During the Korean War, those who supported China were arrested and received only a few months in prison. However, according to the government’s…
this case would warrant the death penalty.
Mao: What kind of case deserves the death penalty?
Xia: According to the provisions of this law, supporting… the death penalty,
4巳“treason” carries a life sentence, while engaging in sabotage results in seven years’ imprisonment. All of this is preparation for war; these people are certainly not considering general and complete disarmament. On the contrary, they are preparing for war. In the recent U.S. presidential election, both the Republican and Democratic parties advocated for military expansion and war preparations, competing to see who could better arm themselves for war. Therefore, the Soviet Communist Party’s views are entirely unrealistic dreams.
Xia: Some people harbor the illusion that the funds saved through disarmament could be used to aid underdeveloped countries, believing that imperialism might voluntarily disarm. However, imperialists themselves know very well that if they were to disarm, the working class would strike to seize power.
Mao: Exactly! If that were truly the case, wouldn’t it be an extraordinary event?
Xia: Let us examine the situation in Australia as well as the general conditions of capitalist society. In order to make profits, capitalists are expanding their armies and preparing for war. For example, in a small country like Australia, steel companies earned 20 million pounds last year, while the American-owned General Motors in Australia made 15 million pounds. At the same time, there is a chronic crisis in education, a shortage of hospitals, and roads in a terrible state. Moreover, despite frequent droughts, there are no plans for water storage. Capitalists do not invest in these areas because they are not profitable. Monopoly capital reaps huge profits, yet the social system regresses. Military buildup can bring enormous profits to the bourgeoisie, whereas education and other such endeavors yield meager returns. It is only natural that the bourgeoisie engages in the former rather than the latter.
Mao: This conforms to the laws of historical development and reflects the reality of all capitalist countries.
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Mao: The pledge of non-resistance to violence precisely caters to the needs of the bourgeoisie. The Labour Party opposes class struggle. A genuine communist party must be one that advocates class struggle.
_, U .
Xia: The very reason for the existence of a communist party is to carry out class struggle.
Mao: Otherwise, why wouldn’t the Communist Party simply join the Labour Party?
Di: Throughout our party’s history, right-leaning opportunist ideas have frequently surfaced within its ranks—individuals who sought to undermine the Communist Party. They wanted the Communist Party to merge with the Labour Party, turning it into an appendage or a driving force within that organization. Whenever critical historical junctures arrived, right-wing opportunism would inevitably emerge. Our party has long been at odds with the British Communist Party, first over the issue of peaceful transition and later regarding how to approach the Labour Party. The British Communist Party proposed forming a left-wing Labour government.
Of course, in their view, such a government would accommodate the Communist Party. However, we did not believe reformists would possess the magnanimity required to include the Communist Party. In 1947 and 1948, the British Communist Party disseminated materials in Australia promoting this idea, ultimately forcing our party to criticize them. Comrade Politt was quite angry with us, asking whether we dared to publicly rebuke them. We replied, “We do.” Thus, a public debate ensued. Our debate with the British Communist Party continued for over a decade, yet the differences remained unresolved. We hope that the rift between the Chinese and Soviet parties will not persist as long as that between our party and the British Communist Party. While the disagreement between our party and the British Communist Party had little significant impact, the one between China and the Soviet Union is bound to have far greater consequences; the two situations are not comparable.
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Mao: They can exert pressure on us, recall experts, impose economic blockades, and so forth. Cultural exchanges between China and the Soviet Union have already ceased, and the magazine “Sino-Soviet Friendship” has been discontinued. Whether trade between the two countries will continue remains uncertain; the volume of trade is certain to decline. The withdrawal of Soviet experts has created difficulties in completing factories that were being built according to their plans.
Xia: Khrushchev loudly protested against the United States imposing economic pressure on Cuba, yet he himself was exerting economic pressure on another socialist country—doing even worse than the Americans.

Comments on Tan Zhenlin’s [!] Report on the Agricultural Situation in the Five Provinces of Shanxi, Hebei, Shandong, Henan, and Liaoning
(September 26, 1960)