points.”
Japan’s Nobusuke Kishi and Hayato Ikeda121 were close friends of U.S. imperialism and Chiang Kai-shek’s clique. The Japanese people, however, are good friends with the Chinese people. We should broaden the scope of our unity to bring together more than ninety percent of the peoples of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the entire world—excluding imperialists and reactionary forces in all countries. We must actively carry out work among them, engaging with every country where such opportunities exist. I hope you will do the same as well. If there are 2.7 billion people in the world, then ten percent amounts to 270 million; the remaining 2.43 billion should all be united. You are fully aware of these facts—this is not to say that I am any wiser than you.
We need to do ideological work among the masses because not all two to four hundred million people are yet politically conscious. People’s consciousness develops gradually. For example, even in your country, the people’s awakening has been a process. Last year, the Japanese people launched a major upsurge in their struggle against U.S. imperialism and monopoly capital. This year, the movement has somewhat subsided, which is understandable and nothing to be pessimistic about. There are highs and lows, followed by new highs and further lows—progress proceeds in a wave-like manner. What may appear to be a low point is actually the酝酿 of a new high tide. Although the path of struggle is tortuous, the future of the Japanese people remains bright. The Chinese revolution too went through countless twists and turns—victories, defeats, renewed victories, renewed setbacks—yet ultimately the victory belonged to the people. The Japanese people, therefore, have every reason to be hopeful.
It is rather strange that at first the people had no weapons. The Chinese people were also unarmed at the beginning, but they eventually achieved victory. I myself was once a primary school teacher and knew nothing about the existence of the Communist Party or any intention of joining it. It was only under the oppressive conditions we faced that we were compelled to establish the Communist Party. In 1921, there were only a few dozen members, and when we held our First National Congress, there were just twelve delegates. Back then, everyone looked down upon us, dismissing the Communist Party as mere braggarts, and considering our claims
[I]
Nobusuke Kishi (1896–1987),
former president of Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party.
Served as Prime Minister of Japan from February 1957 to June 1960. During his tenure, he pursued policies hostile to China.
[2]
Hayato Ikeda
(1899–1965)',
served as president of Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party and Prime Minister from 1960 to 1964.

utterly groundless. Several of those twelve delegates later turned traitorous—for instance, Chen GongboPl and Zhou Fohail刻, who subsequently became collaborators with the Japanese invaders. Zhou Fohai had studied in Japan. Another defected to Trotskyism; this person now resides in Beijing and is named Liu Renjing131 . He once traveled to Turkey to meet TrotskyP, who had been expelled from the Soviet Union. There was also Zhang Guotao, who later became a renegade and currently lives in Hong Kong. Several others laid down their lives. Today, only Vice Chairman Dong Biwu, myself, and Li DaL坷 remain. In 1921, the number of party members was very small; the crucial question was whether we could unite the masses and whether we possessed a correct political line.
When you study the experience of the Chinese revolution, I would advise you to examine both its failures and its successes, so that comparisons can be made. Besides studying China’s correct political line, principles, policies, and military strategy, it is essential to analyze the “left” and “right” deviations that occurred during the revolution.
Among those present are historians, educators, and literary scholars—some of whom specialize in Chinese history. I hope you will delve into the tortuous course of Chinese history. We are grateful for your visit to China, as are all the Chinese people. I have nothing particularly to offer you, so I shall simply present you with one of my own calligraphic renditions of a poem by Lu Xun. Lu Xun was a great revolutionary fighter and leader of the literary front during China’s dark era. The poem is written in the classical style and consists of four lines: “Ten thousand faces blackened by soot, none dares sing aloud in sorrow. My heart stretches vast as heaven and earth; in utter silence, I hear the thunder.” This poem was composed by Lu Xun during the darkest hours before dawn in China, reflecting how, even under complete darkness, he could still perceive the light. As poetic translations can be challenging, perhaps Guo Moruo (IJ could assist with a rendering. That concludes our discussion for today. I extend my greetings to the Japanese people.
[ l]
Guo Moruo
(1892–1978), from Leshan, Sichuan.
At the time, he held positions such as Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, Vice Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, and President of the Chinese Academy of Sciences.

Archival photo
In 1961, Mao Zedong met with a delegation of Japanese civic educators and shook hands with its leader, Isamu Mishima. He also received a delegation from the China-Japan Friendship Association that same year.

Inscription for Japanese Friends Visiting China川
(October 7, 1961)
Ten thousand faces blackened by soot, none dares sing aloud in sorrow. My heart stretches vast as heaven and earth; in utter silence, I hear the thunder.
A poem by Lu Xun. Inscribed by Mao Zedong on October 7, 1961, as a gift to Japanese friends visiting China.
[I]
On October 7, 1961, a delegation from the China-Japan Friendship Association, led by Shouyu Nan, along with a separate delegation of civic educators headed by Isamu Mishima, arrived in China. Mao Zedong received both groups at Zhongnanhai and inscribed a message for them.