. We need to complete the reorganization of the party’s various levels by May 15. If time permits, we would be happy to spend a month visiting China.

Chairman: Your party is an excellent one—a party that remains closely connected to the masses, disciplined, and committed to a program of opposing imperialism and colonialism while building a national economy. It is the leading force in an independent, self-reliant state. We feel very close to you. Our two countries and two parties should help and support each other. You must not undermine us, nor will we undermine you. If anyone among us behaves improperly in your country, please let us know—someone who looks down on you, acts arrogantly, or displays great-power chauvinism. Have you encountered such individuals?

Keita: No.

Chairman: If we find such people, we will take disciplinary action against them.

Keita: Such behavior sometimes occurs among technical personnel from certain other countries. Our Chinese experts, however, have never shown any signs of it; they have all worked very well.

Chairman: Are there instances where Guinean experts receive higher salaries or enjoy special privileges compared with their Chinese counterparts? (Turning to Ye ××) I suspect there may be. This needs to be investigated. Compensation should be equal—at most slightly lower. (Ye ××: Premier Zhou is currently asking Comrade Fang ×× to look into this matter.)

Keita: That is indeed a question worth examining. But up to now, our Chinese experts have made no excessive demands. In some cases, experts from other countries have received two or three times as much as our own. By contrast, the Chinese specialists have always been modest and reasonable.

Chairman: Who is the Chinese ambassador to Guinea? Is it Ke Hua? (Someone answers in the affirmative.)

Keita: Only the Chinese and Vietnamese experts receive identical treatment.

Chairman: Has anyone ever harmed your national interests or engaged in subversive activities?

Keita: Yes, but not Chinese nationals. As for those who do engage in subversion, we certainly do not stand by and allow it to happen. Whenever such incidents occur, we promptly take countermeasures. We are determined not to become pawns in someone else’s game. You are familiar with past events, and you know our stance on them.

Chairman: You are right to act decisively. Anyone who tries to dominate others on your soil, flouts your laws, or engages in subversive activities must be expelled. We hope you will firmly establish yourselves—not only politically but also economically—and avoid being overthrown. We would be very pleased if you succeeded in standing firm. Should you fall, it would disappoint us, because you are a revolutionary party and a revolutionary government with significant influence across Africa. Through you, we can carry out work in many African countries to help secure their liberation. You bear this responsibility: once you have achieved independence, you must not turn away from others. The same applies to us—if we gain independence, we cannot simply ignore the struggles of other peoples. By “helping” others, I mean offering friendly support and assistance. You know that we ourselves still face certain difficulties, making it hard for us to provide substantial aid at present. Perhaps in five or ten years our situation will improve, and we will be able to offer more assistance then. One major drawback of our country is its large population. So many people need food and clothing, which continues to pose considerable challenges. Nevertheless, these difficulties are surmountable, and we are taking steps to overcome them. Our economy and culture are quite similar to yours—both were built practically from scratch. You were a French colony, while we were colonized by several powers. Have you established diplomatic relations with France?

Keita: There remain some unresolved issues regarding the normalization of relations with France. After our independence, both sides exchanged representatives and held negotiations aimed at resolving these outstanding matters. However, to date, no agreement has been reached. We remain hopeful that a solution can be found.

Chairman: What is your relationship like with Algeria?

Keita: Very good.

Chairman: And with Mali?

Keita: Excellent.

Chairman: What about Somalia?

Keita: It is somewhat weaker. We do not yet have diplomatic relations, and our exchanges are limited.

Chairman: How about Ghana?

Keita: Good.

Chairman: And Morocco and Tunisia?

Keita: Relations with Morocco and Tunisia are also good, though somewhat different. Africa is divided into two distinct groups: the Casablanca Group and the Monrovia Group.

Chairman: The Monrovia Group?

Keita: The Casablanca Group comprises Algeria, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Liberia, and Morocco. The Monrovia Group consists of the former members of the Malagasy Union. The Casablanca Group is more progressive, whereas the Monrovia Group is less so and maintains closer ties with colonial forces.

Chairman: Was the Monrovia Group part of the French Community?

Keita: Yes. Our relations with the Casablanca Group are somewhat better. With certain countries in the Monrovia Group—such as Senegal, Liberia, and Côte d’Ivoire—the borders are contiguous, and the experiences and problems faced are quite similar. We believe that dividing Africa into these two groups does not serve the interests of the African peoples. Therefore, President Touré has undertaken diplomatic efforts toward all African nations, proposing the convening of an African Heads of State Conference, scheduled for May. The aim is to coordinate positions, seek common ground, and foster cooperation. As the Chairman has pointed out, progressive forces should support their neighboring peoples. Many African countries, however, remain tied to colonial powers and even to the European Common Market, rather than to their brotherly neighbors. We intend to discuss the issue of a common African market at this meeting, with the goal of developing our own economies and breaking free from colonial domination. The conference will be held in Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, in May. If President Touré’s initiative yields results, it could further strengthen relations among African states.

Chairman: African nations should unite, but there is also a larger unity to be sought—the unification of Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

Keita: We too recognize the importance of such a broader alliance. That is why African countries must first unite among themselves so that they can play an active role in the larger coalition. Many African nations are still suffering, particularly from the economic burdens of neocolonialism. Achieving this wider unity requires a joint struggle against imperialism and colonialism.

Chairman: How many people live in Guinea?

Keita: Guinea is a small country, with a population of about four million.

Chairman: What is its land area?

Keita: Twenty-five thousand square kilometers, averaging twelve to thirteen persons per square kilometer.

Chairman: That is a vast territory with great potential for development. Are there forests?

Keita: Yes, and especially promising are our mineral resources. We possess abundant deposits of iron ore, aluminum, and chromium. We are among the richest countries in Africa in terms of mineral wealth. We also have substantial hydropower potential, which can be harnessed to generate electricity for local processing of raw materials.

Chairman: I understand you are planning to build a large dam?

Keita: The French had already conceived this project during their colonial rule. They intended to construct a massive dam on the Konkouré River, capable of producing six billion kilowatt-hours of electricity annually, to power an aluminum smelter. To finance the undertaking, France organized an international consortium and secured funding from international banks. However, when Guinea gained independence in 1958, France deemed the project unsafe and abandoned it. Since then, the Guinean government has sought to proceed. The Soviet Union initially agreed, along with several Eastern European socialist countries, to assist Guinea in building the dam. But recently, Sino-Guinean political relations have become complicated, and it seems unlikely that such assistance will materialize.

Chairman: So the project has not yet begun?

Keita: Not yet. During President Touré’s visit to China, he passed through Moscow, where the Soviets gave preliminary approval for aid. Yet nothing has come of it to this day.

Chairman: I’ve heard there was a currency issue. Has that been resolved?

Keita: In 1960, we introduced the Guinean franc with the aim of withdrawing from the franc zone and establishing an independent monetary system. However,

Keita: The franc is not convertible into foreign currencies, in order to prevent colonialists from accumulating large amounts of Guinean currency and manipulating the exchange rate. Nevertheless, some neighboring countries have engaged in speculative trading using the Guinean franc. They bring vast quantities of it into Guinea, exchange it for U.S. dollars or British pounds, sell it below the official rate to depress its value, or import goods into Guinea in exchange for francs—all in order to profit from the currency. Consequently, the Guinean government decided last April to phase out the old currency and replace it with new notes. Old banknotes held abroad will be rendered invalid.

Chairman: Can you print your own currency?

Keita: No.

Chairman: Where is it printed then?

Keita: Initially in Czechoslovakia, and most recently in the United Kingdom. We are now working to acquire our own printing equipment to ensure a continuous supply of banknotes.

Chairman: Do Guinean women have the right to vote?

Kamara (head of the Guinean women’s delegation): Yes, both within the party and in the government.

Chairman: Are there female leaders in the party?

Kamara: Women hold leadership positions in the party’s street committees, village committees, and provincial committees. Two comrades, Ndiaye and Gounday, have even been awarded the Order of Independence.

Chairman: Your revolution is a mass movement, and your party is likewise rooted in the masses. By contrast, our own Party Central Committee includes far too few women. While there are female members, men significantly outnumber them, and the same holds true for local party committees. You are ahead of us in this regard.

Keita: Our representation is also limited. Among the seventeen members of the Political Bureau, only two are women, and there is just one female minister—the Honorable Kamara. We are still at an early stage. As Premier Zhou Enlai has noted, women suffer double oppression: from imperialism, colonialism, and feudalism, as well as from gender inequality. Opportunities for girls to receive an education have historically been scarce, and even after the revolution, patriarchal attitudes persist. Despite these challenges, women are actively fighting for their rights. Today, we already have female mayors and village chiefs.

Chairman: Take your time.

Keita: She (referring to Mrs. Kamara) wants to solve everything at once.

Kamara: He wants to hold her back. (Laughter throughout the room)

Chairman: Our situations are quite similar, and we share a close bond. That is why we can converse so freely without feeling that one side is oppressing the other or that either possesses some inherent superiority. We are both non-white peoples. Some try to demean us, claiming that we are inherently inferior—that we lack the capacity to govern, to develop industry, or to resolve basic problems like feeding our populations. They suggest that science and culture are beyond our reach and that our fate is predetermined: ten thousand years of imperialist oppression, incapable of managing a nation or advancing industrially. They fail to recognize that this state of affairs was imposed upon us—that low levels of economic and cultural development are the result of centuries of exploitation. For generations, it was Western powers that effectively governed our countries on our behalf. Of course, governance can be learned—but it takes time, years of study and practice. Yet you did not wait; you seized power immediately. We did the same. Once in power, we began to learn how to govern. Mistakes are bound to happen, but they can be corrected. Are we the only ones prone to error? Western countries have made far greater mistakes—counterrevolutionary errors. We, by contrast, have committed no such errors; we are revolutionaries. Without industry, we can gradually build it up. Without modern agriculture, we can progressively adopt modern farming techniques. Similarly, our scientific and cultural capabilities can improve year by year. For example, geologists—have you started training any yourself?

Keita: Previously, we relied entirely on foreign-trained geologists. Now, many Guinean students are studying abroad in this field.

Chairman: Our Nationalist Party, under Chiang Kai-shek, left behind only about two hundred geologists. Over the past thirteen years, however, we have trained tens of thousands—perhaps even twenty thousand. (Turning to Comrade Ke Qingshi: Are there geologists in every province?) Can they be developed. Is it only Western countries that can train geologists, while we cannot?

Keita: President Touré also believes that achieving independence begins with self-confidence. The same applies to governing a nation: one becomes a blacksmith only by striking the anvil, and one learns to govern only through practice. When Guinea gained independence in 1958, there were only thirty-two thousand students enrolled in schools. Today, that number has risen to one hundred and twenty thousand.

Chairman: That’s more than a threefold increase. Did you not have universities before?

Keita: No. Opportunities to attend university were extremely limited. If one wanted to pursue higher education, one had to go to Paris. At that time, the colonial authorities showed little interest in cultivating local cadres. There were only about two hundred university students. Now, however, we have fifteen thousand, spread across all provinces.

Chairman: That’s a significant proportion—fifteen thousand out of a population of four million.

Keita: Currently, a technical college is being established in Conakry to train specialists in geology, agriculture, and other technical fields. At the same time, we continue to send students abroad while striving to develop domestic educational institutions capable of meeting our specific national needs.

Chairman: What events are planned for you tonight? Ke Qingshi: We will host a banquet in your honor this evening.

Chairman: He (referring to Ke) is acting as host. Shall we conclude our meeting here?

Keita: We have nothing further to add. We have already spoken with numerous Chinese officials in Beijing. Now, once again, we wish to express to the Chairman that Guinea places great hopes on its friendship and cooperation with China and extends its deepest gratitude for all that China has done for Guinea. This round of talks has left a profound impression. The Chinese leadership has shown us great understanding, and our discussions have proceeded smoothly, yielding positive results. We reaffirm the strength of our bilateral relations and, on behalf of the Guinean government and people, offer our heartfelt thanks to the Chairman.

Chairman: We, too, thank you. This is mutual support. We apologize for not being able to fully meet all of your requests.

Keita: You have done everything within your power. As an African saying goes: the manner of providing aid is more important than the aid itself.

Chairman: Our relations are based on equality, friendliness, frankness, sincerity, and a commitment to truthfulness. Let us continue to maintain these ties. Have you visited China before?

Keita: Most of them are here for the first time. I accompanied President Touré on his visit in 1960, when we toured Beijing, Wuhan, Guangzhou, and Shanghai. The Chairman received us in Beijing. In Shanghai, Mayor Ke hosted a banquet, and we also visited the Shanghai Steam Turbine Plant. Vice Chairwoman Soong Ching-ling received us there as well.

Chairman: Upon your return, please convey my greetings to President Sékou Touré and to all the leaders of your central committee. Best wishes to them all.

Keita: Before we depart, we would like to wish the Chairman continued good health and further success in the cause of building socialism.